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THE ACTS AND MONUMENTS OF THE  
CHRISTIAN CHURCH  
by  
JOHN FOXE  
Commonly known as  
FOXE'S BOOK OF MARTYRS  
Volume 6  
The Reign Of King Henry VIII – Part I.  
Published by the Ex-classics Project, 2009  
http://www.exclassics.com  
Public Domain  
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VOLUME 6  
Portrait of Henry VIII.  
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FOXE'S BOOK OF MARTYRS  
CONTENTS  
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56. Introduction to the Reign of Henry VIII................................................................................. 5  
57. Dispute about the Immaculate Conception............................................................................. 7  
58. Londoners Forced to Recant, 1510-1527.............................................................................. 13  
59. William Smeeting and John Brewster................................................................................... 21  
60. Richard Hun.......................................................................................................................... 24  
61. London Martyrs, 1509-1518................................................................................................. 41  
62. Persecution in Lincoln .......................................................................................................... 51  
63. Scholars and Poets ................................................................................................................ 61  
THE EIGHTH BOOK, PERTAINING TO THE LAST THREE HUNDRED YEARS FROM  
THE LOOSING OUT OF SATAN. CONTINUING THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH MATTERS  
APPERTAINING TO BOTH STATES, AS WELL ECCLESIASTICAL, AS CIVIL AND  
TEMPORAL................................................................................................................................. 65  
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64. The History of Seven Godly Martyrs Burnt at Coventry...................................................... 66  
65. Patrick Hamilton................................................................................................................... 69  
66. Master Patrick's Places.......................................................................................................... 74  
67 Martyrs in Scotland and England, 1525-32. .......................................................................... 93  
68. Thomas Wolsey .................................................................................................................. 102  
69. The Sack of Rome............................................................................................................... 107  
70. Thomas Wolsey (Contd.).................................................................................................... 110  
71. Mummuth and Hitten.......................................................................................................... 127  
72. Thomas Bilney.................................................................................................................... 130  
73. Books Banned by the Papists.............................................................................................. 167  
74. Richard Bayfield, Martyr.................................................................................................... 174  
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75. John Tewkesbury, Leatherseller, of London, Martyr. ........................................................ 183  
76. John Randall and Edward Freese........................................................................................ 191  
77. James Bainham, Lawyer, and Martyr. ................................................................................ 194  
78. John Bent and Others.......................................................................................................... 203  
79. John Frith and Andrew Hewet............................................................................................ 205  
80. Thomas Benet ..................................................................................................................... 216  
81. Persons Abjured in London ................................................................................................ 224  
82. King Henry's Breach with Rome........................................................................................ 248  
83. Papal Documents Relating To King Henry's Divorce. ....................................................... 269  
84. Arguments against the Pope's Supremacy .......................................................................... 272  
85. Fools and Traitors who Clung to the Pope.......................................................................... 290  
86 William Tyndale .................................................................................................................. 299  
87. The Death of the Lady Katharine, Princess Dowager, and that of Queen Anne. ............... 319  
88. King Henry Refuses the Pope's Summons to Mantua ........................................................ 322  
89. Rebellions in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire .......................................................................... 328  
9. Edmund Bonner .................................................................................................................... 333  
91. Ecclesiastical Matters, A.D. 1538....................................................................................... 349  
92. Friar Forrest. ....................................................................................................................... 354  
93. John Lambert ...................................................................................................................... 355  
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56. Introduction to the Reign of Henry VIII.  
S touching the civil state and administration of the commonwealth,  
and likewise of the state of the church, under the reign of King Henry  
the Seventh, how he entered first in possession of the crown; how the  
two houses of York and Lancaster were in him conjoined, through  
marriage with Elizabeth the eldest daughter to King Edward the  
Fourth, by the prudent counsel of John Morton, then bishop of Ely,  
after archbishop of Canterbury, and cardinal; how long the said king  
reigned, and what persecution was in his time for lack of search and  
knowledge of God's word, both in the diocese of Lincoln under  
Bishop Smith, (who was erecter of the house of Brazen-nose in  
Oxford,) as also in the diocese of Coventry, and other places more; and further, what punishment  
and alteration God commonly sendeth upon cities and realms public for neglecting the safety of  
his flock; sufficiently in the former book hath been already specified; wherein many things more  
amply might have been added, incident in the reign of this prince, which we have for brevity  
pretermitted. For he that studieth to comprehend in story all things, which the common course  
and use of life may offer to the writer, may sooner find matter to occupy himself, than to profit  
other. Otherwise I might have inferred mention of the seditious tumult of Perkin Warbeck, with  
his retinue, A.D. 1494. Also of Blackheath field by the blacksmith, A.D. 1496. I might also have  
recited the glorious commendation of George Lily in his Latin Chronicle, testifying of King  
Henry the Seventh, how he sent three solemn orators to Pope Julius the Second to yield his  
obedience to the see of Rome, A.D. 1506. And likewise how Pope Alexander the Ninth, Pius the  
Third, and Julius the Second, sent to the said King Henry the Seventh, three sundry famous  
ambassadors with three swords, and three caps of maintenance, electing and admitting him to be  
the chief defender of the faith. The commendation of which fact, how glorious it is in the eyes of  
George Lily and Fabian, that I leave to them. This I suppose, that when King Henry sent to Pope  
Julius three orators with obedience, if he had sent him three thousand arquebusiers to furnish his  
field against the French king fighting at Ravenna, be had pleased Pope Julius much better. If  
George Lily had been disposed to illustrate his story with notes, this had been more worthy the  
noting, how Louis the Twelfth, French king, calling his parliament, moved this question against  
Pope Julius; Whether a pope might invade any prince by warlike force, without cause; and  
whether the prince might withdraw his obedience from that pope, or not? And it was concluded  
in the same parliament with the king, against the pope. Also it was concluded the same time,  
(which was in the reign of this King Henry the Seventh,) that the Pragmatical Sanction should be  
received in full force and effect, through all the realm of France.  
And forasmuch as we are fallen into the mention of George Lily, this in him is to be  
found not unworthy noting, how, after the burning of Thomas Norice, above mentioned, at the  
city of Norwich, the same year followed such a fire in Norwich, that the whole city, well near,  
was therewith consumed. Like as also after the burning of the aforesaid good father in  
Smithfield, the same year (which was 1500) we read in the chronicle of Fabian, a great plague to  
fall upon the city of London, to the great destruction of the inhabitants thereof. Where again is to  
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be noted, (as is aforesaid,) that according to the state of the church, the disposition of the  
commonwealth commonly is guided, either to be with adversity afflicted, or else in prosperity to  
flourish. But after these notes of King Henry the Seventh, now to the story of King Henry the  
Eighth.  
This King Henry the Seventh finishing his course in the year abovesaid, which was 1509,  
had by Elizabeth his wife abovenamed, four men children, and of women children as many. Of  
whom three only survived; to wit, Prince Henry, Lady Margaret, and Lady Mary. Of whom King  
Henry the Eighth after his father succeeded. Lady Margaret was married to James the Fourth,  
king of Scots. Lady Mary was affianced to Charles, king of Castile.  
Not long before the death of King Henry, Prince Arthur, his eldest son, had espoused  
Lady Katharine, daughter to Ferdinand, being of the age of fifteen years, and she about the age of  
seventeen; and shortly after his marriage, within five months, departed at Ludlow, and was  
buried at Worcester. After whose decease the succession of the crown fell next to King Henry  
the Eighth, being of the age of eighteen years, entered his reign the year of our Lord 1509, and  
shortly after married with the aforesaid Katharine, his late brother Prince Arthur's wife, to the  
end that her dowry, being great, should not be transported out of the land. In the which his  
marriage, being more politic than Scripture-like, he was dispensed with by Pope Julius, at the  
request of Ferdinand her father. The reign of this king continued with great nobleness and fame  
the space of thirty-eight years. During whose time and reign, great alteration of things, as well to  
the civil state of the realm, as especially to the state ecclesiastical, and matters of the church  
appertaining. For by him was exiled and abolished out of the realm, the usurped power of the  
bishop of Rome, idolatry and superstition somewhat repressed, images and pilgrimages defaced,  
abbeys and monasteries pulled down, sects of religion rooted out, Scriptures reduced to the  
knowledge of the vulgar tongue, and the state of the church and religion redressed. Concerning  
all which things, in the process of these volumes here following, we will endeavour (Christ  
willing) particularly and in order to discourse; after that first we shall comprehend a few matters,  
which within the beginning of his reign are to he noted and collected. Where, leaving off to write  
of Empson and Dudley, who in the time of King Henry the Seventh, being great doers in  
executing the penal laws over the people at that time, and purchasing thereby more malice than  
lands, with that which they had gotten, were shortly after the entering of this king beheaded, the  
one a knight, the other an esquire; leaving also to intermeddle with his wars, triumphs, and other  
temporal affairs, we mean in these volumes principally to bestow our travail in declaration of  
matters concerning most chiefly the state of the church and of religion, as well in this Church of  
England, as also of the whole Church of Rome.  
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57. Dispute about the Immaculate Conception.  
Wherein first cometh to our hands a turbulent tragedy, and a fierce contention, which  
long before had troubled the church, and now this present year, 1509, was renewed afresh  
between two certain orders of Begging Friars, to wit, the Dominic Friars and the Franciscans,  
about the conception of the Virgin Mary, the mother of Christ.  
The Franciscans were they which did hold of St. Francis, and followed the rule of his  
testament, commonly called Grey Friars, or Minorites. Their opinion was this; that the Virgin  
Mary, prevented by the grace of the Holy Ghost, was so sanctified, that she was never subject  
one moment in her conception to original sin. The Dominic Friars were they which, holding of  
Dominic, were commonly called Black Friars, or Preaching Friars. Their opinion was, that the  
Virgin Mary was conceived as all other children of Adam be; so that this privilege only  
belongeth to Christ, to be conceived without original sin: notwithstanding, the said blessed  
Virgin was sanctified in her mother's womb, and purged from her original sin, so as was John  
Baptist, Jeremiah, or any other privileged person. This frivolous question kindling and gendering  
between these two sects of friars, burst out in such a flame of parts and sides-taking, that it  
occupied the heads and wits, schools and universities, almost through the whole church, some  
holding one part with Scotus, some the other part with Thomas Aquinas. The Minorites, holding  
with Scotus their master, disputed and concluded, that she was conceived without all spot or note  
of original sin, and thereupon caused the feast and service of the Conception of St. Mary the  
Virgin to be celebrated and solemnized in the church. Contrary, the Dominic Friars, taking side  
with Aquinas, preached that it was heresy to affirm that the blessed Virgin was conceived  
without the guilt of original sin; and that they which did celebrate the feast of her Conception, or  
said any masses thereof, did sin grievously and mortally.  
In the mean time, as this fantasy waxed hot in the church, the one side preaching against  
the other, came Pope Sixtus the Fourth, A.D. 1476, who, joining side with the Minorites, or  
Franciscans, first sent forth his decree by authority apostolic, willing, ordaining, and  
commanding all men to solemnize this new-found feast of the Conception in holy church for  
evermore; offering to all men and women, which, devoutly frequenting the church, would hear  
mass and service from the first even-song of the said feast, to the octaves of the same, as many  
days of pardon, as Pope Urban the Fourth, and Pope Martin the Fifth, did grant for hearing the  
service of Corpus Christi day, &c. And this decree was given and dated at Rome, A.D. 1476.  
Moreover, the same pope, to the intent that the devotion of the people might be the more  
encouraged to the celebration of this conception, added a clause more to the Ave Maria, granting  
great indulgence and release of sins to all such as would invocate the blessed Virgin with the  
same addition, saying thus; "Hail Mary! full of grace, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou  
among women, and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus Christ; and blessed is Anna thy  
mother, of whom thy virgin's flesh hath proceeded without blot of original sin. Amen."  
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Wherein thou mayest note, gentle reader, for thy learning three things: First, how the  
pope turneth that improperly into a prayer, which properly was sent of God for a message or  
tidings. Secondly, how the pope addeth to the words of the Scripture, contrary to the express  
precept of the Lord. Thirdly, how the pope exempteth Mary, the blessed Virgin, not only from  
the seed of Abraham and Adam, but also from the condition of a mortal creature. For if there be  
in her no original sin, then she beareth not the image of Adam, neither doth she descend of that  
seed, of whose seed evil proceedeth upon all men and women to condemnation, as St. Paul doth  
teach, Rom. v. Wherefore, if she descend of that seed, then the infection of original evil must  
necessarily proceed unto her. If she descend not thereof, then cometh she not of the seed of  
Abraham, nor of the seed of David, &c. Again, seeing that death is the effect and stipend of sin,  
by the doctrine of St. Paul, Rom. vi., then had her flesh injury by the law (as Christ himself had)  
to suffer the malediction and punishment of death, and so should never have died, if original sin  
had no place in her, &c. But to return unto our story: This constitution of the pope being set forth  
for the conception of the blessed Virgin, which was A.D. 1476, it was not long after, but the said  
Pope Sixtus, perceiving that the Dominic Friars with their accomplices would not conform  
themselves hereunto, directed forth by the authority apostolic a bull in effect as followeth:  
"Whereas the holy Church of Rome hath ordained a special and proper service for the  
public solemnizing of the feast of the Conception of the blessed Virgin Mary; certain orders of  
the Black Friars in their public sermons to the people in divers places, have not ceased hitherto to  
preach, and yet daily do, that all they which hold or affirm the said glorious Virgin to have been  
conceived without original sin, be heretics; and they which celebrate the service of the said her  
conception, or do hear the sermons of them which do so affirm, do sin grievously; also not  
contented herewith, do write and set forth books moreover, maintaining their assertions, to the  
great offence and ruin of godly minds. We, therefore, to prevent and withstand such  
presumptuous and perverse assertions, which have risen, and more hereafter may arise, by such  
opinions and preachings aforesaid, in the minds of the faithful; by the authority apostolical, do  
condemn and reprove the same, and by the motion, knowledge, and authority aforesaid, decree  
and ordain, that the preachers of God's word, and all other persons, of what state, degree, order,  
or condition soever they be, which shall presume to dare affirm or preach to the people these  
aforesaid opinions and assertions to be true, or shall read, hold, or maintain any such books for  
true, having before intelligence hereof, shall incur thereby the sentence of excommunication;  
from which they shall not be absolved otherwise than by the bishop of Rome, except only in the  
time of death."  
This bull, being dated A.D. 1483, gave no little heart and encouragement to the Grey  
Friars Franciscans, which defended the pure conception of the holy Virgin against the Black  
Dominic Friars, with their confederates, holding the contrary side. By the vigour of which bull,  
the Grey order had got such a conquest of the black guard of the Dominics, that the said  
Dominics were compelled at length, for a perpetual memorial of the triumph, both to give to the  
glorious Virgin, every night, an anthem in praise of her conception, and also to subscribe unto  
their doctrine; in which doctrine these, with divers other points, be contained:  
"1. That blessed Mary the Virgin suffered the griefs and adversities in this life, not for  
any necessity inflicted for punishment of original sin, but only because she would conform  
herself to the imitation of Christ.  
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"2. That the said Virgin, as she was not obliged to any punishment due for sin, as neither  
was Christ her Son, so she had no need of remission of sins; but instead thereof, had the Divine  
preservation of God's help, keeping her from all sin; which grace only she needed, and also had  
it.  
"3. Item, That where the body of the Virgin Mary was subject to death, and died; this is to  
be understood to come, not for any penalty due for sin, but either for imitation and conformity  
unto Christ, or else for the natural constitution of her body being elemental, as were the bodies of  
our first parents; who, if they had not tasted of the forbidden fruit, should have been preserved  
from death, not by nature, but by grace and strength of other fruits and meats in Paradise; which  
meats, because Mary had not, but did eat our common meats, therefore she died, and not for any  
necessity of original sin.  
"4. The universal proposition of St. Paul, which saith, that the Scripture hath concluded  
all men under sin, is to be understood thus, as speaking of all them which be not exempted by the  
special privilege of God, as is the blessed Virgin Mary.  
"5. If justification be taken for reconciliation of him that was unrighteous before, and  
now is made righteous; then the blessed Virgin is to be taken, not for justified by Christ, but just  
from her beginning, by preservation.  
"6. If a Saviour be taken for him which saveth men fallen into perdition and  
condemnation, so is not Christ the Saviour of Mary, but is her Saviour only in this respect, for  
sustaining her from not falling into condemnation, &c.  
"7. Neither did the Virgin Mary give thanks to God, nor ought so to do, for expiation of  
her sins, but for her conservation from case of sinning.  
"8. Neither did she pray to God at any time for remission of her sins, but only for  
remission of other men's sins she prayed many times, and counted their sins for hers.  
"9. If the blessed Virgin had deceased before the passion of her Son, God would have  
reposed her soul not in the place among the patriarchs, or among the just, but in the same most  
pleasant place of Paradise, where Adam and Eve were before they transgressed."  
These were the doting dreams and fantasies of the Franciscans, and of other papists,  
commonly then holden in the schools, written in their books, preached in their sermons, taught in  
churches, and set forth in pictures. So that the people were taught nothing else almost in the  
pulpits all this while, but how the Virgin Mary was conceived immaculate and holy, without  
original sin, and how they ought to call to her for help, whom they with special terms do call,  
"the way of mercy, the mother of grace, the lover of piety, the comforter of mankind, the  
continual intercessor for the salvation of the faithful, and an advocate to the King, her Son,  
which never ceaseth," &c. And although the greatest number of the school doctors were of the  
contrary faction, as Peter Lombard, Thomas Aquinas, Bernard, Bonaventure, and other, yet these  
new papists shifted off their objections with frivolous distinctions and blind evasions, as thus:  
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"Peter Lombard," they said, "is not received nor holden in the schools, as touching this article,  
but is rejected."  
Bernard, although he seemeth to deny the conception of the blessed Virgin to be void of  
original sin, saying that she could not be holy when she was not, and lived not; to this they  
answer, "That albeit she was not yet in essence, yet she was holy in her conception, and before  
conception in the Divine prescience of God, which had chosen and pre-elected her before the  
worlds, to be the mother of the Lord."  
Again, where Bernard doth argue, that she was not without original sin conceived,  
because she was not conceived by the Holy Ghost, to this they answer, "That the Holy Ghost  
may work two ways in conception; either without company of man, and so was Christ only  
conceived; or else with company and help of man, and thus was the blessed Virgin conceived."  
"
Bonaventure," say they, "was a holy father, but he spake then after the custom and  
manner of his time, when the solemnity and purity of this conception was not yet decreed nor  
received by the public consent and authority of the church; now seeing the authority of the  
Church of Rome hath established the same, it ought not to be contraried, nor can, without  
dangerous disobedience. In all men's actions, diligent respect of time must be had. That which  
bindeth not at one time, afterward the same by law being ratified, may bind at another."  
Finally, for the number and multitude on the contrary side, thus they answer for  
themselves, as we now in these our days likewise in defence of the truth may well answer against  
the pope, and all his popish friars, turning their own weapons against themselves: "Multitude,"  
say they, "ought not to move us. Victory consisteth not in number and heaps, but in fortitude and  
hearts of soldiers; yea, rather fortitude and stomach cometh from heaven, and not of man. Judas  
Maccabeus with a little handful overthrew the great army of Antioch. Strong Samson with a poor  
ass's bone slew a thousand Philistines. David had no more but a silly sling, and a few stones, and  
with these struck down terrible Goliath the giant," &c.  
With these and such other like reasons the Grey Franciscans avoided their adversaries,  
defending the conception of the Virgin Mary to be unblemished, and pure from all contagion of  
original sin. Contrariwise, the black guard of the Dominic Friars, for their parts were not all  
mute, but laid lustily from them again, having great authorities, and also the Scripture on their  
side. But yet the other having the see apostolical with them, had the better hand, and in fine, gat  
the victory triumphantly over the other, to the high exaltation of their order. For Pope Sixtus, (as  
I said,) by the authority apostolical, after he had decreed the conception day of the Virgin  
perpetually to be sanctified, and also with his terrible bull had condemned for heretics all them  
which withstood the same; the Dominic Friars, with authority oppressed, were driven to two  
inconveniences; the one was, to keep silence; the other was, to give place to their adversaries the  
Franciscans. Albeit, where the mouth durst not speak, yet the heart would work; and though the  
tongue were tied, yet their good will was ready by all means possible to maintain their quarrel  
and their estimation.  
Whereupon it happened the same year of our Lord, 1509, after this dissension between  
the Dominic Friars and the Franciscans, that certain of the Dominics thinking by subtle sleight to  
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work in the people's heads that which they durst not achieve with open preaching, devised a  
certain image of the Virgin, so artificially wrought, that the friars by privy gins made it to stir,  
and to make gestures, to lament, to complain, to weep, to groan, and to give answers to them that  
asked; insomuch that the people therewith were brought in a marvellous persuasion, till at length  
the fraud being espied, the friars were taken, condemned, and burned at Berne, the year above  
mentioned.  
In the story of John Stumsius, this story aforesaid doth partly appear; but in the registers  
and records of the city of Berne, the order and circumstance thereof is more fully expressed and  
set forth both in metre and prose, and is thus declared:  
In the city of Berne there were certain Dominic Friars, to the number chiefly of four  
principal doers and chieftains of that order, who had inveigled a certain simple, poor friar, who  
had newly planted himself in the cloister: whom the aforesaid friars had so infatuated with  
sundry superstitions, and feigned apparitions of St. Mary, St. Barbara, and St. Katharine, and  
with their enchantments, and imprinting moreover in him the wounds of St. Francis, that he  
believed plainly, that the Virgin Mary had appeared to him, and had offered to him a red host  
consecrated, with the blood also of Christ miraculous; which blessed Virgin also had sent him to  
the senators of Berne, with instructions, declaring unto them, from the mouth of the Virgin, that  
she was conceived in sin, and that the Franciscan Friars were not to be credited nor suffered in  
the city, which were not yet reformed from that erroneous opinion of her conception. He added  
moreover, that they should resort to a certain image there of the Virgin Mary, (which image the  
friars by engines had made to sweat,) and should do their worship, and make their oblations to  
the same, &c.  
This feigned device was not so soon forged by the friars, but it was as soon believed of  
the people; so that a great while the red-coloured host was taken undoubtedly for the true body  
and blood of Christ, and certain coloured drops thereof sent abroad to divers noble personages  
and states for a great relic, and that not without great recompence. Thus the deceived people in  
great number came flocking to the image, and to the red host, and coloured blood, with manifold  
gifts and oblations. In brief, the Dominic Friars so had wrought the matter, and had so swept all  
the fat to their own beards, from the order of the Franciscans, that all the alms came to their box.  
The Franciscans seeing their estimation to decay, and their kitchen to wax cold, and their  
paunches to be pinched, not able to abide that contumely, and being not ignorant or unacquainted  
with such counterfeited doings, for as the proverb saith, "It is ill halting before a cripple,"  
eftsoons espied their crafty juggling, and detected their fraudulent miracles. Whereupon the four  
chief captains abovenamed were apprehended, and put to the fire, of whom the provincial of that  
order was one.  
And thus much touching the beginning and end of this tumultuous and popish tragedy;  
wherein evidently it may appear to the reader, how neither these turbulent friars could agree  
among themselves, and yet in what frivolous trifles they wrangled together. But to let these  
ridiculous friars pass, with their trifling fantasies, most worthy to be derided of all wise men; in  
the mean time this is to be lamented, to behold the miserable times of the church, in which the  
devil kept the minds of Christ's people so attentive and occupied in such friarly toys, that nothing  
else almost was taught or heard in the church, but only the commendation and exaltation of the  
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Virgin Mary. But of our justification by faith, of grace and the promises of God in Christ, of the  
strength of the law, of the horror of sin, of difference between the law and the gospel, of the true  
liberty of conscience, &c., no mention or very little was heard. Wherefore in this so blind time of  
darkness, it was much needful and requisite, that the Lord of his mercy should look upon his  
church, and send down his gracious reformation; which also he did. For shortly upon the same,  
through the gracious excitation of God, came Martin Luther; of whom the order of story now  
requireth that we should and will treat, (Christ willing,) after the story of Richard Hunne, and a  
few other things premised, for the better opening of the story to follow.  
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58. Londoners Forced to Recant, 1510-1527  
Mention was made sufficiently before of the doings of Pope Julius, and of his warlike  
affairs, for the which he was condemned, and not unjustly, in the council of Tours in France,  
A.D. 1510, and yet all this could not assuage the furious affection of this pope, but the same year  
he invaded the city of Modena and Mirandola in Italy, and took them by force of war. Which  
Pope Julius not long after, in the year of our Lord 1512, refusing peace offered by Maximilian  
the emperor, was encountered by Louis the French king, about Ravenna, upon Easter day; where  
he was vanquished, and had of his army slain to the number of sixteen thousand. And the year  
next following, A.D. 1513, this apostolical warrior, which had resigned his keys unto the river of  
Tiber before, made an end together both of his fighting and living, after he had reigned and  
fought ten years. After whom succeeded next in the see of Rome Pope Leo the Tenth, about the  
compass of which time great mutations and stirs began to work, as well in states temporal, as  
especially in the state of the church.  
Pope Leo the Tenth, in Rome, A.D. 1513, reigned nine years.  
Charles the Fifth, emperor in Germany, A.D. 1519, reigned thirty-nine years.  
Francis, king of France, A.D. 1515, reigned thirty-two years.  
Henry the Eighth, king of England, A.D. 1509, reigned thirty-eight years.  
James the Fifth, king of Scotland, A.D. 1514, reigned twenty-nine years.  
In the time of which pope, emperor, and kings of England and of France, great  
alterations, troubles, and turns of religion were wrought in the church, by the mighty operation of  
God's hand, in Italy, France, Germany, England, and all Europe, such as have not been seen,  
although much groaned for, many hundred years before; as in further discourse of this history  
(Christ willing) shall more manifestly appear.  
But before we come to these alterations, taking the time as it lieth before us, we will first  
speak of Richard Hun, and certain other godly-minded persons here in England, afflicted for the  
word of Christ's gospel in great multitude, as they be found and taken out of the registers of  
Fitzjames, bishop of London, by the faithful help and industry of R. Carket, citizen of London.  
The history of divers good men and women, persecuted for religion in the city and diocese of the  
bishop of London, briefly extracted out of the registers of Richard Fitzjames.  
Amongst and beside the great number of the faithful martyrs and professors of Christ,  
that constantly in the strength of the Holy Ghost gave their lives for the testimony of his truth, I  
find recorded in the register of London, between the years of our Lord 1509 and 1527, the names  
of divers other persons both men and women; who, in the fulness of that dark and misty time of  
ignorance, had also some portion of God's good Spirit, which induced them to the knowledge of  
his truth and gospel, and were diversly troubled, persecuted, and imprisoned for the same;  
notwithstanding, by the proud, cruel, and bloody rage of the catholic seat, and through the  
weakness and frailty of their own nature, (not then fully strengthened in God,) it was again in  
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them, for the time, suppressed and kept under, as appeareth by their several abjurations made  
before Richard Fitzjames, then bishop of London, (in his time a most cruel persecutor of Christ's  
church,) or else before his vicar-general deputed for the same. And forasmuch as many of the  
adversaries of God's truth have of late days disdainfully and braggingly cried out, and made  
demands in their public assemblies, and yet do, asking where this our church and religion was  
within these fifty or sixty years, I have thought it not altogether vain, somewhat to stop such  
lying crakers, both by mentioning their names, and likewise opening some of the chief and  
principal matters, for which they were so unmercifully afflicted and molested, thereby to give to  
understand, as well the continuance and consent of the true church of Christ in that age, touching  
the chief points of our faith, though not in like perfection of knowledge and constancy in all; as  
also by the way, something to touch what fond and frivolous matters the ignorant prelates  
shamed not in that time of blindness to object against the poor and simple people, accounting  
them as heinous andgreat offences, yea, such as deserved death of both body and soul. But lest I  
should seem too prolix and tedious herein, I will now briefly proceed with the story, and first  
begin with their names, which are these:  
A.D. 1510.  
Joan Baker.  
William Pottier.  
John Forge.  
Thomas Goodred  
Thomas Walker, alias Talbot  
Thomas Forge.  
Alice Forge.  
John Forge, their son.  
William Couper.  
John Calverton.  
John Woodrofe.  
A.D. 1511.  
Richard Woolman.  
Roger Hilliar.  
Alice Couper.  
Thomas Austy.  
Joan Austy.  
Thomas Graunt.  
John Garter.  
Christopher Ravins.  
Dionyse Ravins  
Thomas Vincent  
Lewis John.  
Joan John.  
A.D. 1512.  
John Webb, alias Baker.  
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A.D. 1517.  
John Houshold.  
Robert Rascal.  
A.D. 1518.  
Elizabeth Stanford.  
George Browne.  
John Wikes.  
John Southake.  
Richard Butler.  
John Samme.  
A.D. 1521.  
William King.  
Robert Durdant.  
Henry Woolman.  
Edmund Spilman.  
A.D. 1523.  
John Higges, alias Noke, alias Johnson.  
A.D. 1526.  
Henry Chambers.  
John Higgins.  
A.D. 1527.  
Thomas Egleston.  
The particular examination of all these here abovenamed, here followeth.  
To these were divers and sundry particular articles, (besides the common and general sort  
accustomably used in such cases,) privately objected, even such as they were then accused of,  
either by their curate, or other their neighbours. And because I think it somewhat superfluous to  
make any large recital of all and every part of their several process, I mind, therefore, briefly  
only to touch so many of their articles as may be sufficient to induce the Christian reader to  
judge the sooner of the rest, being (I assure you) of no greater importance than these that follow:  
except that sometime they were charged most slanderously with horrible and blasphemous lies  
against the majesty and truth of God, which, as they utterly denied, so do I now for this present  
keep secret in silence, as well for brevity's sake, as also somewhat to colour and hide the  
shameless practices of that lying generation. But to our purpose.  
The chiefest objection against Joan Baker was, that she would not only herself not  
reverence the crucifix, but had also persuaded a friend of hers lying at the point of death, not to  
put any trust or confidence in the crucifix, but in God which is in heaven, who only worketh all  
the miracles that be done, and not the dead images, that be but stocks and stones: and therefore  
she was sorry that ever she had gone so often on pilgrimage to St. Saviour and other idols. Also,  
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that she did hold opinion, that the pope had no power to give pardons, and that the Lady Young  
(who was not long before that time burned) died a true martyr of God; and therefore she wished  
of God, that she herself might do no worse than the said Lady Young had done.  
Unto William Pottier, besides divers other false and slanderous articles, (as that he should  
deny the benefit and effect of Christ's passion,) it was also alleged that he should affirm, that  
there were six Gods. The first three was the holy Trinity, the Father, the Son, and the Holy  
Ghost. The fourth was a priest's concubine being kept in his chamber. The fifth was the devil.  
And the sixth, that thing that a man setteth his mind most upon.  
"The first part of this article he utterly denied, confessing most firmly and truly the  
blessed Trinity to be only one God in one unity of Deity: as to the other three be answered, that a  
priest delighting in his concubine, made her as his god. Likewise a wicked person persisting in  
his sin without repentance, made the devil his god. And lastly he granted, that he once hearing of  
certain men, which by the singing and chattering of birds would seek to know what things were  
to come, either to themselves or others, said that those men esteemed their birds as gods: and  
otherwise he spake not."  
Amongst the manifold and several articles objected against Thomas Goodred, Thomas  
Walker, Thomas Forge, Alice Forge his wife, John Forge their son, John Calverton, John  
Woodrofe, Richard Woolman, and Roger Hilliar, (as that they should speak against pilgrimages,  
praying unto saints, and such like,) this principally was propounded, that they all denied the  
carnal and corporal presence of Christ's body and blood in the sacrament of the altar; and further,  
had concealed and consented unto their teachers and instructors of that doctrine, and had not,  
according unto the laws of the church, accused and presented them unto the bishop or his  
ordinary. Also great and heinous displeasure was conceived against Richard Woolman, for that  
he termed the church of Paul's, a house of thieves; affirming that the priests and other  
ecclesiastical persons there, were not liberal givers unto the poor, (as they ought,) but rather  
takers away from them, what they could get.  
Likewise as Thomas Austy, Joan Austy his wife, Thomas Graunt, John Garters,  
Christopher Ravins, Dionyse Ravins his sister, Thomas Vincent, Lewis John, Joan John his wife,  
and John Webb, were of one fellowship and profession of faith with divers of the last before  
recited; so were they also almost apprehended about one time, and chiefly burdened with one  
opinion of the sacrament. Which declareth evidently, that notwithstanding the dark ignorance of  
those corrupted times, yet God did ever in mercy open the eyes of some, to behold the manifest  
truth, even in those things whereof the papists make now greatest vaunt and brag of longest  
continuance. Furthermore, many of them were charged to have spoken against pilgrimages, and  
to have read and used certain English books, impugning the faith of the Romish Church; as the  
Four Evangelists, Wickliff's Wicket, a book of the Ten Commandments of Almighty God, the  
Revelation of St. John, the Epistles of Paul and James, with other like, which those holy ones  
could never abide; and good cause why: for as darkness could never agree with light, no more  
can ignorance, the maintainer of that kingdom, with the true knowledge of Christ and his gospel.  
It was further particularly objected against Joan John, the wife of Lewis John, that  
(besides the premises) she learned and maintained that God commanded no holy-days to be kept,  
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but only the sabbath day; and therefore she would keep none but it, nor no fasting days;  
affirming, that to fast from sin was the true fast. Moreover, that she had despised the pope, his  
pardons, and pilgrimages; insomuch that when any poor body asked his alms of her in the  
worship of the Lady of Walsingham, she would straight answer in contempt of the pilgrimage,  
The Lady of Walsingham help thee. And if she gave any thing unto him, she would then say,  
Take this in the worship of our Lady in heaven, and let the other go. Which declareth for lack of  
better instruction and knowledge, she yet ignorantly attributed too much honour to the true saints  
of God departed; though otherwise she did abhor the idolatrous worshipping of the dead images.  
By which example, as also by many others, (for shortness sake, at this present omitted,) I have  
just occasion to condemn the wilful subtlety of those, that in this bright shining light of God's  
truth would yet, under colour of godly remembrance, still maintain the having of images in the  
church, craftily excusing their idolatrous kneeling and praying unto them, by affirming, that they  
never worshipped the dead images, but the things that the images did represent. But if that were  
their only doctrine and cause of having of them, why then would their predecessors so cruelly  
compel these poor simple people, thus openly in their recantations, to abjure and revoke their  
speaking against the gross adoration of the outward images only, and not against the thing  
represented? Which many of them, (as appeareth partly by this example,) in their ignorant  
simplicity, confessed might be worshipped. Howbeit, God be thanked, (who ever in his mercy  
continue it,) their colourable and hypocritical excuses cannot now take such place in the hearts of  
the elect of God, as they have done heretofore, especially seeing the word of God doth so  
manifestly forbid as well the worshipping of them, as also the making or having of them, for  
order of religion.  
It was alleged against William Cowper and Alice Cowper his wife, that they had spoken  
against pilgrimages, and worshipping of images; but chiefly the woman, who having her child on  
a time hurt by falling into a pit or ditch, and earnestly persuaded by some of her ignorant  
neighbours, to go on pilgrimage to St. Laurence for help for her child, said, that neither St.  
Laurence nor any other saint could help her child, and therefore none ought to go on pilgrimage  
to any image made with man's hand, but only unto Almighty God; for pilgrimages were nothing  
worth, saving to make the priests rich.  
Unto John Houshold, Robert Rascal, and Elizabeth Stamford, as well the article against  
the sacrament of the altar was objected, as also that they had spoken against praying to saints,  
and had despised the authority of the bishop of Rome, and others of his clergy. But especially  
John Houshold was charged to have called them antichrists and fornicators, and the pope himself  
a strong strumpet, and a common scandal unto the world, who with his pardons had drowned in  
blindness all Christian realms, and that for money.  
Also among divers other ordinary articles propounded against George Brown, these were  
counted very heinous and heretical: First, that he had said, that he knew no cause why the cross  
should be worshipped, seeing that the same was a hurt and pain unto our Saviour Christ in the  
time of his passion, and not any ease or pleasure; alleging for example, that if he had had a friend  
hanged or drowned, he would ever after have loved that gallows, or water, by the which his  
friend died, rather worse for that than better. Another objection was, that he had erroneously,  
obstinately, and maliciously said, for so are their words, that the church was too rich. This  
matter, I may tell you, touched somewhat the quick, and therefore no marvel though they  
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counted it erroneous and malicious; for take away their gain, and farewell their religion. They  
also charged him to have refused holy water to be cast about his chamber, and likewise to have  
spoken against priests, with other vain matters.  
The greatest matter wherewith they burdened John Wikes, was, that he had often and of  
long time kept company with divers persons suspected of heresies, as they termed them, and had  
received them into his house, and there did suffer and hear them, sundry times, read erroneous  
and heretical books, contrary to the faith of the Romish Church, and did also himself consent  
unto their doctrine; and had many times secretly conveyed them from the taking of such as were  
appointed to apprehend them.  
Like as the greatest number of those before mentioned, so were also John Southake,  
Richard Butler, John Sam, William King; Robert Durdant, and Henry Woolman, especially  
charged with speaking words against the real presence of Christ's body in the sacrament of the  
altar, and also against images, and the rest of the seven sacraments. Howbeit, they burdened the  
last five persons with the reading of certain English heretical books, accounting most  
blasphemously the Gospel of Jesus Christ, written by the four evangelists, to be of that number,  
as appeareth evidently by the eighth article objected by Thomas Bennet, doctor of law,  
chancellor and vicar general, unto Richard Fitzjames, then bishop of London, against the said  
Richard Butler. The very words of which article, for a more declaration of truth, I have thought  
good here to insert; which are these: "Also we object to you, that divers times, and especially  
upon a certain night, about the space of three years last past, in Robert Durdant's house of Iver  
Court near unto Stanes, you erroneously and damnably read in a great book of heresy of the said  
Robert Durdant's, all that same night, certain chapters of the evangelists in English, containing in  
them divers erroneous and damnable opinions and conclusions of heresy, in the presence of the  
said Robert Durdant, John Butler, Robert Carder, Jenkin Butler, William King, and divers other  
suspect persons of heresy then being present, and hearing your said erroneous lectures and  
opinions." To the same effect and purpose tended the tenor of some of the articles propounded  
against the other four. Whereby, as also by others like before specified, we may easily judge  
what reverence they, which yet will be counted the true and only church of Christ, did bear to the  
word and Gospel of Christ, who shamed not to blaspheme the same with most horrible titles of  
erroneous and damnable opinions, and conclusions of heresy. But why should we marvel thereat,  
seeing the Holy Ghost in sundry places of the Scripture doth declare, that in the latter days there  
should come such proud and cursed speakers, which shall speak lies through hypocrisy, and have  
their consciences marked with a hot iron? Let us therefore now thank our heavenly Father for  
revealing them unto us; and let us also pray him, that of his free mercies in his Son Christ Jesus,  
he would, if it be to his glory, either turn and mollify all such hearts, or else, for the peace and  
quietness of his church, he would in his righteous judgment take them from us.  
About this time Richard Fitzjames ended his life. After whose death, Cutbert Tunstall  
(afterwards bishop of Durham) succeeded in the see and bishopric of London; who soon upon his  
first entry into the room, minding to follow rightly the footsteps of his predecessor, caused  
Edmund Spilman, priest, Henry Chambers, John Higgins, and Thomas Eglestone, to be  
apprehended, and so to be examined upon sundry like articles, as before are expressed; and in the  
end, either for fear of his cruelty, and his rigour of death, or else through hope of his flattering  
promises, (such was their weakness,) he compelled them to abjure and renounce their true  
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professed faith touching the holy sacrament of Christ's body and blood, which was, that Christ's  
corporal body was not in the sacrament, but in heaven, and that the sacrament was a figure of his  
body, and not the body itself.  
Moreover, about the same time there were certain articles objected against John Higges,  
alias Noke, alias Johnson, by the said bishop's vicar-general. Amongst which were these: First,  
that he had affirmed, that it was as lawful for a temporal man to have two wives at once, as for a  
priest to have two benefices. Also, that he had in his custody a book of the Four Evangelists in  
English, and did often read therein; and that he favoured the doctrines and opinions of Martin  
Luther, openly pronouncing that Luther had more learning in his little finger than all the doctors  
in England in their whole bodies; and that all the priests in the church were blind, and had led the  
people the wrong way. Likewise it was alleged against him, that he had denied purgatory, and  
had said, that while he were alive he would do as much for himself as he could, for after his  
death he thought that prayer and alms-deeds could little help him.  
These and such-like matters were they, wherewith these poor and simple men and women  
were chiefly charged, and as heinous heretics excommunicated, imprisoned, and at last  
compelled to recant; and some of them, in utter shame and reproach, (besides the ordinary  
bearing of faggots before the cross in procession, or else at a sermon,) were enjoined for  
penance, (as they termed it,) as well to appear once every year before their ordinary, as also to  
wear the sign of a faggot painted upon their sleeves, or other part of their outward garment, and  
that during all their lives, or so often and long as it pleased their ordinary to appoint. By which  
long, rigorous, and open punishing of them, they meant (as it should seem) utterly to terrify and  
keep back all others from the true knowledge of Jesus Christ and his gospel. But the Lord be  
evermore praised, what effect their wicked purposes therein have taken, these our most  
lightsome days of God's glorious gospel do most joyfully declare.  
There were also troubled besides these, certain others more simple and ignorant; who  
having but a very small smack or taste of the truth, did yet at the first (as it may seem) gladly  
consent unto the same; but being apprehended, they quickly again yielded, and therefore had  
only assigned them for their penance, the bearing of a little candle before the cross, without any  
further open abjuring or recanting. Amongst which I find two especially; the one a woman,  
called Ellen Heyer, to whom it was objected, that she had neither confessed herself unto the  
priest, nor yet received the sacrament of the altar, by the space of four years, and notwithstanding  
had yearly eaten flesh at Easter, and after, as well as others that had received the same, contrary  
to the usual manner and conversation of all other Christian people.  
The other was a man, named Robert Berkeway, who (besides most wicked blasphemies  
against God, which he utterly denied) was charged to have spoken heinous words against the  
pope's holy and blessed martyr Thomas Becket, calling him covetous and a thief, for that he  
wrought by crafts and imaginations.  
Thus have I (as briefly as I could) summarily collected the principal articles objected  
against these weak, infirm, and earthy vessels. Not minding hereby to excuse or condemn them,  
in these their fearful falls and dangerous defections; but leaving them unto the unmeasurable rich  
mercies of the Lord; I thought only to make manifest the insatiable bloody cruelty of the pope's  
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kingdom, against the gospel and true church of Christ; nothing mitigating their envious rage, no  
not against the very simple idiots, and that sometimes in most frivolous and irreligious cases. But  
now leaving to say any further herein, I will (by God's grace) go forward with other somewhat  
more serious matters.  
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1
59. William Smeeting and John Brewster.  
In searching and perusing of the Register, for the collection of the names and articles  
before recited, I find that within the compass of the same years there were also some others, who  
after they had once showed themselves as frail and inconstant as the rest, (being either therewith  
pricked in conscience, or otherwise zealously overcome with the manifest truth of God's most  
sacred word,) became yet again as earnest professors of Christ as ever they were before, and for  
the same profession were the second time apprehended, examined, condemned, and in the end  
were most cruelly burned. Of the which number were William Sweeting and John Brewster, who  
were both burned together in Smithfield, the eighteenth day of October, A.D. 1511. The chiefest  
case of religion alleged against them in their articles, was their faith concerning the sacrament of  
Christ's body and blood. Which, because it differed from the absurd, gross, and Capernaitical  
opinion of the new schoolmen, was counted as most heinous heresy. There were other things  
besides objected against them; as the reading of certain forbidden books, and accompanying with  
such persons as were suspected of heresy. But one great and heinous offence counted amongst  
the rest, was their putting and leaving off the painted faggots, which they were at the first  
abjuring enjoined to wear as badges during their lives, or so long as it should please their  
ordinary to appoint, and not to leave them off, upon pain of relapse, until they were dispensed  
withal for the same. The breach of this injunction was esteemed to be of no small weight, and  
yet, the matter well and thoroughly considered, it seemeth by their confessions, they were both  
thereunto by necessity enforced. For the one, named Sweeting, being for fear of the bishop's  
cruelty constrained to wander the countries to get his poor living, came at length unto Colchester,  
where by the parson of the parish of Mary Magdalene, he was provoked to be the holy-water  
clerk, and in that consideration had that infamous badge first taken away from him. The other  
(which was Brewster) left off his at the commandment of the comptroller of the earl of Oxford's  
house; who hiring the poor man to labour in the earl's household business, would not suffer him,  
working there, to wear that counterfeit cognizance any longer: so that (as I said) necessity of  
living seemeth to compel both of them at the first to break that injunction; and therefore, if  
charity had borne as great sway in the hearts of the pope's clergy as did cruelty, this trifle would  
not have been so heinously taken, as to be brought against them for an article and cause of  
condemnation to death. But where tyranny once taketh place, as well all godly love, as also all  
human reason and duties, are quite forgotten. Well, to be short, what for the causes before  
recited, as also for that they had once already abjured, and yet (as they term it) fell again into  
relapse, they were both (as you have heard) in the end burned together in Smithfield; although  
the same parties (as the Register recordeth) did again before their death fearfully forsake their  
former revived constancy, and submitting themselves unto the discipline of the Romish Church,  
craved absolution from their excommunication. Howbeit, because many of the Register's notes  
and records in such cases may rightly be doubted of, and so called into question, I refer the  
certain knowledge hereof unto the Lord, (who is the trier of all truths,) and the external judgment  
unto the godly and discreet reader; not forgetting yet by the way, (if that the report should be  
true,) upon so just an occasion, to charge that catholic clergy and their wicked laws, with a more  
shameless tyranny and uncharitable cruelty than before. For if they nothing stay their bloody  
malice towards such as so willingly submit themselves unto their mercies, what favour may the  
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faithful and constant professors of Christ look for at their hands? I might here also ask of them,  
how they follow the pitiful and loving admonition (or rather precept) of our Saviour Christ,  
(whose true and only church they so stoutly brag to be,) who in the 17th chapter of St. Luke  
saith, Though thy brother sin against thee seven times in a day, and seven times in a day turn to  
thee, saying, It repenteth me, thou shalt forgive him. But what go I about to allure them unto the  
following of the rule and counsel of him, unto whose word and gospel they seem most open and  
utter enemies? Wherefore, not purposing to stay any longer thereupon, but leaving them unto the  
righteous revengement of the Lord; let us now hereunto adjoin the story of one John Browne, a  
good martyr of the Lord, burnt at Ashford, about this fourth year of King Henry the Eighth,  
whose story hereunder followeth.  
The occasion of the first trouble of this John Browne was by a priest, sitting in a  
Gravesend barge. John Browne being the same time in the barge, came and sat hard by him;  
whereupon after certain communication, the priest asked him, "Dost thou know," said he, "who I  
am; thou sittest too near me, thou sittest on my clothes?" "No, sir," said he, "I know not what you  
are." "I tell thee I am a priest." "What, sir, are ye a parson, or vicar, or a lady's chaplain?" "No,"  
quoth he again, "I am a soul priest, I sing for a soul," saith he. "Do you so, sir," quoth the other,  
"that is well done. I pray you, sir," quoth he, "where find you the soul when you go to mass?" "I  
cannot tell thee," said the priest. "I pray you where do you leave it, sir, when the mass is done?" "  
I cannot tell thee," said the priest. "Neither can you tell where you find it when you go to mass,  
nor where you leave it when the mass is done, how can you then have the soul," said he. "Go thy  
ways," said the priest, "thou art a heretic, and I will be even with thee." So at the landing, the  
priest taking with him Walter More and William More, two gentlemen, brethren, rode  
straightways to the Archbishop Warham, whereupon the said John Browne within three days  
after, his wife being churched the same day, and he bringing in a mess of pottage to the board to  
his guests, was sent for, and his feet bound under his own horse, and so brought up to  
Canterbury, neither his wife nor he, nor any of his, knowing whither he went, nor whither he  
should. And there continuing from Low-Sunday till the Friday before Whitsunday, his wife not,  
knowing all this while where he was; he was set in the stocks over night, and on the morrow  
went to death, and was burned at Ashford, A.D. 1517. The same night as he was in the stocks at  
Ashford, where he and his wife dwelt, his wife then hearing of him, came and sat by him all the  
night before he should be burned; to whom he declaring the whole story how he was handled,  
showed and told, how that he could not set his feet to the ground, for they were burned to the  
bones, and told her how by the two bishops, Warham;and Fisher, his feet were heated upon the  
hot coals, and burnt to the bones, "to make me," said he, "to deny my Lord, which I will never  
do; for if I should deny my Lord in this world, he would hereafter deny me. I pray thee," said he,  
"therefore, good Elizabeth, continue as thou hast begun, and bring up thy children virtuously and  
in the fear of God:" and so the next day, on Whitsunday even, this godly martyr was burned.  
Standing at the stake, this prayer he made, holding up his hands,  
"O Lord, I yield me to thy grace,  
Grant me mercy for my trespass,  
Let never the fiend my soul chase.  
Lord, I will bow, and thou shalt beat,  
Let never my soul come in hell heat.  
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Into thy hands I commend my spirit,  
thou hast redeemed me, O Lord of truth."  
And so he ended.  
At the fire, one Chilton, the baily arrant, bade cast in Browne's children also; for they  
would spring, said he, of his ashes.  
This blessed martyr John Browne had borne a faggot seven years before in the days of  
King Henry the Seventh.  
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1
60. Richard Hun  
As it is the property of Satan ever to malice the prosperous estate of the saints of God,  
and true professors of Christ; so ceaseth he not continually to stir up his wicked members to the  
effectual accomplishing of that which his envious nature so greedily desireth; if not always  
openly by colour of tyrannical laws, yet, at the leastwise, by some subtle practice of secret  
murder; which thing doth most plainly appear not only in a great number of the blessed martyrs  
of Christ's church, mentioned in this book, but also, and especially, in the discourse of this  
lamentable history that now I have in hand, concerning the secret and cruel murdering of Richard  
Hun, whose story here consequently ensueth, excerped and collected partly out of the registers of  
London, partly out of a bill exhibited and denounced in the parliament house.  
There was in the year of our Lord 1514, one Richard Hun, merchant tailor, dwelling  
within the city of London, and freeman of the same, who was esteemed during his life, and  
worthily reputed and taken, not only for a man of true dealing and good substance, but also for a  
good catholic man. This Richard Hun had a child at nurse in Middlesex in the parish of St. Mary  
Matsilon, which died; by the occasion whereof, one Thomas Drifield, clerk, being parson of the  
said parish, sued the said Richard Hun in the spiritual court for a bearing sheet, which the said  
Thomas Drifield claimed, unjustly, to have of the said Hun, for a mortuary for Stephen Hun, son  
of the said Richard Hun; which Stephen, being at nurse in the said parish, died being of the age  
of five weeks, and not above. Hun answered him again, that forasmuch as the child had no  
property in the sheet, he therefore neither would pay it, nor the other ought to have it.  
Whereupon the priest, moved with a covetous desire, and loth to lose his pretended right, cited  
him to appear in the spiritual court, there to answer the matter. Whereupon the said Richard  
Hunne, being troubled in the spiritual court, was forced to seek counsel of the learned in the law  
of this land, and pursued a writ of præmunire against the said Thomas Drifield, and other, his  
aiders, counsellors, proctors,and adherents, as by the process thereof is yet to be seen; which  
when the rest of the priestly order heard of, greatly disdaining that any layman should so boldly  
enterprise such a matter against any of them; and fearing also that if they should now suffer this  
priest to be condemned at the suit of Hun, there would be thereby ever after a liberty opened unto  
all others of the laity to do the like with the rest of the clergy in such-like cases; they  
straightways, both to stop this matter, and also to be revenged of him, for that he had already  
done, sought all means they possibly could how to entrap and bring him within the danger of  
their own cruel laws; and thereupon making secret and diligent inquisition, and seeking all  
corners they could against him, at length they found a means how to accuse him of heresy, unto  
Richard Fitzjames, then bishop of London, and so did; who (desirous to satisfy the revenging and  
bloody affection of his chaplains) caused him thereupon to be apprehended and committed unto  
prison within the Lollard's Tower at Paul's, so that none of his friends might be suffered to come  
to him. This Richard Hun being clapped in the Lollard's Tower, shortly after, at the earnest  
instigation of one Doctor Horsey the bishop's chancellor, (a man more ready to prefer the  
clergy's cruel tyranny than the truth of Christ's gospel,) was brought before the bishop at his  
manor of Fulham, the second day of December, in the year before-mentioned; where within his  
chapel he examined him upon these articles following, collected against him by the said Horsey  
and his accomplices.  
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FOXE'S BOOK OF MARTYRS  
"First, That he had read, taught, preached, published, and obstinately defended, against  
the laws of Almighty God; that tithes, or paying of tithes, was never ordained to he due, saving  
only by the covetousness of priests.  
"2. Item, That he had read, taught, preached, published, and obstinately defended; that  
bishops and priests be the scribes and Pharisees that did crucify Christ, and damned him to death.  
"3. Item, That he had read, taught, preached, &c., that bishops and priests be teachers and  
preachers, but no doers, neither fulfillers of the law of God; but catching, ravening, and all things  
taking, and nothing ministering, neither giving.  
"4. Item, Where and when one Joan Baker was detected and abjured of many great  
heresies, (as it appeareth by her abjuration,) the said Richard Hun, said, published, taught,  
preached, and obstinately took upon him, saying, that he would defend her and her opinions, if it  
cost him five hundred marks.  
"5. Item, Afterwards (where and when the said Joan taker, after her abjuration, was  
enjoined open penance according to her demerits) the said Richard Hun said, published, taught,  
and obstinately did defend her, saying, The bishop of London and his officers have done open  
wrong to the said Joan Baker, in punishing her for heresy; for her sayings and opinions be  
according to the laws of God; wherefore the bishop and his officers are more worthy to be  
punished for heresy than she is.  
"6. Item, That the said Richard Him hath in his keeping divers English books, prohibited  
and damned by the law; as the Apocalypse in English, Epistles and Gospels in English,  
Wickliff's damnable works, and other books, containing infinite errors, in the which he hath been  
long time accustomed to read, teach, and study daily."  
Particular answer unto these several objections, in the Register, I find none, saving that  
next under them, there is written in his name with a contrary hand these words following: "As  
touching these articles, I have not spoken them as they be here laid: howbeit, unadvisedly I have  
spoken words somewhat sounding to the same; for the which I am sorry, and ask God mercy, and  
submit me unto my lord's charitable and favourable correction." Which they affirm to be written  
with Hun's own hand: but how likely to truth that is, let the discreet wisdom of the reader  
indifferently judge by the whole sequel of this process. And further, if it were his own act, what  
occasion then had they so cruelly to murder him as they did? seeing he had already so willingly  
confessed his fault, and submitted himself unto the charitable and favourable correction of the  
bishop, (for the which even by their own law, in cases of most heinous heresy, he ought to be  
again received and pardoned,) except perhaps they will account horrible murder to be but the  
bishop's favourable correction. Again, it seemeth they had very few credible witnesses to prove  
certainly that this was his answer and hand-writing; for the Register, or some other for him  
(appointed to record the same) hath certified it, as of hearsay from others, and not of his own  
proper sight and knowledge, as the words noted in the margin of the book, adjoining to the  
aforesaid answer, plainly do declare, which are these, Hoc fuit scriptum manu propria Richardi  
Hunne, ut dicitur. Now if he had had any sure ground to stablish this certificate, I doubt not but  
he would (instead of ut dicitur) have registered the names of the assistants at the time of his  
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VOLUME 6  
examination, (which he confesseth to be many,) as generally they do in all their acts, especially  
in cases of heresy, as they term it. But how scrupulous those good fellows that spared not so  
shamelessly to murder him, would be to make a lie of him that was already dead, let (as I said)  
the indifferent judgment of the godly wise discern.  
This examination ended, the bishop sent him back again the same day,unto the Lollard's  
Tower; and then by the appointment of Doctor Horsey, his chancellor, he was colourably  
committed from the custody of Charles Joseph, the sumner, unto John Spalding, the bell-ringer, a  
man by whose simpleness in wit (though otherwise wicked) the subtle chancellor thought to  
bring his devilish pretended homicide the easier to pass; which most cruelly he did by his  
ministers suborned, within two nights then next following accomplish; as is plainly proved  
hereafter by the diligent inquiry and final verdict of the coroner of London, and his inquest, made  
by order of the laws in that behalf limited. But when this usual practice of the papists was once  
accomplished, there wanted then no secret shifts nor worldly wiles for the crafty colouring of this  
mischief; and therefore, the next morning after they had in the night committed this murder, John  
Spalding (I doubt not but by the counsel of his master chancellor) got himself out of the way,  
into the city, and leaving the keys of the prison with one of his fellows, willed him to deliver  
them unto the sumner's boy, which accustomably did use to carry Hun his meat, and other  
necessaries that he needed; thinking that the boy, first finding the prisoner dead, and hanged in  
such sort as they left him, they might (by his relation) be thought free from any suspicion of this  
matter. Which thing happened in the beginning almost as they wished. For the boy, the same  
morning (being the fourth day of December) having the keys delivered him, accompanied with  
two other of the bishop's sumners, went about ten of the clock into the prison, to serve the  
prisoner, as he was wont to do; and when they came up, they found him hanged with his face  
towards the wall. Whereupon they (astonished at this sight) gave knowledge thereof immediately  
unto the chancellor, being then in the church, and watching, I suppose, of purpose, for such  
news; who forthwith got unto him certain of his colleagues, and went with them into the prison,  
to see that which his own wicked conscience knew full well before, as was afterwards plainly  
proved, although then he made a fair face to the contrary, blazing abroad among the people, by  
their officers and servants, that Hun had desperately hanged himself. Howbeit, the people having  
good experience as well of the honest life and godly conversation of the man, as also of the  
devilish malice of his adversaries the priests, judged rather that by their procurement he was  
secretly murdered. Whereof arose great contention; for the bishop of London on the 'one side,  
taking his clergy's part, affirmed stoutly that Hun had hanged himself. The citizens again on the  
other side, vehemently suspecting some secret murder, caused the coroner of London (according  
to law) to choose an inquest, and to take good view of the dead body, and so to try out the truth  
of the matter. Whereby the bishop and his chaplains were then driven to the extremity of shifts;  
and therefore minding by some subtle show of justice, to stop the mouths of the people, they  
determined that in the mean while, as the inquest was occupied about their charge, the bishop  
should, for his part, proceed ex officio, in case of heresy, against the dead person; supposing  
(most like) that if the party were once condemned of heresy, the inquest durst not then but find  
him guilty of his own death, and so clearly acquit them from all the former suspicion of privy  
murder. This determination of theirs they did immediately put in practice, in order as followeth.  
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FOXE'S BOOK OF MARTYRS  
Richard Hun Found Hanged in the Lollard's Tower  
First, besides the articles before mentioned, (which they affirm were objected against him  
in his lifetime,) Doctor Hed did now also after his death, collect certain others out of the  
prologue of his English Bible, remaining then in the bishop's hands; which he diligently perused,  
not to learn any good thing therein, but to get thereout such matter, as he thought might best  
serve their cursed purpose, as appeareth by the tenor of the articles, which are these:  
"1. First, The said book damneth all holy canons, calling them ceremonies and statutes of  
sinful men and uncunning; and calleth the pope Sathanas and antichrist.  
"2. Item, It damneth the pope's pardons, saying, they be but leasings.  
"3. Item, The said book of Hun saith, that kings and lords, called Christian in name, and  
heathen in conditions, defile the sanctuary of God, bringing clerks full of covetousness, heresy,  
and malice, to stop God's law that it cannot be known, kept, and freely preached.  
"4. Item, The said book saith, that lords and prelates pursue full cruelly them that would  
teach truly and freely the law of God; and cherish them that preach sinful men's traditions and  
statutes, by the which he meaneth the holy canons of Christ's church.  
"5. Item, That poor men and idiots have the truth of the Holy Scriptures, more than a  
thousand prelates and religious men, and clerks of the school.  
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"6. Item, That Christian kings and lords set idols in God's house, and excite the people to  
idolatry.  
"7. Item, That princes, lords, and prelates, so doing, be worse than Herod that pursued  
Christ, and worse than Jews and heathen men that crucified Christ.  
"8. Item, That every man swearing by our Lady, or any other saint or creature, giveth  
more honour to the saints, than to the holy Trinity; and so he saith they be idolaters.  
"9. Item, He saith, that saints ought not to be honoured.  
"10. Item, He damneth adoration, prayer, kneeling, and offering to images, which he  
calleth stocks and stones.  
"11. Item, He saith, that the very body of the Lord is not contained in the sacrament of the  
altar, but that men, receiving it, shall thereby keep in mind, that Christ's flesh was wounded and  
crucified for us.  
"12. Item, He damneth the university of Oxford, with all degrees and faculties in it, as art  
civil, canon, and divinity, saying, that they let the true way to come to the knowledge of the laws  
of God and Holy Scripture.  
"13. Item, He defendeth the translation of the Bible and Holy Scripture into the English  
tongue, which is prohibited by the laws of our mother holy church."  
These articles thus collected, as also the others before specified, they caused for a more  
show of their pretended justice and innocence, to be openly read the next Sunday following by  
the preacher at Paul's Cross, with this protestation made before.  
"Masters and friends, for certain causes and considerations, I have in commandment to  
rehearse, show, and publish here unto you, the articles of heresy, upon which Richard Hun was  
detected and examined; and also other great articles and damnable points and opinions of heresy  
contained in some of his books, be come to light and knowledge, here ready to be showed."  
And therewith he read the articles openly unto the people, concluding with these words:  
"And, masters, if there be any man desirous to see the specialty of these articles, or doubt  
whether they be contained in this book or not, for satisfying of his mind, let him come to my lord  
of London, and he shall see it with good will. Moreover, here I counsel and admonish, that if  
there be any persons, that of their simpleness have been familiar and acquainted with the said  
Richard Hun in these articles, or have heard him read upon this book, or any other sounding to  
heresy, or have any like books themselves, let them come unto my lord of London betwixt this  
and Candlemas next, and acknowledge their fault, and they shall be charitably treated and dealt  
withal, so that both their goods and honesty shall be saved; and if they will not come of their own  
offer, but abide the process of the law, then at their own peril be it, if the rigour of the law be  
executed against them."  
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FOXE'S BOOK OF MARTYRS  
After which open publication and admonition, the bishop at sundry times examined  
divers of his priests, and other lay persons, upon the contents of both these articles. Among  
which examinates, there was a man servant and a maid of the said Hun's, who, although they had  
of long time dwelt with him, were not able to charge him with any great thing worthy  
reprehension; no, not in such points as the bishop chiefly objected against him. But yet the  
priests (through whose procurement this mischief was first begun) spared no whit stoutly and  
maliciously to accuse him, some in the contents of the first articles, and some in the second.  
Wherefore, having now (as they thought) sufficient matter against him, they purposed speedily to  
proceed to his condemnation. And because they would seem to do all things formally, and by  
prescript order, they first drew out certain short and summary rules, by the which the bishop  
should be directed in this solemn session; which are these:  
"First, Let the bishop sit in his tribunal seat, in our Lady's chapel.  
"Secondly, Let him recite the cause of his coming, and take notaries to him, to enact that  
shall be there done.  
"Thirdly, Let him declare, how, upon Sunday last, at Paul's Cross, he caused to be  
published a general monition, or denunciation, that all abettors and maintainers of Richard Hun,  
should come in, as by this day, and submit themselves; and let him signify withal, how certain  
have come in, and have appeared already.  
"Fourthly, Let him protest and say, that if there remain any yet behind which have not  
appeared according to the former monition and denunciation; yet if they will come, and appear,  
and submit themselves, they shall be heard and received with grace and favour.  
"Fifthly, Let the bishop, or some other at his appointment, recite the articles objected  
against Richard Hun; in the time of his life; and then the other articles likewise, which were out  
of his great book of the Bible extracted.  
"Sixthly, Let the answers and confessions of the said Richard Hun summarily be recited,  
with the attestations made to the same articles. Also let his books be exhibited, and then Thomas  
Brook his servant be called for.  
"Seventhly, Let it be openly cried at the choir door, that if there be any which will defend  
the articles, opinions, books, or the memory of the said Richard Hun, let them come and appear,  
and they shall be heard, as the law in that behalf shall require.  
"Eighthly, Let it be openly cried, as in manner before, for such as be receivers, favourers,  
defenders, or believers of the said Richard Hun, that all such do appear and submit themselves to  
the bishop, or else he intendeth to proceed to the excommunication of them in general, according  
to the exigence of the law in that behalf.  
"Ninthly, Then the bishop speaking to the standers by, and to them which sat with him  
upon the bench, of the clergy, demanding of them, what their judgment and opinion is touching  
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VOLUME 6  
the premises, and whether they think it convenient and agreeable for him to proceed to the  
sentence against the said Richard Hun, in this part to be awarded.  
"Tenthly, After their consent and counsel given, let the bishop read out the sentence.  
"Finally, After the sentence read, let the bishop appoint the publication and denunciation  
of the aforesaid sentence to be read at Paul's Cross or elsewhere, as to him shall seem expedient,  
with a citation likewise generally against all them that be receivers, favourers, and believers of  
the said Hun, to give to understand why he ought not further to proceed against them," &c.  
Now according to the tenor of these prescripts and rules, the bishop of London,  
accompanied with the bishops of Durham and Lincoln, sat in judgment the 16th day of  
December, then next following, within the place by the same appointed; adjoining also unto them  
as witnesses of their proceedings, six public notaries, his own register, and about twenty-five  
doctors, abbots, priors, and priests of name, with a great rabble of their common anointed  
catholics. Where, after a solemn proclamation made, that if there were any that would defend the  
opinions and books of Richard Hun, they should presently appear and be heard according to law,  
he commanded all the articles and objections against Hun openly to be read before the assembly;  
and then, perceiving that none durst appear in his defence, by the advice of his assistants, he  
pronounced the sentence definitive against the dead carcass, condemning it of heresy, and  
therewith committed the same unto the secular power, to be by them burned accordingly. Which  
ridiculous decree was as fondly accomplished in Smithfield the 20th day of the same month of  
December, (being full sixteen days after they had thus horribly murdered him,) to the great grief  
and disdain of all the people.  
Notwithstanding, after all this tragical and cruel handling of the dead body, with their fair  
and colourable show of justice, yet the inquest no whit stayed their diligent searching out of the  
true cause and means of his death. Insomuch that when they had been divers times called both  
before the king's privy council, (his Majesty himself being sometime present,) and also before  
the chief judges and justices of this realm, and that the matter being by them thoroughly  
examined, and perceived to be much bolstered and borne withal by the clergy, was again wholly  
remitted unto their determination and ending; they found by good proof and sufficient evidence,  
that Doctor Horsey, the chancellor, Charles Joseph, the sumner, and John Spalding, the bell-  
ringer, had privily and maliciously committed this murder, and therefore indicted them all three  
as wilful murderers. Howbeit, through the earnest suit of the bishop of London unto Cardinal  
Wolsey, (as appeareth by his letters hereafter mentioned,) means was found, that at the next  
sessions of gaol delivery, the king's attorney pronounced the indictment against Doctor Horsey to  
be false and untrue; and him not to be guilty of the murder. Who being then thereby delivered in  
body, having yet in himself a guilty conscience, gat him unto Exeter, and durst never after for  
shame come again unto London. But now, that the truth of all this matter may seem more  
manifest and plain unto all men's eyes, here shall follow word by word the whole inquiry and  
verdict of the inquest, exhibited by them unto the coroner of London, so given up and signed  
with his own hand.  
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FOXE'S BOOK OF MARTYRS  
The verdict of the inquest.  
"The fifth and the sixth day of December, in the sixth yeere of the reigne of our  
soueraigne lord King Henry the Eighth, William Barnewell crowner of London, the day and  
yeere abouesaid, within the ward of Castelbainard of London assembled a quest, whose names  
afterward doe appeare, and hath sworne them truely to enquire of the death of one Richard Hun,  
which lately was found dead in the Lollards Tower within Pauls church of London: whereupon  
all we of the inquest together went vp into the said Tower, where we found the body of the said  
Hun hanging vpon a staple of iron in a girdle of silke, with faire countenance, his head faire  
kemmed, and his bonet right sitting vpon his head, with his eyne and mouth faire closed, without  
any staring, gaping, or frowning, also without any driueling or spurging in any place of his body:  
whereupon by one assent all we agreed to take downe the dead body of the said Hun, and as soon  
as we began to heaue the body, it was loose; whereby, by good aduisement we perceiued that the  
girdle had no knot about the staple, but it was double cast, and the linkes of an iron chaine which  
did hang on the same staple, were laid vpon the same girdle whereby hee did hang: also the knot  
of the girdle that went about his necke, stood vnder his left eare, which caused his head to leane  
towards his right shoulder. Notwithstanding there came out of his nostrels two small streames of  
blood, to the quantity of foure drops. Saue onely these foure drops of blood, the face, lips,  
chinne, doublet, coller, and shirt of the said Hun, was cleane from any blood. Also we find that  
the skinne both of his necke and throte beneath the girdle of silke, was fret and faled away, with  
that thing which the murtherers had broken his necke withall. Also the hands of the said Hun  
were wrung in the wrists; whereby we perceiued that his hands had bin bound.  
Moreouer, we find that within the said prison was no meane whereby a man might hang  
himselfe, but onely a stoole, which stoole stood vpon a bolster of a bed, so tickle, that any man  
or beast might not touch it so little, but it was ready to fall. Wherby we perceiued that it was not  
possible that Hun might hang himselfe, the stoole so standing. Also all the girdle from the staple  
to his necke, as well as the part which went about his neck, was too little for his head to come out  
thereat. Also it was not possible that the soft silken girdle should breake his necke or skin  
beneath the girdle. Also we find in a corner somewhat beyond the place where he did hang, a  
great parcell of blood. Also we find vpon the left side of Hunnes iacket from the brest  
downeward, two great streames of blood. Also within the flap of the left side of his iacket, we  
find a great cluster of blood, and the iacket folden downe thereupon; which thing the said Hun  
could neuer fold nor doe after he was hanged. Whereby it appeareth plainely to vs all, that the  
necke of Hun was broken, and the great plenty of blood was shed before he was hanged.  
Wherefore all we find by God and all our consciences; that Richard Hunne was murthered. Also  
we acquit the said Richard Hun of his own death.  
"Also there was an end of a wax candle, which as Iohn Belringer saith, hee left in the  
prison burning with Hunne that same Sunday at night that Hun was murthered; which waxe  
candle we found sticking vpon the stockes faire put out, about seuen or eight foote from the place  
where Hunne was hanged; which candle after our opinion was neuer put out by him, for many  
likelihoods which we haue perceiued. Also at the going vp of master chancellor into the Lollard's  
Tower, we haue good proofe that there lay on the stockes a gowne either of murrey or crimosin  
in graine furred with shankes; whose gowne it was wee could neuer proue, neither who bare it  
away. All we find, that Master William Horsey, chancellour to my lord of London, hath had at  
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VOLUME 6  
his commandement both the rule and guiding of the said prisoner. Moreouer, all wee find that the  
said Master Horsey, chancellor, hath put Charles Ioseph out of his office, as the said Charles hath  
confessed, because he would not deale and vse the said prisoner so cruelly, and do to him as the  
chancellor would haue had him to doe. Notwithstanding, the deliuerance of the keyes to the  
chancellour by Charles on the Saturday at night before Hunnes death, and Charles riding out of  
the towne on that Sunday in the morning ensuing, was but a conuention made betwixt Charles  
and the chancellour for to colour the murther. For the same Sunday that Charles rode forth, he  
came againe to the towne at night, and killed Richard Hunne, as in the depositions of Iulian  
Littell, Thomas Chicheley, Thomas Simonds, and Peter Turner doth appeare.  
"After colouring of the murther betwixt Charles and the chancellour conspired, the  
chancellour called to him one Iohn Spalding, belringer of Pauls, and deliuered to the same  
belringer the keyes of the Lollards Tower, giving to the said belringer a great charge, saying: I  
charge thee to keepe Hun more straitely then hee hath beene kept, and let him have but one  
meale a day. Moreouer I charge thee, let no body come to him without any licence, neither to  
bring him shirt, cappe, kirchiefe, or any other thing, but that I see it before it come to him. Also  
before Hunne was carried to Fulham, the chancellor commanded to bee put vpon Huns necke a  
great coller of iron with a great chaine, which is too heauie for any man or beast to weare, and  
long to endure.  
"Moreouer, it is wel proued, that before Huns death, the said chancellor came vp into the  
said Lollard's Tower, and kneeled downe before Hun, holding vp his hands to him, praying him  
of forgiuenes of all that he had done to him, and must doe to him. And on Sunday following the  
chancellor commanded the penitensarie of Pauls to goe vp to him and say a gospel, and make for  
him holy water and holy bread, and giue it to him; which so did; and also the chancellor  
commanded that Hunne should haue his dinner. And the same dinner time Charles boy was shut  
in prison with Hun, which was neuer so before: and after dinner when the belringer let out the  
boy, the belringer said to the same boy; Come no more hither with meat for him, vntill to  
morrow at noone; for my master chancellor hath commanded that he should haue but one meale  
a day: and the same night following Richard Hun was murthered: which murther could not haue  
beene done without consent and licence of the chancellor, and also by the witting and knowledge  
of Iohn Spalding belringer: for there could no man come into the prison, but by the keies being in  
Iohn belringers keeping. Also as by my lord of Londons booke doth appeare, Iohn belringer is a  
poore innocent man. Wherefore all wee doe perceiue that this murther could not bee done, but by  
the commandement of the chancellor, and by the witting and knowing of John belringer.  
"Charles Ioseph within the Tower of London of his own free will and vnconstrained said,  
that master chancellor deuised and wrote with his own hand, all such heresies as were laid to  
Huns charge, record Iohn God, Iohn True, Iohn Pasmere, Richard Gibson, with many other. Also  
Charles Ioseph saith, that when Richard Hun was slaine, Iohn belringer bare vp the staire into  
Lollards Tower a waxe candle, hauing the keies of the dores hanging on his arme, and I Charles  
went next to him, and master chancellor came vp last: and when all we came vp, wee found Hun  
lying on his bed, and then master chancellor said; Lay hands on the theefe, and so all wee  
murthered him: and then I Charles put the girdle about Huns necke, and then Iohn belringer and I  
Charles did heaue vp Hun, and master chancellor pulled the girdle ouer the staple, and so Hunne  
was hanged."  
-32-  
FOXE'S BOOK OF MARTYRS  
The copy of Richard Fitzjames's letter, then bishop of London, sent to Cardinal Wolsey.  
"
I beseech your good lordship to stand so good lord vnto my poor chancellor now in  
warde, and indighted by an vntrue quest, for the death of Richard Hun, vpon the onely accusation  
of Charles Ioseph, made by paine and durance; that by your intercession, it may please the kings  
grace to haue the matter duely and sufficiently examined by indifferent persons of his discreet  
councell, in the presence of the parties, ere there be any more done in the cause, and that vpon  
the innocencie of my said chancellor declared, it may further please the kings grace to award a  
plackard vnto his atturney to confesse the said enditement to be vntrue, when the time shall  
require it: for assured am I, if my chancellor be tried by any twelue men in London, they be so  
malitiouslie set In fauorem hereticæ prauitatis, that they will cast and condemne any clerke,  
though he were as innocent as Abel. Quare si potes beate pater adjuva infirmitates nostras, tibi  
in perpetuum deuincti erimus. Ouer this in most humble wise I beseech you, that I may have the  
kings gracious fauour, whom I neuer offended willingly, and that by your good meanes I might  
speake with his grace and you, and I with all mine, shall pray for your prosperous estate long to  
continue.  
Your most humble Oratour R. L."  
Lastly, now remaineth to infer the sentence of the questmen, which followeth in like sort  
to be seen and expended, after I have first declared the words of the bishop spoken in the  
parliament house.  
The words that the bishop of London spake before the lords in the parliament house.  
"Memorandum, That the bishop of London said in the parliament house, that there was a  
bill brought to the parliament, to make the jury that was charged upon the death of Hun, true  
men; and said, and took upon his conscience, that they were false, perjured caitiffs; and said  
furthermore to all the lords, there then being; For the love of God look upon this matter; for if  
you do not, I dare not keep mine house for heretics: and said, that the said Richard Hun hanged  
himself, and that it was his own deed, and no man's else. And furthermore said, that there came a  
man to his house, whose wife was appeached of heresy, to speak with him, and he said that he  
had no mind to speak with the same man; which man spake and reported to the servants of the  
same bishop, that if his wife would not hold still her opinions, he would cut her throat with his  
own hands, with other words."  
The sentence of the inquest, subscribed by the coroner.  
The inquisition intended and taken at the city of London in the parish of St. Gregory, in  
the ward of Bainard Castle, in London, the sixth day of December, in the sixth year of the reign  
of King Henry the Eighth, before Thomas Barnewell, coroner of our sovereign lord the king,  
within the city of London, aforesaid, also before James Yarford and John Mundey, sheriffs of the  
said city, upon the sight of the body of Richard Hun, late of London, tailor, which was found  
hanged in the Lollard's Tower; and by the oath and proof of lawful men of the same ward, and of  
other three wards next adjoining, as it ought to be, after the custom of the city aforesaid, to  
inquire how, and in what manner wise, the said Richard Hun came unto his death; and upon the  
oath of John Bernard, Thomas Stert, William Warren, Henry Abraham, John Aborow, John  
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Turner, Robert Allen, William Marler, John Burton, James Page, Thomas Pickhill, William  
Burton, Robert Bridgewater, Thomas Busted, Gilbert Howell, Richard Gibson, Christopher  
Crafton, John God, Richard Holt, John Palmere, Edmund Hudson, John Arunsell, Richard  
Cooper, John Tim: the which said upon their oaths, that where the said Richard Hun, by the  
commandment of Richard, bishop of London, was imprisoned and brought to hold in a prison of  
the said bishop's, called Lollard's Tower, lying in the cathedral church of St. Paul, in London, in  
the parish of St. Gregory, in the ward of Bainard Castle aforesaid, William Horsey of London,  
clerk, otherwise called William Heresy, chancellor to Richard, bishop of London, and one  
Charles Joseph, late of London, sumner, and John Spalding of London, otherwise called John  
Bellringer, feloniously, as felons to our lord the king, with force and arms, against the peace of  
our sovereign lord the king, and dignity of his crown, the fourth day of December, the sixth year  
of the reign of our sovereign lord aforesaid, of their great malice, at the parish of St. Gregory  
aforesaid, upon the said Richard Hun made a fray, and the same Richard Hun feloniously  
strangled and smothered, and also the neck they did break of the said Richard Hun, and there  
feloniously slew him, and murdered him.  
After that the twenty-four had given up their verdict sealed and signed with the coroner's  
seal, the cause was then brought into the parliament house, where the truth was laid so plain  
before all men's faces, and the fact so notorious, that immediately certain of the bloody  
murderers were committed to prison, and should, no doubt, have suffered that they deserved, had  
not the cardinal, by his authority, practised for his catholic children, at the suit of the bishop of  
London. Whereupon the chancellor, by the king's pardon and secret shifting, rather than by God's  
pardon and his deserving, escaped, and went, as is said, to Exeter, &c. Nevertheless, though  
justice took no place, where favour did save, yet, because the innocent cause of Hun should take  
no wrong, the parliament became suitors unto the king's Majesty, that whereas the goods of the  
said Hun were confiscated into the king's hands, that it would please his Grace to make  
restitution of all the said goods unto the children of the said Hun; upon which motion, the king,  
of his gracious disposition, did not only give all the aforesaid goods unto the aforesaid children,  
under his broad seal, yet to be seen, but also did send out his warrants to those that were the cruel  
murderers, commanding them, upon his high displeasure, to redeliver all the said goods, and  
make restitution for the death of the said Richard Hun; all which goods came to the sum of 1500  
pounds sterling, besides his plate and other jewels.  
The tenor of the king's letter in the behalf of Richard Hun.  
"Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well: Whereas by the complaint to us made, as  
well as also in our high court of parliament, on the behalf and part of Roger Whapplot of our city  
of London, draper, and Margaret his wife, late the daughter of Richard Hun: And whereas you  
were indicted by our laws, of and for the death of the said Richard Hun, the said murder cruelly  
committed by you, like as by our records more at large plainly it doth appear, about the fifth day  
of December, in the sixth year of our reign; the same we abhor; nevertheless, we, of our especial  
grace, certain science, and mere motion, pardoned you upon certain considerations us moving:  
for the intent that the goods of the said Richard Hun, the administration of them were committed  
to the said Roger Whapplot, we then supposed and intended your amendment, and restitution to  
be made by you to the infants the children of the said Richard Hun, as well foi his death, as for  
his goods, embezzled, wasted, and consumed by your tyranny, and cruel act so committed, the  
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same being of no little value; and as hitherto ye have made no recompence, according to our  
laws, as might stand with equity, justice, right, and good conscience, and for this cause due  
satisfaction ought to be made by our laws. Wherefore, we will and exhort, and otherwise charge  
and command you, by the tenor of this our especial letters, that ye satisfy and recompense the  
said Roger Whapplot, and the said Margaret his wife, according to our laws in this cause, as it  
may stand with right and good conscience, else otherwise at your further peril, so that they shall  
have no cause to return unto us, for their further remedy eftsoons in this behalf, as ye, in the  
same, tender to avoid our high displeasure; otherwise, that ye, upon the sight hereof, to set all  
excuses apart, and to repair unto our presence, at which your hither coming you shall be further  
advertised of our mind.  
From our manor," &c.  
Defence of Richard Hun against Sir Thomas More and Alen Cope.  
I doubt not but by these premises thou hast (Christian reader) sufficiently to understand  
the whole discourse and story of Richard Hun from top to toe. First, how he came in trouble for  
denying the bearing sheet of this young infant departed; then how he was forced, for succour of  
himself, to sue a præmunire; and thereupon what conspiracy of the clergy was wrought against  
him, what snares were laid, what fetches were practised, and articles devised, to snarl him in the  
trap of heresy, and so to imprison him. Furthermore, being in prison, how he was secretly  
murdered; after his murder, hanged; after his hanging, condemned; after his condemnation,  
burned; and after his burning, lastly, how his death was inquired by the coroner, and cleared by  
acquittal of the inquest. Moreover, how the cause was brought into the parliament, and by the  
parliament the king's precept obtained for restitution of his goods. The debating of which tragical  
and tumultuous story, with all the branches and particular evidences of the same, taken out as  
well of the public acts, as of the bishop's registers, and special records, remaining in the custody  
of Dunstan Whapplot, the son of the daughter of the said Richard Hun, there to be seen, I thought  
here to unwrap and discover, so much the more, for three special purposes.  
First, as is requisite, for testimony and witness of the truth falsely slandered, of innocence  
wrongfully condemned, and of the party cruelly oppressed.  
The second cause moveth me, for Sir Thomas More's Dialogues, wherein he dallieth out  
the matter, thinking to jest poor simple truth out of countenance.  
The third cause which constraineth me, be the Dialogues of Alen Cope; which two, the  
one in English, the other in Latin, railing and barking against Richard Hun, do doublewise charge  
him, both to be a heretic, and also a desperate homicide of himself. Which, as it is false in the  
one, so it is to be found as untrue in the other, if simple truth, which hath few friends, and many  
times cometh in crafty handling, might freely come in indifferent hearing. Wherefore, as I have  
hitherto described the order and manner of his handling, with the circumstances thereof, in plain  
and naked narration of story, simply laid out before all men's faces; so something here to intermit  
in the defence, as well of his oppressed cause as also in discharge of myself, I will now  
compendiously answer to both these aforesaid adversaries, stopping, as it were, with one bush  
two gaps, and the mouths also, if I can, of them both together. And first, against Sir Thomas  
More, albeit in degree worshipful, in place superior, in wit and learning singular, (if his judgment  
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in Christ's matters had been correspondent to the same,) otherwise being a man with many  
worthy ornaments beautified, yet, being but a man, and one man, I lay and object against the  
person of him, the persons and censures of twenty-four questmen, the deposition of so many  
jurors, the judgment of the coroner, the approbation of the parliament, and lastly, the king's bill  
assigned for restitution of his goods, with his own broad seal confirmed, &c. And thus much to  
the person and credit of Sir Thomas More.  
Now as touching his reasons: whereas he coming in with a flim-flam of a horse-mill, or a  
mill-horse, (in his own terms I speak,) thinketh it probation good enough, because he could not  
see him taken by the sleeve which murdered Hun: against these reasons unreasonable of his, I  
allege all the evidences and demonstrations of the history above prefixed to be considered, and of  
all indifferent men to he poised.  
First, how he was found hanging, with his countenance fair, with his beard and head fair  
combed, his bonnet set right upon his head, with his eyes and his mouth fair closed, without any  
drivelling or spurging. His body being taken down, was found loose, (which by hanging could  
not be,) his neck broken, and the skin thereof, beneath the throat where the girdle went, fret and  
faled away; his girdle notwithstanding being of silk, and so double cast about the staple, that the  
space of the girdle between the staple and his neck, with the residue also which went about his  
neck, was not sufficient for his head to come out at. His hands moreover wrung in his wrists, his  
face, lips, chin, doublet, and shirt collar unstained with any blood: when notwithstanding, in a  
manner somewhat beyond the place where he did hang, a great quantity of blood was found.  
Also, whereas the staple whereon he hanged was so that he could not climb thereto without some  
mean, there was a stool set up upon the bolster of a bed, so tickle, that with the first touch in the  
world it was ready to fall. And how was it possible that Hun might hang himself upon that staple,  
the stool so standing? Besides the confession moreover of Charles Joseph's own mouth to Julian  
Litten, of Robert Johnson, John Spalding the bell-ringer, Peter Turner, and others. All which  
testimonies and declarations being so clear and undeniable, may suffice (I trust) any indifferent  
man to see where the truth of this case doth stand: unless Master More, being a gentleman of  
Utopia, peradventure, after some strange guise of that country, useth to carry his eyes not in his  
head but in his affection, not seeing but where he liketh, nor believing but what he listeth.  
Finally, where Sir Thomas More, speaking of himself, so concludeth, that he hearing in  
the matter, what well might be said, yet could not find contrary, but Hun to be guilty of his own  
death; so, in as many words to answer him again, I perusing and searching in the story of Richard  
Hun, what may well be searched, cannot but marvel with myself, either with what darkness the  
eyes of Master More be closed, not to see what is so plain; or else with what conscience he  
would dissemble, that which shame cannot deny. And thus by the way to the Dialogues of Sir  
Thomas More.  
Thirdly, touching the Dialogues of Alen Cope, which had rather the bishop's chancellor  
and officers to be accounted among thieves and murderers, than Hun to be numbered among the  
martyrs; I have herein not much to say, because himself saith but little; and if he had said less,  
unless his ground were better, it had made as little matter. But forasmuch as he saying not much,  
sendeth us to seek more in More; so with like brevity again I may send him to William Tindall,  
to shape him an answer. Yet, notwithstanding, lest Cope, in saying something, should think  
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Hun's innocent cause to lack some friends, which will not or dare not adventure in defence of  
truth, somewhat I will answer in this behalf.  
And first, touching this murder of Hun, not to be his own wilful act, but the deed of  
others; besides the demonstrations above premised to Sir Thomas More, now to Master Cope, if I  
had no other evidences but only these two, I would require no more; that is, his cap found so  
straight standing upon his head, and the stool so tottering under his feet. For how is it, I will not  
say, like, but how is it possible for a man to hang himself in a silken girdle double cast about a  
staple, in such shortness, that neither the space of the knot could well compass his head about,  
and yet having his cap so straight set upon his head, as his was?  
Again, how is it possible, or can it be imagined, for him to hang himself, climbing up by  
a stool which had no stay for him to stand upon, but stood so tickle, that if he had touched the  
same never so little, it must needs have fallen?  
But Cope, being something more provident in this matter, seemeth to exceed not  
altogether so far as doth Master More. For he understanding the case to be ambiguous and  
doubtful, so leave it in suspense, neither determining that Hun did hang himself, and yet not  
admitting that he died a martyr, no more than they which are quelled by thieves and murderers in  
highway-sides. Well, be it so as Cope doth argue, that they which die by the hands of felons and  
murderers in thievish ways, be no martyrs; yet, notwithstanding, this his own similitude,  
comparing the bishop's chancellor and officers to thieves and murderers, doth grant at least that  
Hun died a true man, although no martyr. Now if the cause be it, and not the pain, that maketh a  
martyr, in pondering the cause why Hun was slain, we shall find it not altogether like to the  
cause of them which perish by thieves and robbers. For such commonly because of their goods,  
and for some worldly gain to be sought by their death, are made away, and being true men, may  
peradventure have the reward, although not the name, of martyrs: whereas this man's death,  
being wrought neither for money, nor any such temporal lucre to redound to his oppressors, as it  
hath another cause, so may it have another name, and deserve to be called by the name of  
martyrdom. Like as Abel being slain by wicked Cain, albeit he had no opinion of religion  
articulate against him, but of spite only and of malice was made away, yet, notwithstanding, is  
justly numbered among the martyrs; so what let to the contrary, but that Hun also with him may  
be reckoned in the same society, seeing the cause wherefore they both did suffer proceedeth  
together out of one fountain? And what, moreover, if a man should call Naboth (who for holding  
his right inheritance was slain) a martyr, what great injury should he do either to the name or  
cause of the person, worthy to be carped at? Against Thomas Becket, ye know, Master Cope, no  
special article of faith was laid, wherefore he died. And why then do you bestow upon him so  
devoutly the title of a martyr, for withholding that from the king which by the law of God and of  
the realm did belong unto him; and cannot suffer Hun to be titled for a martyr, dying in his own  
right by the hands of spiritual thieves and homicides, as you yourself do term them? But what do  
I strain my travail any further, to prove Hun a martyr, when Cope's own confession doth import  
no less, though I said nothing? For what if I should take no more but his own very words, and  
say that he was known to be a heretic, as Cope doth affirm; what could I say more, seeing he  
died for their heresy, to prove him to die a martyr? For to die a heretic with the papists, what is it  
else (to say truth) but to die with God a martyr?  
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But howsoever it pleaseth either Sir Thomas More to jest, or Alen Cope to scold out the  
matter, and to style Richard Hun for a known and desperate heretic; yet to all true, godly  
disposed men, Hun may well be known to be a godly and virtuous person; no heretic, but faithful  
and sound; save that only he seemed rather half a papist; at least no full protestant, for that he  
resorted daily to mass, and also had his beads in prison with him, after the catholic manner;  
albeit he was somewhat inclined (as may appear) toward the gospel. And if the name of a martyr  
be thought too good for him, yet I trust Master Cope will stand so good master to him, to let him  
at least to be a martyr's fellow. But what now if I go further with Master Cope, and name Richard  
Hun not only for a martyr, but also commend him for a double martyr? Certes, as I suppose, in so  
saying I should affirm nothing less than truth, nor any thing more than truly may be said, and  
justly proved. But to give and grant this contention unto the adversary, which notwithstanding  
might be easily proved; let us see now the proofs of Master Cope, how he argueth that Richard  
Hun is no martyr; "because," saith he, "true men being killed in highways by thieves and  
murderers, are not therefore to be counted martyrs," &c. And was there nothing else in the cause  
of Hun, but as in true men killed by thieves and murderers? They that are killed by thieves and  
murderers, are killed for some prey, or money about them. And what prey or profit was in the  
death of Hun, let us see, to redound to them which oppressed him? If it were the mortuary or the  
bearing cloth, that was a small thing, and not worthy his death. If it were the præmunire, the  
danger thereof pertained to the priest, and not to them. If they feared lest the example thereof  
once begun, should afterward redound to the prejudice of the whole church, then was the cause  
of his death not private, but public, tending to the whole Church and clergy of Rome; and so is  
his death not altogether like to the death of them, which for private respects are killed of thieves  
and murderers.  
But he was a heretic, saith Cope. By the same reason that Cope taketh him for a heretic, I  
take him the more to be accepted for a martyr. For by that way which they call heresy, the living  
God is served by no way better. And if he were a heretic, why then did they not proceed against  
him as a heretic while he was alive? When they had him at Fulham before them, if they had been  
sure to entrap him in that snare, why did they not take their advantage, when they might with  
least jeopardy? why did they not proceed and condemn him for a heretic? why made they such  
haste to prevent his death before? why did they not tarry the sentence of the law, having the law  
in their own hands? But belike they perceived that he could not be proved a heretic while he  
lived; and therefore thought it best to make him away privily, and to stop the præmunire, and  
afterward to stop the pursuit of his death, by making him a heretic; and therefore were articles  
devised by the chancellor (as is proved by witness of Charles Joseph and another, above) against  
him, and he condemned for a heretic, and his favourers also, whosoever durst stir to take his part,  
and so thereupon was committed to the secular power, and burned. Wherein they did him double  
wrong; first, in that they burned him for a heretic, having before submitted himself to their  
favourable correction, as it appeareth yet in the bishop's registers by his own hand, as it is there  
pretended; which was against their own laws. Again, if he had not submitted himself at that time,  
yet did they him wrong to burn him, before they knew and heard him speak (as Tindall saith)  
whether he would recant or no. And yet admit that he was condemned and burned for a heretic,  
yet to be killed and burned of them for a heretic, that taketh not from him the name of a martyr,  
but rather giveth him to be a double martyr. But Cope yet proceeding in his hot choler against  
Richard Hun, after he hath made him first no martyr, and then a heretic, thirdly, he now maketh  
him also a murderer of himself, and saith, that no other man was any part of his death, but only  
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his own hands, and that either for indignation and anger, or for desperation, or for some cause, he  
knoweth not what. And in his Epilogue, to make it probable, he allegeth the example of one, but  
nameless, who in Queen Mary's time in like sort went about to hang himself, had he not been  
taken in the manner, and rescued.  
Furthermore, as touching the chancellor, he argueth that there was no cause why he  
should attempt any such violence against him, both for his age, for his dignity, for his learning,  
and for the greatness of his own peril, which might ensue thereof. Who if he had maligned the  
man, and had been so disposed to work his destruction, had means otherwise without danger to  
bring that about, having him within his danger convict and fast tied for heresy. Whereunto I  
answer, that to all this matter sufficient hath been answered by the story itself of his death, above  
specified. Whereby the manner of his death, by circumstances of his handling, and hanging, by  
his neck broke, by his body loose, by his skin fretted, by his wrists wrung, by his girdle in such  
shortness double cast about the staple, by his cap right upon his head, by his hair combed, by his  
eyes closed, by the cake of blood found in the floor, by his shirt collar, doublet, jacket, and other  
outward parts of his garments without drop of blood unspotted, by the stool so standing upon the  
bolster, by the chancellor's murrey gown found the day after upon the stocks, the wax candle fair  
put out; furthermore, by the verdict of the inquest, by the attestation of the witnesses sworn, by  
the coroner's judgment, by the assent of the parliament, by the king's letters assigned, and broad  
seal for restitution of his goods; and finally, by the confession of the parties themselves which  
murdered him, &c.: and yet thinketh Cope to make men such fools, having their five wits, to  
ween yet that Hun did hang himself, after so many demonstrations and evidences to the contrary,  
as in every part of this story may appear. And though it were, as it was unlike, and hard for a  
man to believe, that Doctor Horsey, a man of such age, dignity, and learning, would so much  
forget himself, to attempt such a villany, yet so great is the devil sometimes with man (where  
God permitteth) that he worketh greater things than this, and more incredible. For who would  
have thought it like that Cain would ever have killed Abel his own natural brother? which was  
more than a bishop's chancellor to kill a citizen: yet so he did. And where Cope pretendeth the  
causes of anger and desperation whereby Hun did hang himself; how is it like, or who did ever  
hear, a man being in such extremity of desperation, to stand first trimming himself, and combing  
his head, before he go to hang himself? No less credit is also to be given to that which followeth  
in the same Cope, where he saith, that Richard Hun being in prison, was convicted of heresy. By  
the which word, convicted, if he mean that Hun was proved a heretic, that is false; for that he,  
being at Fulham, examined upon certain articles, both denied the articles to be true, as they were  
objected; and also if they were true, yet he submitted himself to their favourable correction, and  
therefore, not standing obstinately in the same, could not be proved a heretic. And if by this term,  
convicted, he mean that he was by sentence cast; so was Hun never cast by any sentence for a  
heretic, so long as he lived, but after his death, when be could nothing answer for himself. And  
because this untruth should not go without his fellow, see how he huddleth up one false narration  
in the neck of another; affirming, moreover, that Hun was cast into prison before he entered his  
suit of præmunire against the priest. Which is utterly false and untrue, both disagreeing to other  
stories, and also refuted by the words of Sir Thomas More, his own author, who reporteth that  
Hun, (in suing his præmunire against the priest,) being set upon a glory of victory, made his  
boast among his friends, that he trusted to have the matter long spoken of, and to be called Hun's  
case. Whereby it appeareth, that Hun was not then in prison, clapped up for heresy, but was  
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abroad seeking counsel among the lawyers, and boasting among his friends, as writeth More, lib.  
iii. Dial.  
After this heap of untruths above passed, add yet further another copy of Cope's false  
dealing; who, seeking all corners, and every where, how to pick matter against my former  
history, chargeth me with arrogancy, as though I took so highly upon me to undo and derogate  
the king's acts and judgments in the acquittal of Doctor Horsey. If it so pleased the king to acquit  
Doctor Horsey, by his gracious pardon, I am not against it, neither do I deny but the king so did;  
neither do I say, nor ever did, but the king of his supereminent prerogative may so do: and  
wherein then do I unrip or loose the king's acts here done and concluded? But if the question be  
this, whether Doctor Horsey, with his colleagues, did kill Richard Hun or no, then do I say, that  
the pardon of the king doth not take away the verity of the crime committed, but removeth away  
the penalty of the law deserved; and so if the life of them was saved by way of pardon, (as  
Master More himself seemeth not to deny,) then was it not through their innocency claiming  
justice that they escaped, but through petition standing in need of mercy. For what needeth  
pardon, where justice absolveth? yea, who sueth pardon, but in so doing must yield himself  
guilty? for pardon never cometh lightly either with God or man, except the crime be first  
confessed. Wherefore, if they escaped by justice, as Cope pretendeth, how then doth Master  
More say, they were saved by pardon? and if they escaped by pardon, how then doth Cope say,  
they were not guilty? And be it admitted, that the sentence of the king's attorney in the king's  
name did absolve them as unguilty, according as the king was then informed by the cardinal and  
suit of friends; yet, afterward the king, being better informed by the parliament, and the truth  
better known, detested and abhorred their fact, and yet continued his pardon unto them, as by the  
king's own acts and his broad seal appeareth, yet remaining in records to be seen.  
And as touching my former histories set forth in Latin and in English, which spake first  
of the foreman of the inquest, then of the king's attorney, to be laboured with some gifts or  
money; as Cope hath yet proved no untruth in my saying, so less can he find any repugnance or  
disagreeing in the same. For he that speaketh of bribing, first of one person, and then afterward  
of another, where both might be bribed together, is not contrary (I think) to himself, but rather  
doth comprehend that in the one book, which he before leaveth out in the other, and yet no great  
repugnance either in the one or in the other, seeing that which is said may be verified in both, as  
it is no other like but in this matter it was. For, how is it otherwise like or possible, but that there  
must needs be found some privy packing in this matter, seeing after such evidence found and  
brought in by the coroner's inquest and jury of twenty-four chosen persons, after so many marks  
and tokens of the murder so clear and demonstrable, and laid forth so plain to the eyes of all the  
world, that no man could deny, or not see the same; yet, through the handling of the aforesaid  
attorney, and of the foreman of the inquest, the murderers were borne out, and confessed to be no  
murderers? If such bolstering out of matters and partiality were then such a rare case in the realm  
of England in the time of Cardinal Wolsey, who then under the king and in the king's name did  
what he list, then let it seem untrue in my former stories, that I have written. And yet the words  
of my story which Cope carpeth at so much, be not mine, but the words of Edward Hall, his own  
author. Wherefore, if his disposition be so set, that he must needs be a censurer of other men's  
writings, let him expostulate with Hall, and not with me.  
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1
61. London Martyrs, 1509-1518  
But I trouble the reader too much in this matter of Richard Hun, being of itself so clear,  
that no indifferent judge can doubt thereof. As for wranglers and quarrellers, they will never be  
satisfied. Wherefore, to return again to the purpose of our story intermitted; in the table above,  
containing the names of them which about this time of Richard Hun were forced to deny and  
abjure their professed opinions, mention was made of Elizabeth Stamford, John Houshold, and  
other more, abjuring about the year of our Lord, 1517. Whose vexation and weakness, although  
it be pitiful to behold, yet to consider the confession of their doctrine in those ancient days, it is  
not unprofitable. Wherein we have to see the same form of knowledge and doctrine then taught  
and planted in the hearts of our fore-elders, which is now publicly received, as well touching the  
Lord's sacrament of his body, as also other specialties of sincerity. And although they lacked  
then public authority to maintain the open preaching and teaching of the gospel, which the Lord's  
merciful grace hath given us now, yet in secret knowledge and understanding they seemed then  
little or nothing inferior to these our times of public reformation; as may appear by this  
confession of Elizabeth Stamford hereunder written; which only may suffice for example to  
understand what ripe knowledge of God's word was then abroad, although not in churches  
publicly preached, for danger of the bishops, yet in secret wise taught and received of divers.  
In number of whom was this Elizabeth Stamford, who being brought and examined  
before Fitzjames, bishop of London, A.D. 1517, confessed that she was taught by one Thomas  
Beele, sometime dwelling at Henley, these words, eleven years before: "That Christ feedeth and  
fast nourisheth his church with his own precious body, that is, the bread of life coming down  
from heaven; this is the worthy word that is worthily received, and joined unto man for to be in  
one body with him. Sooth it is that they be both one, they may not be parted: this is the wisely  
deeming of the holy sacrament Christ's own body: this is not received by chewing of teeth, but  
by bearing of ears, and understanding with your soul, and wisely working thereafter. Therefore  
saith St. Paul, I fear me amongst us, brethren, that many of us be feeble and sick; therefore I  
counsel us brethren to rise and watch, that the great day of doom come not suddenly upon us, as  
the thief doth upon the merchant." Also the said Thomas taught and showed her, that the  
sacrament of the altar was not the very body of Christ, but very bread; and that the sacrament  
was the very body of Christ, put upon the cross, after a divine or mystical manner. And  
moreover, that the said Thomas Beele did many times and oft teach her this aforesaid lesson, that  
she should confess her sins to God, and that the pope's pardons and indulgences were nought  
worth, and profited not; and that worshipping of images and pilgrimages are not to be done.  
John Stilman, martyr.  
It would ask a long tractation and tedious, to recite in order the great multitude and  
number of good men and women, besides these above rehearsed, which in those days recanted  
and abjured about the beginning of King Henry's reign and before: among whom yet,  
notwithstanding, some there were whom the Lord reduced again, and made strong in the  
profession of his truth, and constant unto death; of which number one was John Stilman by  
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name, who about the twenty-fourth day of September, in the year of our Lord, 1518, was  
apprehended and brought before Richard Fitzjames, then bishop of London, at his manor of  
Fulham, and by him was there examined and charged, that notwithstanding his former  
recantation, oath, and abjuration made about eleven years then past, before Edmund, then bishop  
of Salisbury, as well for speaking against the worshipping, praying, and offering unto images, as  
also for denying the carnal and corporal presence in the sacrament of Christ's memorial; yet,  
since that time he had fallen into the same opinions again, and so into the danger of relapse; and  
further, had highly commended and praised John Wickliff, affirming that he was a saint in  
heaven, and that his book called The Wicket was good and holy. Soon after his examination he  
was sent from thence unto the Lollard's Tower at London, and the twenty-second day of October  
then next ensuing, was brought openly into the consistory at Paul's, and was there judicially  
examined by Thomas Hed, the bishop's vicar-general, upon the contents of these articles  
following:  
"1. First I object unto you, that you have confessed before my lord of London, and me,  
Doctor Hed his vicar-general, that about twenty years past, one Stephen Moone, of the diocese of  
Winchester, with whom you abode six or seven years after, did teach you to believe that the  
going on pilgrimage and worshipping of images, as the Lady of Walsingham and others, were  
not to be used. And also that afterwards one Richard Smart, who was burned at Salisbury about  
fourteen or fifteen years past, did read unto you Wickliff's Wicket, and likewise instructed you to  
believe that the sacrament of the altar was not the body of Christ: all which things you have  
erroneously believed.  
"2. Item, You have divers times read the said book called Wickliffe's Wicket, and one  
other book of the ten commandments, which the said Richard Smart did give you, and at the time  
of your first apprehension, you did hide them in an old oak, and did not reveal them unto the  
bishop of Salisbury, before whom you were abjured of heresy about eleven years since; where  
you promised by oath upon the evangelists, ever after to believe and hold as the Christian faith  
taught and preached, and never to offend again in the said heresies, or any other, upon pain of  
relapse. And further, you there promised to perform all such penance as the said bishop of  
Salisbury did enjoin you; who then enjoined you, upon the like pain, not to depart his diocese,  
without his special licence.  
"3. Item, It is evident that you be relapsed, as well by your own confession, as also by  
your deeds, in that about two years after your abjuration you went into the said place where you  
had hidden your books; and then taking them away with you, you departed the aforesaid diocese,  
without the licence of the bishop, and brought them with you to London, where now being  
attached and taken with them upon great suspicion of heresy, you are brought unto the bishop of  
London. By reason of which your demeanour, you have showed both your impenitent and  
dissembled conversation both your errors, and also your unfaithful abjuration, and disobedience  
unto the authority of our mother holy church, in that you performed not the penance, in which  
behalf you be voluntarily perjured and also relapsed, in that you departed the same diocese  
without licence.  
"4. Item, You be not only (as before is said) impenitent, disobedient, voluntarily perjured,  
and relapsed, by this your aforesaid heretical demeanour, but also, since your last attachment  
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upon suspicion of heresy, you have maliciously spoken erroneous and damnable words,  
affirming before my lord of London, your ordinary, and me, judicially sitting at Fulham, that you  
were sorry that ever you did abjure your said opinions, and had not suffered then manfully for  
them: for they were, and be, good and true; and therefore you will now abide by them, to die for  
it. And furthermore, you have spoken against our holy father the pope and his authority,  
damnably saying, that he is antichrist, and not the true successor of Peter, or Christ's vicar on  
earth: and that his pardons and indulgences which he granteth in the sacrament of penance, are  
naught, and that you will none of them: and likewise that the college of cardinals be limbs of the  
said antichrist, and that all other inferior prelates and priests are the synagogue of Satan. And  
moreover you said, that the doctors of the church have subverted the truth of Holy Scripture,  
expounding it after their own minds; and therefore their works be naught, and they in hell; but  
that Wickliff is a saint in heaven, and the book called his Wicket is good, for therein he showeth  
the truth. Also you did wish that there were twenty thousand of your opinion against us Scribes  
and Pharisees, to see what you would do for the defence of your faith. All which heresies you did  
afterwards erroneously affirm before the archbishop of Canterbury, and then said, that you would  
abide by them to die for it, notwithstanding his earnest persuasions to the contrary; and therefore  
for these premises you be evidently relapsed, and ought to be committed unto the secular power."  
After these articles thus propounded, and his constant persevering in the truth perceived,  
Doctor Hed, vicar-general, the twenty-fifth day of October, by his sentence definitive, did  
condemn him a relapsed heretic, and so delivered him the same present day unto the sheriffs of  
London, to be openly burned in Smithfield.  
Thomas Man, martyr.  
Next to John Stilman above mentioned, followeth in this order of blessed martyrs, the  
persecution and condemnation of Thomas Man; who, the twenty-ninth day of March, in the year  
of our Lord 1518, was burned in Smithfield. This Thomas Man had likewise been apprehended  
for the profession of Christ's gospel about six years before, the fourteenth day of August, A.D.  
1
511, and being at that time brought before Doctor Smith, bishop of Lincoln, was by him  
examined upon divers and sundry articles.  
The fifteenth day of February, Doctor Hed, the chancellor, again judicially sitting in the  
consistory at Paul's, commanded Thomas Man to be brought before him, and there causing the  
articles objected against him by the bishop of Lincoln, with his order of abjuration and penance,  
and also his own articles last propounded, to be first read, he called forth a third witness to be  
sworn and examined upon the same. But because he would seem to do all things by order of  
justice, and nothing against law, he therefore appointed unto the said Thomas Man certain  
doctors and advocates of the Arches, as his counsellors to plead in his behalf. Which was even  
like as if the lamb should be committed to the defence and protection of the wolf, or the hare to  
the hound. For what good help could he look for at their hands, which were both most wicked  
haters and abhorrers of his Christian profession, and also stout upholders and maintainers of that  
antichristian law, by the which he was for the same condemned? And that full well appeared by  
the good advice and profitable counsel which they gave him against his next examinations. For  
as well upon the twentieth and also the twenty-third days of the same month of February, in their  
several sessions, he, seeing his own negations to their objections to take no place against their  
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sworn witnesses, had no other thing to allege for himself, but that through his twenty weeks of  
hard imprisonment under the bishop of Lincoln, he was forced to recant and abjure; which was a  
poor shift of counsel, God knoweth; and yet Dr. Raynes, being one of his chief assigned  
advocates, instead of advice, could by his subtle questioning then make him to confess, that  
certain talk, whereof one of the witnesses had accused him, was spoken about five years before  
past; which because it was since his recantation, was rather an accusation of himself, than an  
excusing; and therefore it is easy to judge with how favourable and uprightful hearts they took  
upon them to be his advocates and defenders. The chancellor likewise charged him upon the  
same twenty-third day, that since his last imprisonment he had said unto Robert Clunie the  
bishop's sumner, and his keeper, that as far forth as he could see or perceive for his part in this  
his matter, the laws of the church were grounded upon Pilate and Caiaphas. Which objection he  
granting to be true, the chancellor did for that time dismiss the court, until the first day of March  
next following. Upon which day, minding to make quick despatch, he in few words asked Man,  
what matter he had to allege for himself, why he should not then, considering the premises, be  
pronounced a relapsed heretic, and receive such punishment by the secular power, as to such was  
due by order of law? But he having no other allegations than before which might take place with  
them, was finally condemned as a heretic. And notwithstanding that, as the register noteth, but  
how truly God only knoweth, he did again forsake his former renewed profession of Christ's  
gospel, and yielded himself unto the bishop of Rome, requiring to be absolved from his curse of  
excommunication, and contented to do such penance as they should enjoin him; he was yet, the  
twenty-ninth day of March, delivered by Doctor Hed unto the sheriff of London, to be then  
presently burned, with this protestation made before, that he might not consent to the death of  
any, and therefore he desired the sheriff that he would receive this person as relapsed and  
condemned, and yet to punish him otherwise than by rigorous rigor. The words to be marked in  
their sentence be these: We desire in the bowels of our Lord Jesus Christ, that the punishment  
and execution of due severity of thee, and against thee in this part, may so be moderate, that  
there be no rigorous rigor, nor yet no dissolute mansuetude, but to the health and wealth of thy  
soul, &c. Wherein these catholic churchmen do well declare, according to the words of Thomas  
Man before expressed, that the laws of their church be grounded upon Pilate and Caiaphas; for  
like as Caiaphas with his court of Pharisees cried against Christ unto Pilate, It is not lawful for us  
to put any man to death; but if thou let him go, thou art not Cæsar's friend: even so they, first  
condemning the saints of God to death, and then delivering them unto the secular magistrate, to  
be thereupon executed, would yet cover their malignant hearts with the cloak of hypocritical  
holiness and unwillingness to shed blood. But God be thanked, which bringeth all things to light  
in his due time, and uncovereth hypocrisy at last, that she may be seen and known in her right  
colours.  
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Thomas Man Brought to Execution  
Thus Thomas Man, the manly martyr of Jesus Christ,being condemned by the unjust  
sentence of Hed the chancellor, was delivered to the sheriff of London, sitting on horseback, in  
Paternoster Row, before the bishop's door, A.D. 1518, protesting to the said sheriff that he had  
no power to put him to death; and therefore desired the sheriff to take him as a relapse and  
condemned, to see him punished, et tamen citra mortem, that is, without death, as the words  
stand in the register. The sheriff, receiving neither articles to be read at his burning, nor any  
indentures of that his delivery, immediately carried him to Smithfield, and there the same day in  
the forenoon caused him to be put into God's angel, according to the words of the said Thomas  
Man before, saying, that if he were taken again of the pilled knave priests, as he called them, he  
wist well he should go to the holy angel, and then be an angel in heaven.  
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In the deposition of one Thomas Risby, weaver, of Stratford Langthorn, against the  
forenamed martyr, Thomas Man, it appeareth by the registers, that he had been in divers places  
and countries in England, and had instructed very many, as at Amersham, at London, at  
Billericay, at Chelmsford, at Stratford Langthorn, at Uxbridge, at Burnham, at Henley upon  
Thames, in Suffolk and Norfolk, at Newbury, and divers places more; where he himself  
testifieth, that as he went westward, he found a great company of well-disposed persons, being of  
the same judgment, touching the sacrament of the Lord's supper, that he was of, and especially at  
Newbury, where was, as he confessed, a glorious and sweet society of faithful favourers, who  
had continued the space of fifteen years together, till at last by a certain lewd person, whom they  
trusted and made of their counsel, they were betrayed, and then many of them, to the number of  
six or seven score, were abjured, and three or four of them burnt. From thence he came then, as  
he confessed, to the forest of Windsor, where he, hearing of the brethren which were at  
Amersham, removed thither, where he found a godly and a great company, which had continued  
in that doctrine and teaching twenty-three years, which was from this present time seventy years  
agone. And this congregation of Buckinghamshire men remained till the time of John Longham,  
bishop of Lincoln, whereof we shall, Christ willing, hear more anon. Against these faithful  
Christians of Amersham, was great trouble and persecution in the time of William Smith, bishop  
of Lincoln, about the year of our Lord 1507, at which time divers and many were abjured, and it  
was called abjuratio magna, the great abjuration, and they which were noted of that doctrine and  
profession, were called by the name of "known men," or "just-fast men," &c. In this  
congregation of the faithful brethren, were four principal readers or instructers. Whereof one was  
Tilsworth, called then Doctor Tilsworth, who was burnt at Amersham, mentioned in our history  
before, by the name of William Tilseley, whom I suppose rather to be called Tilseworth. Another  
was Thomas Chase, called amongst them Doctor Chase, whom we declared before to be  
murdered and hanged in the bishop of Lincoln's prison at Wooburn, called Little Ease. The third  
was this Thomas Man, called also Doctor Man, burned, as is here mentioned, in Smithfield, A.D.  
1
518, who, as by his own confession, and no less also by his travail, appeareth, was God's  
champion, and suffered much trouble by the priests for the cause and law of God. He confesseth  
himself in the same register, that he had turned seven hundred people to his religion and doctrine,  
for the which he thanked God. He conveyed also five couples of men and women from  
Amersham, Uxbridge, Burnham, and Henley upon Thames, where they dwelt, unto Suffolk and  
Norfolk, that they might be brought, as he then termed it, out of the devil's mouth. The fourth  
was Robert Cosin, named likewise among them, Doctor Cosin.  
Robert Cosin, martyr.  
This Robert Cosin seemeth to be the same, which in the former part of our history is  
before mentioned, being called by the name of Father Robert, and was burnt in Buckingham. Of  
this Robert Cosin I find in the registers of Lincoln, that he, with Thomas Man, had instructed and  
persuaded one Joan Norman, about Amersham, not to go on pilgrimage, nor to worship any  
images of saints. Also when she had vowed a piece of silver to a saint for the health of her child,  
they dissuaded her from the same, and that she needed not to confess her unto a priest, but to be  
sufficient to lift up her hands to heaven. Moreover, they were charged by the bishop, for teaching  
the said Joan, that she might as well drink upon the Sunday before mass, as any other day, &c.  
And thus you see the doctrine of these good men, for the which they were in those days abjured  
and condemned to death.  
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William Sweeting, alias Clerke, martyr.  
William Sweeting, otherwise named Clerke, first dwelt with the Lady Percy at Darlington  
in the county of Northampton for a certain space, and from thence went to Boxted in the county  
of Essex, where he was the holy-water clerk the space of seven years; after that, he was bailiff  
and farmer to Mistress Margery Wood the term of thirteen years. From Boxsted he departed and  
came to the town of St. Osithe, where he served the prior of St. Osithe's, named George Laund,  
the space of sixteen years and more; where he had so turned the prior by his persuasions, that the  
said prior of St. Osithe was afterward compelled to abjure. This William Sweeting coming up to  
London with the aforesaid prior, for suspicion of heresy was committed to the Lollard's Tower,  
under the custody of Charles Joseph, and there, being abjured in the church of St. Paul, was  
constrained to bear a faggot at Paul's Cross, and at Colchester; and afterward, to wear a faggot  
upon his coat all his life. Which he did two years together upon his left sleeve, till at length the  
parson of Colchester required him to help him in the service of the church, and so plucked the  
badge from his sleeve, and there he remained two years, being the holy-water clerk. From thence  
afterward he departed, and travelling abroad, came to Rederiffe in the diocese of Winchester,  
where he was holy-water clerk the space of a year; then went to Chelsith, where he was their  
neatherd, and kept the town beasts. In the which town, upon St. Ann's day in the morning, as he  
went forth with his beasts to the field, the good man was apprehended and brought before the  
bishop, and his chamber searched for books. This was A.D. 1511.  
The crimes whereupon he was examined were these:  
"First, For having much conference with one William Man of Boxsted, in a book which  
was called Matthew.  
"
Item, That he had familiarity, and frequented much the company of James Brewster,  
who had been before abjured.  
"
Item, That when his wife would go on pilgrimage, he asked of her, what good she  
should receive by her going on pilgrimage: adding moreover, that, as he supposed, it was to no  
purpose nor profit, but rather it were better for her to keep at home, and to attend to her business.  
"
Item, That he had learned and received of William Man, that the sacrament of the  
priests' altar was not the present very body, but bread in substance, received in memorial of  
Christ.  
"
Item, That he had propounded and affirmed the same doctrine to James Brewster.  
"
Item, Because he had reprehended his wife for worshipping the images in the church,  
and for setting up candles before them."  
And thus have you all the causes and crimes laid against this William Sweeting,  
wherefore he was condemned. Who then being asked what cause he had, why he should not be  
judged for relapse, said, he had nothing else, but only that he committed himself to the mercy of  
Almighty God.  
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James Brewster, martyr.  
With William Sweeting also the same time was examined and condemned James  
Brewster, of the parish of St. Nicholas in Colchester. This James Brewster was a carpenter,  
dwelling ten years in the town of Colchester, who being unlettered, could neither read nor write,  
and was apprehended upon the day of St. James, in one Walker's house in St. Clement's parish.  
About six years before, which was A.D. 1505, he had been abjured by William Warham,  
archbishop of Canterbury, the see of London being then vacant; and after other penance done at  
Colchester, was enjoined to wear a faggot upon his upper garment during his life. Which badge  
he did bear upon his left shoulder near the space of two years, till the comptroller of the earl of  
Oxford plucked it away, because he was labouring in the works of the earl.  
The crimes whereupon he was examined, and which he confessed, were these: "First, that  
he had been five times with William Sweeting in the fields keeping beasts, hearing him read  
many good things out of a certain book. At which reading also were present at one time,  
Woodroffe or Woodbinde, a net-maker, with his wife; also a brother-in-law of William  
Sweeting; and another time Thomas Good-red, who heard likewise the said William Sweeting  
read.  
"
Item, Because he used the company and conference of Henry Hert, carpenter, of  
Westminster, and wrought with him in his science at Westminster.  
"
Item, For having a certain Iittle book of Scripture in English, of an old writing almost  
worn for age, whose name is not there expressed.  
"
Item, Because he hearing upon a time one Master Bardfield of Colchester thus say, that  
he that will not worship the Maozim in heart and thought shall die in fight; he asked afterward of  
William Man, what that word Maozim should mean; who told him that it signified as much as  
the mass god, to wit, the sacrament of the altar.  
"
Item, That he had much conference with Henry Hert against oblations and images, and  
that it was better bestowed money which was given to the poor, than that that was offered in  
pilgrimage.  
"
Item, For that he had communication and conference with Roger Heliar, and one  
Walker, a thicker of St. Clement's, concerning divers such matters of pilgrimage, offering to  
images, worshipping of saints, and the sacrament of the altar.  
"
Item, When Thomas Goodred, William Sweeting, and he, in the fields keeping beasts,  
were talking together of the sacrament of the Lord's body and like matters, this James Brewster  
should thus say: Now the Son of the living God help us. Unto whom William Sweeting again  
should answer, Now Almighty God so do."  
And thus have you the causes likewise and crimes laid against James Brewster, upon  
which he with William Sweeting was together examined and condemned. Then being asked, as  
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the Romish manner is, whether he had any cause why he should not be adjudged for relapse, he,  
trusting to find favour and grace in submitting himself, said, that he submitted him to the mercy  
of Almighty God, and to the favourable goodness of him his judge. And likewise did William  
Sweeting submit himself; trusting belike that they should find some favour and relief in this  
humble subjecting themselves unto their goodness.  
But note here the unmerciful and unchristian dealing of these catholic fathers, who upon  
their submission were contented to give out a solemn commission, the tenor whereof was to  
release and pardon them from the sentence of the excommunication, whereunto they had  
incurred: but immediately after upon the same, the bishop, all this notwithstanding, pronounced  
upon them the sentence of death and condemnation. Whereupon they were both delivered to the  
secular power, and both together burnt in Smithfield at one fire, the 18th day of October, A.D.  
1
511.  
Christopher Shoomaker, martyr.  
To these blessed saints before past, we will also adjoin Christopher Shoomaker; of whom  
this I find briefly in the register of Sir John Longland; that the said Christopher Shoomaker, a  
parishioner of Great Missenden, came to the house of John Stay, and after other matters of talk,  
read to him out of a little book, the words which Christ spake to his disciples. And thus coming  
to his house about four times, at every time he read something out of the same book unto him;  
teaching him not to be deceived in the priest's celebration at mass, and declaring that it was not  
the same very present body of Christ, as the priests did fantasy; but in substance bread, bearing  
the remembrance of Christ.  
And taught him moreover, that pilgrimage, worshipping and setting up candles to saints,  
were all unprofitable. And thus the said John Say being taught by this Christopher, and also  
confirmed by John Okenden and Robert Pope, was brought to the knowledge of the same  
doctrine. Thus much briefly I find in that register concerning Christopher Shoomaker, declaring  
further that he was burned at Newbury about this time, which was A.D. 1518. And thus much out  
of the registers of London.  
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The execution of Christopher Schoomaker  
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1
62. Persecution in Lincoln  
In turning over the registers and records of Lincoln likewise, and coming to the year of  
our Lord 1520, and 1521, I find, that as the light of the gospel began more to appear, and the  
number of the professors to grow, so the vehemency of persecution and stir of the bishops began  
also to increase. Whereupon ensued great perturbation and grievous affliction in divers and  
sundry quarters of this realm, especially about Buckinghamshire, and Amersham, Uxbridge,  
Henley, Newbury, in the diocese of London, in Essex, Colchester, Suffolk and Norfolk, and  
other parts more. And this was before the name of Luther was heard of in these countries among  
the people. Wherefore they are much beguiled and misinformed, which condemn this kind of  
doctrine now received of novelty, asking where was this church and religion forty years ago,  
before Luther's time? To whom it may be answered, that this religion and form of doctrine was  
planted by the apostles, and taught by true bishops, afterward decayed, and now reformed again;  
although it was not received nor admitted of the pope's clergy before Luther's time, neither yet is,  
yet it was received of other, in whose hearts it pleased the Lord secretly to work, and that of a  
great number, which both professed and suffered for the same, as in the former times of this  
history may appear. And if they think this doctrine be so new, that it was not heard of before  
Luther's time, how then came such great persecution before Luther's time here in England? If  
these were of the same profession which they were of, then was their cruelty unreasonable, so to  
persecute their own catholic fraternity. And if they were otherwise, how then is this doctrine of  
the gospel so new, or the professors thereof so late start up, as they pretend them to be? But this  
cometh only of ignorance, and for not knowing or considering well the times and antiquities of  
the church which have been before us; which if they did, they should see and say, that the  
Church of England hath not lacked great multitudes, which tasted and followed the sweetness of  
God's holy word almost in as ample manner, for the number of well-disposed hearts, as now.  
Although public authority then lacked to maintain the open preaching of the gospel, yet the  
secret multitude of true professors was not much unequal; certes, the fervent zeal of those  
Christian days seemed much superior to these our days and times; as manifestly may appear by  
their sitting up all night in reading and hearing, also by their expenses and charges in buying of  
books in English; of whom some gave five marks, some more, some less, for a book. Some gave  
a load of hay for a few chapters of St. James, or of St. Paul, in English. In which rarity of books,  
and want of teachers, this one thing I greatly marvel and muse at, to note in the registers and to  
consider how the word of truth, notwithstanding, did multiply so exceedingly, as it did amongst  
them. Wherein is to be seen, no doubt, the marvellous working of God's mighty power. For so I  
find and observe in considering the registers, how one neighbour resorting and conferring with  
another, eftsoons, with a few words of their first or second talk, did win and turn their minds to  
that wherein they desired to persuade them, touching the truth of God's word and his sacraments.  
To see their travails, their earnest seeking, their burning zeal, their readings, their watchings,  
their sweet assemblies, their love and concord, their godly living, their faithful marrying with the  
faithful, may make us now in these our days of free profession to blush for shame.  
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Four principal points they stood in against the Church of Rome, in pilgrimage, adoration  
of saints, in reading Scripture books in English, and in the carnal presence of Christ's body in the  
sacrament.  
After the great abjuration aforesaid, which was under William Smith, bishop of Lincoln,  
they were noted and termed among themselves by the name of "known men," or "just-fast men,"  
as now they are called by the name of Protestants.  
As they were simple, and yet not uncircumspect in their doings, so the crafty serpent,  
being more wily than they, by fraudulent subtlety did so circumvent them, that they caused the  
wife to detect the husband, the husband the wife; the father the daughter, the daughter the father;  
the brother to disclose the brother, and neighbour the neighbour. Neither were there any  
assemblies nor readings kept, but both the persons and also the books were known; neither was  
any word so closely spoken, nor article mentioned, but it was discovered. So subtlely and  
sleightly these catholic prelates did use their inquisitions and examinations, that nothing was  
done or said among these "known men," fifteen or twenty years before, so covertly, but it was  
brought at length to their intelligence. Such captious interrogatories, so many articles and  
suspicions they had, such espials and privy scouts they sent abroad, such authority and credit  
they had with the king, and in the king's name; such diligence they showed in that behalf, so  
violently and impudently they abused the book of the peaceable evangelists, wresting men's  
consciences upon their oath, swearing them upon the same to detect themselves, their fathers and  
mothers, and other of their kindred, with their friends and neighbours, and that to death. All  
which things in the further process of the table ensuing, (Christ willing,) which we have  
collected out of some part of the registers of Lincoln, shall appear.  
For the better declaration whereof, first here is to be premonished by the way, touching  
the see of Lincoln, that after William Smith, succeeded John Longland. This William Smith,  
although he was somewhat eager and sharp against the poor simple flock of Christ's servants,  
under whom some were burned, many abjured, a great number molested, as partly hath been  
before declared; yet was he nothing so bloody and cruel as was the said Longland, who afterward  
succeeded in that diocese. For so I find of him, that in the time of the great abjuration and  
troublesome affliction of Buckinghamshire men, wherein many were abjured, and certain  
burned; yet divers he sent quietly home without punishment and penance, bidding them go home,  
and live as good Christian men should do. And many who were enjoined penance before, he did  
release. This Smith died about the year of our Lord 1515, by whom was builded, as is aforesaid,  
the college of Brazen-nose in Oxford.  
Not long after him followed John Longland, a fierce and cruel vexes of the faithful poor  
servants of Christ; who, to renew again the old sparkles of persecution, which were not yet  
utterly quenched, first began with one or two of those which had been abjured, whom he thought  
to be most notorious, causing them by force of their oath, to detect and bewray, not only their  
own opinions touching points of religion, but also to discover all others of their affinity, which  
were either suspected or abjured before. And them likewise he put to their oath, most violently  
constraining them to utter and confess both themselves, and whom else soever they knew: by  
reason whereof, an incredible multitude of men, women, and maidens, were brought forth to  
examination, and straitly handled. And such as were found in relapse, were burned.  
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The rest were so burdened with superstitious and idolatrous penance and injunctions, that  
either through grief of conscience they shortly died, or else with shame they lived.  
Captious interrogatories ministered commonly by the bishop of Lincoln, against these  
examinates here following.  
The interrogatories or articles which Longland, bishop of Lincoln, used most commonly  
to minister to these examinates or "known men," in number were nine, and are these as  
followeth:  
"1. First, Whether they or any of them did know, that certain of the parish of Amersham  
had been convented before William Smith, late bishop of Lincoln, for heresy?  
"2. Item, Whether they knew that they, so convented before the said bishop, did err in the  
sacrament of the altar, or in any other sacrament of the church: and if they did, in what  
sacraments, and in which of them? Also whether they knew that the said parties so convented did  
confess their errors, and receive penance for the same?  
"3. Item, Whether they, or any of them, were of the society of those so convented for  
heresy: and if they were, what fellowship they had with them, and with whom?  
"4. Item, Whether they, or any of them, were ever conversant with such a one (naming  
the person whom they knew suspected, as with Thurstan Littlepage)? And if they were, what  
conversation they had with him, how long, and when: and whether they knew the said person to  
have been suspected of heresy?  
"
5. Item, Whether they, or any of them, were ever conversant with him; or with him  
naming some other person whom they suspected, as Alexander Mastall)? and if they were, how,  
and how long? and whether they knew the said person to be suspected of heresy?  
(
"6. Item, Whether they, or any of them, had been beforetime detected of heresy, to the  
office of the aforesaid William, bishop of Lincoln: and if they were, by what person or persons  
they were detected? or else, whether they only were called by the aforesaid William, bishop, for  
heresy?  
"
7. Item, Whether he or they be noted and holden for heretics; or be reputed and defamed  
to be of the sect of those who were convented for heresy? and whether he or they be named for a  
known man' amongst them?  
'
"8. Item, Whether he or they have been ever at any readings of such as have been so  
convented for heresy?  
"9. Item, Whether he or they were ever in any secret communication or conventicle with  
them? whom or which of them he knew to be named and reputed for a 'known man,' or holding  
against the sacrament of the altar, or other sacraments and articles of faith? and if they knew any  
such, to declare where and when, and what they were, and who were present the same time."  
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These articles and interrogatories thus declared, now followeth to be shown a certain  
brief sum compendiously collected out of the registers of John Longland, bishop of Lincoln, of  
the names first of those who by oath were constrained against their wills to detect and accuse  
others. Secondly, The persons that were accused. Thirdly, The crimes to them objected.  
And first; forasmuch as the bishop perceived that Roger Bennet, William Chedwell,  
Edmund Dormer, Thomas Harding, Robert Andrew, with such others, were men especially noted  
to be of that side, therefore, to work his purpose the better, he began with them; producing the  
same as witnesses, to detect first Robert Bartlet of Amersham, and Richard his brother;  
understanding that these aforenamed witnesses, because they had been abjured before, durst now  
do no other, upon pain of relapse, but needs confess whatsoever was put unto them. And  
therefore, because Robert Bartlet and Richard his brother, being called before the bishop, and  
sworn upon their oath, would confess nothing against themselves; the bishop, to convict them by  
witnesses, went first to William Chedwell, lying sore sick in his bed, causing him upon the  
evangelists to swear, whether he knew the aforesaid Robert and Richard Bartlet to be "known  
men." Which being done, the bishop then called before him Robert Andrew, Roger Bennet, John  
Hill, Edmund Dormer, John Milsent, Thomas Bernard, Thomas Littlepage, John Dosset, (all  
Amersham men,) who, being abjured before, as is said, durst no otherwise do but confess upon  
their oath that Robert and Richard Bartlet were "known men." And yet the bishop, not contented  
with this, caused also their two wives, to wit, Margaret the wife of Robert Bartlet, and Isabel the  
wife of Richard Bartlet, to depose and give witness against their own natural husbands. Albeit  
Isabel Bartlet, being somewhat more temperate of her tongue, refused utterly to confess any  
thing of her husband, and denied her husband's words to be true; till at last, she, being convicted  
of perjury, was constrained to utter the truth. And first, as touching those who, being brought to  
abjuration, were put to their penance; long it were to recite the names of all. Certain I thought to  
recite here in a catalogue: first reciting the persons; afterwards the rigorous penance to them  
enjoined.  
The names of those who were abjured in the diocese of Lincoln, A.D. 1521.  
William Colins.  
John Colins.  
Joan Colins.  
Robert Colins.  
John Hacker.  
John Brabant the father.  
John Brabant his son.  
John Brabant the younger son.  
John Edmonds.  
Edward Pope.  
Henry Phip.  
John Steventon.  
Joan Steventon.  
Robert Bartlet.  
Thomas Clerke.  
John Clerke.  
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Richard Bartlet.  
William Phip.  
John Phip.  
Thomas Couper.  
William Littlepage.  
John Littlepage.  
Joan Littlepage.  
John Say.  
John Frier.  
Richard Vulford.  
Thomas Tredway  
William Gudgame.  
Roger Heron.  
Francis Funge.  
Robert Pope.  
Roger Dods.  
John Harris.  
Robert Bruges.  
John Stampe.  
Joan Stampe.  
Richard White.  
Benet Ward.  
John Baker.  
Agnes Wellis.  
Marian Morden.  
Isabel Morwin.  
John Butler.  
John Butler the younger.  
Richard Carder.  
Richard Bernard.  
Joan Bernard.  
John Grace.  
John French.  
John Edings.  
The towns, villages, and countries where these aforesaid persons did inhabit, are named chiefly  
to be these.  
Amersham.  
Chesham.  
Hichenden.  
Missenden the Great.  
Missenden the Less.  
East-hundred.  
West-hundred.  
Asthall.  
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Beaconsfield.  
Denham.  
Ginge.  
Betterton.  
Charney.  
Stanlake.  
Claufield.  
Walton.  
Marlow.  
Dorney.  
Iver.  
Burton.  
Uxbridge.  
Woburn.  
Henley.  
Wycombe.  
West-Wycombe.  
Newbury.  
Burford.  
Witney.  
Hungerford.  
Upton.  
Windsor.  
London.  
Coleman-street in London.  
Cheapside in London.  
Shoreditch by London.  
St. Giles in London.  
Essex.  
Suffolk.  
Norfolk.  
Norwich.  
The books and opinions which these were charged withal, and for which they were  
abjured, partly are before expressed, partly here follow, in a brief summary to be seen.  
A brief summary of their opinions  
The opinions of many of these persons were, That he or she never believed in the  
sacrament of the altar, nor ever would; and that it was not as men did take it.  
For that he was known of his neighbours to be a good fellow, meaning, that he was a  
"known man."  
For saying, that he would give forty pence on condition that such a one knew as much as  
he did know.  
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Some, for saying that they of Amersham, who had been abjured before by Bishop Smith,  
were good men, and perfect Christians, and simple folk who could not answer for themselves,  
and therefore were oppressed by power of the bishop.  
Some, for hiding others in their barns.  
Some, for reading the Scriptures, or treatises of Scripture, in English: some, for hearing  
the same read.  
Some, for defending, some for marrying with, them that had been abjured.  
Some, for saying that matrimony was not a sacrament.  
Some, for saying that worshipping of images was mawmetry; some, for calling images  
carpenters' chips; some, for calling them stocks and stones; some, for calling them dead things.  
Some, for saying that money spent upon pilgrimage, served but to maintain thieves and  
harlots. Some, for calling the image in the rood-loft, "Block-almighty."  
Others, for saying that nothing graven with man's hand was to be worshipped.  
Some, for calling them fools who came from Master John Shorne in pilgrimage.  
Another, for calling his vicar a poll-shorn priest. Another, for calling a certain blind  
chapel, being in ruin, an old fair milk-house.  
Another, for saying that he threshed God Almighty out of the straw.  
Another, for saying that alms should not be given before they did sweat in a man's hand.  
Some, for saying that those who die, pass straight either to heaven or hell.  
Isabel Bartlet was brought before the bishop and abjured, for lamenting her husband,  
when the bishop's man came for him; and saying, that he was an undone man, and she a dead  
woman.  
For saying, that Christ, departing from his disciples into heaven, said that once he was in  
sinners' hands, and would come there no more.  
Robert Rave, hearing a certain bell in an uplandish steeple, said, "Lo, yonder is a fair bell,  
an it were to hang about any cow's neck in this town;" and therefore, as for other such-like  
matters more, he was brought coram nobis!  
Item, For receiving the sacrament at Easter, and doubting whether it was the very body of  
Christ, and not confessing their doubt to their ghostly father.  
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Some, for saying that the pope had no authority to give pardon, or to release man's soul  
from sin, and so from pain; and that it was nothing but blinding of the people, and to get their  
money.  
The penance to these parties enjoined by this John Longland, bishop of Lincoln, was  
almost uniform, and all after one condition; save only that they were severally committed and  
divided into several and divers monasteries, there to be kept and found of alms all their life,  
except they were otherwise dispensed with by the bishop. As for example, I have here adjoined  
the bishop's letter for one of the said number, sent to the abbey of Ensham, there to be kept in  
perpetual penance; by which one, an estimation may be taken of the rest, who were bestowed  
likewise sundrily into sundry abbeys, as to Osney, to Frideswide, to Abingdon, to Thame, to  
Bicester, to Dorchester, to Netley, to Ashridge, and divers more. The copy of the bishop's letter,  
sent to the abbot of Ensham, here followeth underwritten.  
Copy of the bishop's letter to the abbot of Ensham.  
"My loving brother, I recommend me heartily unto you: And whereas I have, according  
to the law, put this bearer R. T. to perpetual penance within your monastery of Ensham, there to  
live as a penitent, and not otherwise; I pray you, and nevertheless according unto the law  
command you, to receive him, and see ye order him there according to his injunctions, which he  
will show you, if ye require the same. As for his lodging, he will bring it with him; and for his  
meat and drink, he may have such as you give of your alms. And if he can so order himself by  
his labour within your house in your business, whereby he may deserve his meat and drink; so  
may you order him as ye see convenient to his deserts, so that he pass not the precinct of your  
monastery. And thus fare you heartily well: From my place," &c.  
As touching the residue of the penance and punishment inflicted on these men, they do  
little or nothing disagree, but had one order in them all; the manner and form whereof in the said  
bishop's register do proceed in condition as followeth:  
Penance enjoined under pain of relapse, by John Longland, bishop of Lincoln, the 19th day of  
December, A.D. 1521.  
"In primis, That every one of them shall, upon a market-day, such as shall be limited unto  
them, in the market-time, go thrice about the market at Burford, and then to stand up upon the  
highest greece of the cross there, a quarter of an hour, with a faggot of wood every one of them  
upon his shoulder, and every one of them once to bear a faggot of wood upon their shoulders,  
before their procession upon a Sunday, which shall be limited unto them at Burford, from the  
choir-door going out, to the choir-door going in; and all the high mass time, to hold the same  
faggot upon their shoulders, kneeling upon the greece before the high altar there; and every of  
them to do likewise in their own parish church, upon such a Sunday as shall be limited unto  
them: and once to bear a faggot at a general procession at Uxbridge, when they shall be assigned  
thereto; and once to bear a faggot at the burning of a heretic, when they shall be admonished  
thereto.  
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"Also every one Of them to fast, bread and ale only, every Friday during their life; and  
every even of Corpus Christi, every one of them to fast bread and water during their life, unless  
sickness unfeigned let the same.  
"Also, to be said by them every Sunday, and every Friday, during their life, once our  
Ladypsalter; and if they forget it one day, to say as much another day for the same.  
"Also neither they, nor any of them, shall hide their mark upon their cheek, neither with  
hat, cap, hood, kerchief, napkin, or none otherwise; nor shall suffer their beards to grow past  
fourteen days; nor ever haunt again together with any suspected person or persons, unless it be in  
the open market, fair, church, or common inn or alehouse, where other people may see their  
conversation.  
"And all these injunctions they and every of them to fulfil with their penance, and every  
part of the same, under pain of relapse."  
And thus have you the names, with the causes and the penance, of those who were at this  
present time abjured. By this word "abjured" is meant, that they were constrained by their oath,  
swearing upon the evangelists, and subscribing with their hand, and a cross to the same, that they  
did utterly and voluntarily renounce, detest, and forsake, and never should hold hereafter these or  
any other like opinions, contrary to the determination of the holy mother Church of Rome: And  
further, that they should detect unto their ordinary, whomsoever they should see or suspect  
hereafter to teach, hold, or maintain the same.  
The names of them that were condemned for relapse, and committed unto the secular power.  
Among these aforenamed persons who thus submitted themselves, and were put to  
penance, certain there were, who, because they had been abjured before, as is above-mentioned,  
under Bishop Smith, were now condemned for relapse, and had sentence read aginst them, and  
so were committed to the secular arm to be burned: whose names here follow: Thomas Bernard,  
James Morden, Robert Rave, and John Scrivener, martyrs.  
Of these mention is made before, both touching their abjuration, and also their  
martyrdom; unto whom we may adjoin, Joan Norman, and Thomas Holmes.  
This Thomas Holmes, albeit he had disclosed and detected many of his brethren, as in the  
table above is expressed; thinking thereby to please the bishop, and to save himself, and was  
thought to be a feed man of the bishop for the same: yet, notwithstanding, in the said bishop's  
register appeareth the sentence of relapse and condemnation, written and drawn out against him;  
and most likely he was also adjudged and executed with the others.  
As touching the burning of John Scrivener, here is to be noted, that his children were  
compelled to set fire unto their father; in like manner as Joan Clerke also, daughter of William  
Tylsworth, was constrained to give fire to the burning of her own natural father, as is above  
specified.  
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The example of which cruelty, as it is contrary both to God and nature, so it hath not been  
seen or heard of in the memory of the heathen.  
Where moreover is to be noted, that at the burning of this John Scrivener, one Thomas  
Dorman, mentioned before, was present, and bare a faggot, at Amersham; whose abjuration was  
afterwards laid against him, at what time he should depose for recovery of certain lands from the  
school of Berkhamstead. This Thomas Dorman (as I am credibly informed of certain about  
Amersham) was then uncle to this our Dorman, and found him to school at Berkhamstead, under  
Master Reeve; who now so uncharitably abuseth his pen in writing against the contrary doctrine,  
and raileth so fiercely against the blood of Christ's slain servants, miscalling them to be a  
dunghill of stinking martyrs.  
Well, howsoever the savour of these good martyrs do scent in the nose of Master  
Dorman, I doubt not but they give a better odour and sweeter smell in the presence of the Lord:  
Pretiosa enim in conspectu Domini mars sanctorum ejus; Precious in the sight of the Lord is the  
death of his saints. And therefore, howsoever it shall please Master Dorman with reproachful  
language to misterm the good martyrs of Christ, or rather Christ in his martyrs; his unseemly  
usage (more cart-like than clerk-like) is not greatly to be weighed. For, as the danger of his  
blasphemy hurteth not them that are gone, so the contumely and reproach thereof as well  
comprehendeth his own kindred, friends, and country, as any others else; and especially  
redoundeth to himself, and woundeth his own soul, and none else, unto the great provoking of  
God's wrath against him, unless he be blessed with better grace, by time to repent.  
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1
63. Scholars and Poets  
Doctor John Colet, dean of St. Paul's.  
Much about this time, or not past two years before, died Dr. John Colet, to whose  
sermons these "known men," about Buckinghamshire, had a great mind to resort. After he came  
from Italy and Paris, he first began to read the Epistles of St. Paul openly in Oxford, instead of  
Scotus and Thomas. From thence he was called by the king, and made dean of Paul's; where he  
accustomed much to preach, not without a great auditory, as well of the king's court, as of the  
citizens and others. His diet was frugal, his life upright; in discipline he was severe, insomuch  
that his canons, because of their straiter rule, complained that they were made like monks. The  
honest and honourable state of matrimony he ever preferred before the unchaste singleness of  
priests. At his dinner commonly was read either some chapter of St. Paul, or of Solomon's  
Proverbs. He never used to sup. And although the blindness of that time carried him away after  
the common error of popery, yet in ripeness of judgment he seemed something to incline from  
the vulgar trade of that age. The religious order of monks and friars he fantasied not; as neither  
he could greatly favour the barbarous divinity of the school-doctors, as of Scotus, but least of all  
of Thomas Aquinas: insomuch that when Erasmus, speaking in the praise of Thomas Aquinas,  
did commend him, that he had read many old authors, and had written many new works, as  
Catena Aurea, and such like, to prove and to know his judgment: Colet, first supposing that  
Erasmus had spoken in jest, but after supposing that he meant good faith, bursteth out in great  
vehemency, saying, "What tell you me," quoth he, "of the commendation of that man, who,  
except he had been of an arrogant and presumptuous spirit, would not define and discuss all  
things so boldly and rashly; and also, except he had been rather worldly-minded than heavenly,  
would never have so polluted Christ's whole doctrine with man's profane doctrine, in such sort as  
he hath done?"  
The bishop of London at that time was Fitzjames, of age no less than eighty; who,  
(bearing long grudge and displeasure against Colet,) with other two bishops taking his part, like  
to himself, entered action of complaint against Colet to the archbishop of Canterbury, being then  
William Warham. The matter of his complaint was divided into three articles: the first was for  
speaking against worshipping of images. The second was about hospitality, for that he, treating  
upon the place of the gospel, "Feed, feed, feed;" when he had expounded the two first, for  
feeding with example of life, and with doctrine; in the third, which the schoolmen do expound  
for feeding with hospitality, he left out the outward feeding of the belly, and applied it another  
way. The third crime wherewith they charged him, was for speaking against such as used to  
preach only by bosom sermons, declaring nothing else to the people, but as they bring in their  
prayers with them; which, because the bishop of London used then much to do for his age, he  
took it as spoken against him, and therefore bare him this displeasure. The archbishop, more  
wisely weighing the matter, and being well acquainted with Colet, so took his part against his  
accusers, that he at that time was rid out of trouble.  
William Tyndall, in his book answering Master More, addeth moreover, and testifieth,  
that the bishop of London would have made the said Colet, dean of Paul's, a heretic, for  
translating the Paternoster into English, had not the bishop of Canterbury holpen the dean.  
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But yet the malice of Fitzjames the bishop so ceased not; who, being thus repulsed by the  
archbishop, practised by another train how to accuse him unto the king. The occasion thus fell. It  
happened the same time, that the king was in preparation of war against France; whereupon the  
bishop with his coadjutors, taking occasion upon certain words of Colet, wherein he seemed to  
prefer peace before any kind of war, were it never so just; accused him therefore in their  
sermons, and also before the king.  
Furthermore it so befell at the same time, that upon Good Friday Dr. Colet, preaching  
before the king, entreated of the victory of Christ, exhorting all Christians to fight under the  
standard of Christ, against the devil; adding, moreover, what a hard thing it was to fight under  
Christ's banner, and that all they which upon private hatred or ambition took weapon against  
their enemy, (one Christian to slay another,) such did not fight under the banner of Christ, but  
rather of Satan: and therefore concluding his matter, he exhorted that Christian men, in their  
wars, would follow Christ their prince and captain, in fighting against their enemies, rather than  
the examples of Julius or Alexander, &c. The king, hearing Colet thus speak, and fearing lest by  
his words the hearts of his soldiers might be withdrawn from his wars which he had then in hand,  
took him aside and talked with him in secret conference, in his garden walking. Bishop  
Fitzjames, Bricot, and Standish, who were his enemies, thought now none other, but that Colet  
must needs be committed to the Tower; and waited for his coming out. But the king, with great  
gentleness entertaining Dr. Colet, and bidding him familiarly to put on his cap, in long courteous  
talk had with him in the garden, much commended him for his learning and integrity of life;  
agreeing with him in all points, but that only he required him (for that the rude soldiers should  
not rashly mistake that which he had said) more plainly to explain his words and mind in that  
behalf; which after he did. And so, after long communication and great promises, the king  
dismissed Colet with these words, saying: "Let every man have his doctor as him liketh, this  
shall be my doctor;" and so departed. Whereby none of his adversaries durst ever trouble him  
after that time.  
Among many other memorable acts left behind him, he erected the worthy foundation of  
the school of Paul's, (I pray God the fruits of the school may answer the foundation,) for the  
cherishing up of youth in good letters, providing a sufficient stipend as well for the master, as for  
the usher; whom he willed rather to be appointed out of the number of married men, than of  
single priests with their suspected chastity. The first moderator of this school was William Lily, a  
man no less notable for his learning, than was Colet for his foundation. This Colet died the year  
of our Lord 1519.  
Not long before the death of this Colet and Lily, lived William Grocine and William  
Latimer, both Englishmen also, and famously learned. This Grocine, as he began to read in his  
open lecture, in the church of St. Paul, the book of Dionysius Areopagita, commonly called  
Hierarchia Ecclesiastica, (for the reading of the Holy Scriptures in Paul's was not in use,) in the  
first entry of his preface cried out with great vehemency against them, whosoever they were,  
who either denied or stood in doubt of the authority of that book: in the number of whom he  
noted Laurence Valla, and divers others of the like approved judgment and learning. But  
afterwards the same Grocine, when he had continued a few weeks in his reading thereof, and did  
consider further in him, he utterly altered and recanted his former sentence, protesting openly,  
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that the afore-named book, to his judgment, was never written by that author whom we read in  
the Acts of the Apostles to be called Dionysius Areopagita.  
The tractation of these two couples above rehearsed, do occasion me to adjoin also the  
remembrance of another couple of like learned men: the names of whom, not unworthy to be  
remembered, were Thomas Linacre, and Richard Pace; which two followed much upon the time  
of Colet and William Lily. But of Richard Pace, who was dean next after the aforesaid John  
Colet, more convenient place shall serve us hereafter to speak, coming to the story of Cardinal  
Wolsey.  
Geoffrey Chaucer and John Gower  
Moreover, to these two I thought it not out of season, to couple also some mention of  
Geoffrey Chaucer and John Gower; which, although being much discrepant from these in course  
of years, yet may seem not unworthy to be matched with these forenamed persons, in  
commendation of their study and learning. Albeit concerning the full certainty of the time and  
death of these two, we cannot find; yet it appeareth in the prologue of Gower's work, entitled  
Confessio Amantis, that he finished it in the sixteenth year of King Richard the Second. And in  
the end of the eighth book of his said treatise, he declareth that he was both sick and old when he  
wrote it; whereby it may appear that he lived not long after. Notwithstanding, by certain verses  
of the said Master Gower, placed in the latter end of Chaucer's works both in Latin and English,  
it may seem that he was alive at the beginning of the reign of King Henry the Fourth, and also by  
a book which he wrote to the same King Henry. By his sepulture within the chapel of the church  
of St. Mary Overy's, which was then a monastery, where he and his wife lie buried, it appeareth  
by his chain and his garland of laurel, that he was both a knight, and flourishing then in poetry;  
in the which place of his sepulture were made in his grave-stone three books: the first bearing the  
title, Speculum Meditantis; the second, Vox Clamantis; the third, Confessio Amantis. Besides  
these, divers chronicles and other works more he compiled.  
Likewise, as touching the time of Chaucer, by his own words in the end of his first book  
of Troilus and Cressida, it is manifest that he and Gower were both of one time, although it  
seemeth that Gower was a great deal his ancient; both notably learned, as the barbarous rudeness  
of that time did give; both great friends together, and both in like kind of study together  
occupied; so endeavouring themselves, and employing their time, that they, excelling many  
others in study and exercise of good letters, did pass forth their lives here right worshipfully and  
godly, to the worthy fame and commendation of their name. Chaucer's works be all printed in  
one volume, and therefore known to all men.  
This I marvel, to see the idle life of the priests and clergymen of that time, seeing these  
lay-persons showed themselves in these kinds of liberal studies so industrious and fruitfully  
occupied. But much more I marvel to consider this, how that the bishops, condemning and  
abolishing all manner of English books and treatises which might bring the people to any light of  
knowledge, did yet authorize the works of Chaucer to remain still and to be occupied; who, no  
doubt, saw into religion as much almost as even we do now, and uttereth in his works no less,  
and seemeth to be a right Wicklevian, or else there was never any. And that all his works almost,  
if they be thoroughly advised, will testify (albeit it be done in mirth, and covertly); and especially  
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the latter end of his third book of the Testament of Love, for there purely he toucheth the highest  
matter, that is, the communion. Wherein, except a man be altogether blind, he may espy him at  
the full: although in the same book, (as in all others he useth to do,) under shadows covertly, as  
under a visor, he suborneth truth in such sort, as both privily she may profit the godly-minded,  
and yet not be espied of the crafty adversary. And therefore the bishops, belike, taking his works  
but for jests and toys, in condemning other books, yet permitted his books to be read.  
So it pleased God to blind then the eyes of them, for the more commodity of his people,  
to the intent that through the reading of his treatises, some fruit might redound thereof to his  
church; as no doubt it did to many. As also I am partly informed, of certain who knew the  
parties, who to them reported, that by reading of Chaucer's works they were brought to the true  
knowledge of religion. And not unlike to be true: for, to omit other parts of his volume, whereof  
some are more fabulous than other, what tale can be more plainly told than the Tale of the  
Ploughman? or what finger can point out more directly the pope with his prelates to be antichrist,  
than doth the poor pelican reasoning against the greedy griffon? Under which hypotyposis, or  
poesy, who is so blind that seeth not by the pelican, the doctrine of Christ and of the Lollards to  
be defended against the Church of Rome? or who is so impudent that can deny that to be true  
which the pelican there affirmeth, in describing the presumptuous pride of that pretended  
church? Again, what egg can be more like, or fig, unto another, than the words, properties, and  
conditions of that ravening griffon resembleth the true image, that is, the nature and qualities, of  
that which we call the Church of Rome, in every point and degree? And therefore no great  
marvel if that narration was exempted out of the copies of Chaucer's works; which  
notwithstanding now is restored again, and is extant for every man to read that is disposed. This  
Geoffrey Chaucer, being born, as is thought, in Oxfordshire, and dwelling in Woodstock, lieth  
buried in the church of the minster of St. Peter at Westminster, in an aisle on the south side of the  
said church, not far from the door leading to the cloister; and upon his grave-stone first were  
written these two old verses:  
Galfridus Chaucer Vates, et fama Poësis  
Maternæ, hac sacra sum tumulatus humo.  
Afterwards, about A.D. 1556, one Master Brickham, bestowing more cost upon his tomb,  
did add thereunto these verses following:  
Qui fuit Anglorum Vates ter maximus olim,  
Galfridus Chaucer conditur hoc tumulo.  
Annum si quæras Domini, si tempora mortis,  
Ecce notæ subsunt, quæ tibi cuncta notent.  
2
5 Octob. Anno 1400.  
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FOXE'S BOOK OF MARTYRS  
THE EIGHTH BOOK,  
PERTAINING TO THE LAST THREE HUNDRED YEARS FROM  
THE LOOSING OUT OF SATAN.  
CONTINUING THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH MATTERS  
APPERTAINING TO BOTH STATES, AS WELL  
ECCLESIASTICAL, AS CIVILAND TEMPORAL.  
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1
64. The History of Seven Godly Martyrs Burnt at Coventry.  
The Seven Martyrs  
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Mistress Smith, widow; Robert Hatchets, a shoemaker; Archer, a shoemaker; Hawkins, a  
shoemaker; Thomas Bond, a shoemaker; Wrigsham, a glover; Landsdale, a hosier, at Coventry,  
A.D. 1519. Their persecutors: Simon Mourton, the bishop's sumner; also the bishop of Coventry,  
and Friar Stafford, warden.  
THE principal cause of the apprehension of these persons, was for teaching their  
children and family the Lord's Prayer and Ten Commandments in English, for which they were,  
upon Ash Wednesday, taken and put in prison, some in places underground, some in chambers  
and other places about, till Friday following.  
Then they were sent to a monastery called Mackstock Abbey, six miles from Coventry;  
during which time their children were sent for to the Grey Friars in Coventry, before the warden  
of the said friars, called Friar Stafford; who straitly examining them of their belief, and what  
heresies their fathers had taught them, charged them, upon pain of suffering such death as their  
fathers should, in no wise to meddle any more with the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and  
Commandments in English.  
Which done, upon Palm Sunday the fathers of these children were brought back again to  
Coventry, and there, the week next before Easter, (because most of them had borne faggots in the  
same city before,) were condemned for relapse to be burned.  
Only Mistress Smith was dismissed for that present, and sent away. And because it was  
in the evening, being somewhat dark, as she should go home, the aforesaid Simon Mourton, the  
sumner, offered himself to go home with her. Now as he was leading her by the arm, and heard  
the rattling of a scroll within her sleeve; "Yea," said he, "what have ye here?" And so took it  
from her, and espied that it was the Lord's Prayer, the Articles of the Faith, and the Ten  
Commandments in English. Which when the wretched sumner understood; "Ah sirrah!" said he,  
"come, as good now as another time:" and so brought her back again to the bishop, where she  
was immediately condemned, and so burned with the six men before named, the fourth of April,  
in a place thereby, called The Little Park, A.D. 1519.  
Robert Silkeb, at Coventry, A.D. 1521.  
In the same number of these Coventry men above rehearsed was also Robert Silkeb, who,  
at the apprehension of these, as is above recited, fled away, and for that time escaped. But about  
two years after he was taken again, and brought to the said city of Coventry, where he was also  
burned the morrow after he came thither, which was about the thirteenth day of January, A.D.  
1
521.  
Thus, when these were despatched, immediately the sheriffs went to their houses, and  
took all their goods and cattle to their own use, not leaving their wives and children any parcel  
thereof, to help themselves withal. And forasmuch as the people began to grudge somewhat at  
the cruelty showed, and at the unjust death of these innocent martyrs, the bishop, with his  
officers and priests, caused it to be noised abroad by their tenants, servants, and farmers, that  
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they were not burned for having the Lord's Prayer and the Commandments in English, but  
because they did eat flesh on Fridays and other fasting days; which neither could be proved  
either before their death or after, nor yet was any such matter greatly objected to them in their  
examinations. The witnesses of this history be yet alive, which both saw them and knew them; of  
whom one is by name Mother Hall, dwelling now in Bagington, two miles from Coventry: by  
whom also this is testified of them, that they, above all other in Coventry, pretended most show  
of worship and devotion at the holding up of the sacrament; whether to colour the matter, or no,  
it is not known. This is certain, that in godliness of life they differed from all the rest of the city;  
neither in their occupying would they use any oath, nor could abide it in them that occupied with  
them.  
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1
65. Patrick Hamilton  
Patrick Hamilton, at St. Andrews in Scotland, A.D. 1527. His persecutors were, James Be-ton,  
archbishop of St. Andrews; Master Hugh Spens, dean of divinity in the university of St. Andrew;  
Master John Weddel, rector of the university; James Simpson, official; Thomas Ramsay, canon,  
and dean of the abbey of St. Andrew; Allane Meldrum, canon; John Greson, principal of the  
Black Friars; John Dillidaff, warden of the Grey Friars; Martin Balbur, lawyer; John Spens,  
lawyer; Alexander Yong, bachelor of divinity, canon; John Annand, canon; Friar Alexander  
Campbel, prior of the Black Friars, &c.  
Patrick Hamilton, a Scotchman born of high and noble stock, and of the king's  
blood, young, and of flourishing age, and excellent towardness, of twenty-three years, called  
abbot of Ferme, first coming out of his country with three companions to seek godly learning,  
went to the university of Marburg in Germany, which university was then newly erected by  
Philip, landgrave of Hess, where he, using conference and familiarity with learned men,  
especially with Francis Lambert, so profited in knowledge and mature judgment in matters of  
religion, that he, through the incitation of the said Lambert, was the first in all that university of  
Marburg which publicly did set up conclusions there, to be disputed of, concerning faith and  
works; arguing also no less learnedly than fervently upon the same. What those propositions and  
conclusions were, partly in his treatise hereafter following, called Patrick's Places, may appear.  
Thus the ingenious wit of this learned Patrick, increasing daily more and more in  
knowledge, and inflamed with godliness, at length began to revolve with himself touching his  
return into his country, being desirous to impart unto his countrymen some fruit of the  
understanding which he had received abroad. Whereupon, persisting in his godly purpose, he  
took one of the three whom he brought out of Scotland, and so returned home without any longer  
delay; where he, not sustaining the miserable ignorance and blindness of that people, after he had  
valiantly taught and preached the truth, and refelled their abuses, was first accused of heresy, and  
afterwards, constantly and stoutly sustaining the quarrel of God's gospel against the high priest  
and archbishop of St. Andrews, named James Be-ton, was cited to appear before him and his  
college of priests, the first day of March, A.D. 1527. But he, being not only forward in  
knowledge, but also ardent in spirit, not tarrying for the hour appointed, prevented the time, and  
came very early in the morning, before he was looked for; and there mightily disputing against  
them, when he could not by the Scriptures he convicted, by force he was oppressed. And so the  
sentence of condemnation being given against him, the same day after dinner, in all the hot haste,  
he was had away to the fire, and there burned (the king being yet but a child): which thing made  
the bishops more bold. And thus was this noble Hamelton, the blessed servant of God, without  
all just cause, made away by cruel adversaries, yet not without great fruit to the church of Christ;  
for the grave testimony of his blood left the verity and truth of God more fixed and confirmed in  
the hearts of many, than ever could after be plucked away: insomuch that divers afterwards,  
standing in his quarrel, sustained also the like martyrdom, as hereafter (Christ willing) shall  
appear, as place and time shall require.  
In the mean season we think good to express here his articles, and order of his process, as  
we received them from Scotland, out of the registers.  
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The articles and opinions objected against Master Patrick Hamilton, by James Beton,  
archbishop of St. Andrews.  
"That man hath no free-will.  
"That there is no purgatory.  
"
"
That the holy patriarchs were in heaven before Christ's passion.  
That the pope hath no power to loose and bind; neither any pope had that power after St.  
Peter.  
grace.  
"
"
"
"
"
"
That the pope is antichrist, and that every priest hath the power that the pope hath.  
That Master Patrick Hamilton was a bishop.  
That it is not necessary to obtain any bulls from any bishop.  
That the vow of the pope's religion is a vow of wickedness.  
That the pope's laws be of no strength.  
That all Christians, worthy to be called Christians, do know that they be in the state of  
"
"
"
That none be saved, but they are before predestinate.  
Whosoever is in deadly sin, is unfaithful.  
That God is the cause of sin, in this sense, that is, that he withdraweth his grace from  
men, whereby they sin.  
"
"
That it is devilish doctrine, to enjoin to any sinner actual penance for sin.  
That the said Master Patrick himself doubteth whether all children, departing incontinent  
after their baptism, are saved or condemned.  
"That auricular confession is not necessary to salvation."  
These articles above written were given in, and laid against Master Hamilton, and  
inserted in their registers, for the which also he was condemned, by them that hated him, to  
death. But other learned men, which communed and reasoned with him, do testify, that these  
articles following were the very articles, for which he suffered.  
"
"
"
"
"
"
I. Man hath no free-will.  
II. A man is only justified by faith in Christ.  
III. A man, so long as he liveth, is not without sin.  
IV. He is not worthy to be called a Christian, who believeth not that he is in grace.  
V. A good man doth good works: good works do not make a good man.  
VI. An evil man bringeth forth evil works; evil works, being faithfully repented, do not  
make an evil man.  
"VII. Faith, hope, and charity be so linked together, that one of them cannot be without  
another in one man, in this life."  
And as touching the other articles whereupon the doctors gave their judgments, as divers  
do report, he was not accused of them before the bishop; albeit in private disputation he affirmed  
and defended the most of them. Here followeth the sentence pronounced against him.  
"Christi nomine invocato: We, James, by the mercy of God, archbishop of St. Andrews,  
primate of Scotland, with the counsel, decree, and authority of the most reverend fathers in God,  
and lords, abbots, doctors of theology, professors of the Holy Scripture, and masters of the  
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university, assisting us for the time, sitting in judgment within our metropolitan church of St.  
Andrew, in the cause of heretical pravity, against Master Patrick Hamilton, abbot or pensionary  
of Ferme, being summoned to appear before us, to answer to certain articles affirmed, taught,  
and preached by him, and so appearing before us, and accused, the merits of the cause being  
ripely weighed, discussed, and understood by faithful inquisition made in Lent last past: we have  
found the same Master Patrick many ways infamed with heresy, disputing, holding, and  
maintaining divers heresies of Martin Luther, and his followers, repugnant to our faith, and  
which is already condemned by general councils, and most famous universities. And he being  
under the same infamy, we decreeing before him to be summoned and accused upon the  
premises, he, of evil mind, (as may be presumed,) passed to other parts forth of the realm,  
suspected and noted of heresy. And being lately returned, not being admitted, but of his own  
head, without licence or privilege, hath presumed to preach wicked heresy.  
"We have found also, that he hath affirmed, published, and taught divers opinions of  
Luther, and wicked heresies, after that he was summoned to appear before us, and our council:  
That man hath no free-will: that man is in sin so long as he liveth: that children, incontinent after  
their baptism, are sinners: all Christians that be worthy to be called Christians, do know that they  
are in grace: that no man is justified by works, but by faith only: good works make not a good  
man, but a good man doth make good works: that faith, hope, and charity are so knit, that he that  
hath the one, hath the rest, and he that wanteth the one of them, wanteth the rest, &c., with divers  
other heresies and detestable opinions; and hath persisted so obstinate in the same, that by no  
counsel nor persuasion he may be drawn therefrom to the way of our right faith.  
"All these premises being considered, we, having God and the integrity of our faith  
before our eyes, and following the counsel and advice of the professors of the Holy Scripture,  
men of laws, and other assisting us for the time, do pronounce, determine, and declare the said  
Master Patrick Hamilton, for his affirming, confessing, and maintaining of the aforesaid heresies,  
and his pertinacity, (they being condemned already by the church, general councils, and most  
famous universities,) to be a heretic, and to have an evil opinion of the faith; and therefore to be  
condemned and punished, like as we condemn and define him to be punished, by this our  
sentence definitive; depriving, and sentencing him to be deprived, of all dignities, honours,  
orders, offices, and benefices of the church; and therefore do judge and pronounce him to be  
delivered over to the secular power, to be punished, and his goods to be confiscated.  
"This our sentence definitive was given and read at our metropolitan church of St.  
Andrew, the last day of the month of February, A.D. 1527, being present the most reverend  
fathers in Christ, and lords, Gawand, bishop of Glasgow; George, bishop of Dunkeld; John,  
bishop of Brechin; William, bishop of Dunblane; Patrick, prior of St. Andrews; David, abbot of  
Abirbrothoke; George, abbot of Dunfermline; Alexander, abbot of Caunbuskineth; Henry, abbot  
of Lendors; John, prior of Peterweme; the dean and subdean of Glasgow; Master Hugh Spens,  
Thomas Ramsay, Allane Meldrum, &c.  
"
In the presence of the clergy and the people," &c.  
After the condemnation and martyrdom of this true saint of God were despatched by the  
bishops and doctors of Scotland, the rulers and doctors of the university of Louvain, hearing  
thereof, received such joy and consolation at the shedding of that innocent blood, that for the  
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abundance of heart they could not stay their pen to utter condign thanks; applauding and  
triumphing, in their letters sent to the aforesaid bishop of St. Andrews and doctors of Scotland, at  
the worthy and famous deservings of their achieved enterprise in that behalf: as by the tenor of  
their said letter may appear, which here followeth:  
"Your excellent virtue, most honourable bishop, hath so deserved, that albeit we be far  
distant both by sea and land, without conjunction of familiarity, yet we desire with all our hearts  
to thank you for your worthy deed, by whose works that true faith, which not long ago was  
tainted with heresy, not only remaineth unhurt, but also is more confirmed. For as our dear friend  
Master Alexander Galoway, canon of Aberdeen, hath showed us the presumption of the wicked  
heretic, Patrick Hamilton, which is expressed in this your example, in that you have cut off,  
when there was no hope of amendment, &c.  
"The which thing, as it is thought commendable to us, so the manner of the proceeding  
was no less pleasant, that the matter was performed by so great consent of so many states, as of  
the clergy, nobility, and vulgar people; not rashly, but most prudently, the order of law being in  
all points observed. We have seen the sentence which ye pronounced, and always do approve the  
same, not doubting but that the articles which be inserted are erroneous: so that whosoever will  
defend for a truth any one of the same, with pertinacity, should be esteemed an enemy to the  
faith, and an adversary to the Holy Scripture. And albeit one or two of them appear to be without  
error, to them that will consider only the bare words; as for example, "Good works make not a  
good man, but a good man worketh good works;" yet there is no doubt but they contain a  
Lutheran sense, which in a manner they signify; to wit, that works done after faith and  
justification, make not a man the better, nor are worthy of any reward before God. Believe not  
that this example shall have place only among you, for there shall be those among extern nations  
who shall imitate the same, &c.  
"Certainly ye have given us great courage, so that now we acknowledge your university,  
which was founded according to the example of our university of Louvain, to be equal to ours, or  
else above; and would God occasion were offered of testifying our minds toward you. In the  
mean time, let us labour with one consent, that the ravening wolves may be expelled from the  
sheepfold of Christ, while we have time. Let us study to preach to the people more learnedly  
hereafter, and more wisely. Let us have inquisitors and espiers of books, containing that doctrine,  
especially that are brought in from far countries, whether by apostate monks, or by merchants,  
the most suspected kind of men in these days. It is said that since Scotland first embraced the  
Christian faith, it was never defiled with any heresy. Persevere therefore, being moved thereunto  
by the example of England, your next neighbour, which in this most troublous time is not  
changed, partly by the working of the bishops, among the which Roffensis hath showed himself  
an evangelical Phœnix, and partly of the king, declaring himself to be another Matthias of the  
new law, pretermitting nothing that may defend the law of his realm; the which if your most  
renowned king of Scotland will follow, he shall purchase to himself eternal glory. Further, as  
touching the condign commendation due for your part, most reverend bishop! in this behalf, it  
shall not be the least of your praise, that these heresies have been extinct some time in Scotland,  
you being primate of Scotland, and principal author thereof: albeit that they also which have  
assisted you, are not to be defrauded of their deserved praise; as the reverend bishop of Glasgow,  
of whose erudition we have here given us partly to understand, and also the reverend bishop of  
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Aberdeen, a stout defender of the faith, together with the rest of the prelates, abbots, priors, and  
professors of Holy Scripture. Let your reverend fatherhood take this little testificate of our duty  
towards you in good part, whom we wish long and happily well to fare in Christ.  
"From Louvain, the year 1528, April 21st.  
"
By the masters and professors of Theology in the university of Louvain."  
In the epistle of the Louvanian doctors, I shall not need, gentle reader! to note unto thee,  
what a pernicious thing in a commonwealth is blind ignorance, when it falleth into cruel hearts;  
which may well be compared to a sword, put into the hands of one that is both blind and mad.  
For as the blind man, having no sense to see and judge, knoweth not whom he striketh; so the  
madman, being cruel and furious, hath no compassion in sparing any. Whereupon it happeneth  
many times with these men, as it did with the blind furious Pharisees, that as they, having the  
sword of authority in their hands, instead of malefactors and false prophets, slew the true  
prophets of God, and at last crucified the King of glory; so these, catholic Louvanians, and  
followers of their Messias of Rome, take in their hands the sword of jurisdiction; who, neither  
seeing what to spare, nor caring whom they smite, under the style and pretence of heretics,  
murder and blaspheme, without mercy, the true preachers of the gospel, and the holy anointed of  
the Lord.  
But to return to the matter again of Master Hamilton; here is moreover to be observed, as  
a note worthy of memory, that in the year of our Lord 1564, in the which year this present  
history was collected in Scotland, there were certain faithful men of credit then alive, who, being  
present the same time when Master Patrick Hamilton was in the fire, heard him to cite and appeal  
the Black Friar called Campbel, that accused him, to appear before the high God, as general  
Judge of all men, to answer to the innocency of his death, and whether his accusation was just or  
not, between that and a certain day of the next month, which he there named. Moreover, by the  
same witness it is testified, that the said friar died immediately before the said day came, without  
remorse of conscience that he had persecuted the innocent; by the example whereof divers of the  
people the same time much mused, and firmly believed the doctrine of the aforesaid Master  
Hamilton to be good and just.  
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1
66. Master Patrick's Places  
Hereunto I thought good to adjoin a certain godly and profitable treatise of the said  
Master Patrick Hamilton, written first by him in Latin, and afterwards translated by John Frith  
into English; which he names "Patrick's Places;" not unprofitable, in my mind, to be seen and  
read of all men, for the pure and comfortable doctrine contained in the same, as not only by the  
treatise itself may appear, but also by the preface of the said John Frith, prefixed before, which  
also I thought not inconvenient to insert with the same, as here followeth:  
John Frith unto the Christian reader.  
"
Blessed be God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who in these last days and perilous  
times hath stirred up in all countries witnesses unto his Son, to testify the truth unto the  
unfaithful, to save at least some from the snares of antichrist, which lead to perdition, as ye may  
here perceive by that excellent and well learned young man, Patrick Hamilton, born in Scotland  
of a noble progeny: who, to testify the truth, sought all means, and took upon him priesthood,  
(even as Paul circumcised Timothy, to win the weak Jews,) that he might be admitted to preach  
the pure word of God. Notwithstanding, as soon as the chamberlain and other bishops of  
Scotland had perceived that the light began to shine, which disclosed their falsehood that they  
conveyed in darkness, they laid hands on him, and because he would not deny his Saviour Christ  
at their instance, they burnt him to ashes. Nevertheless God of his bounteous mercy (to publish to  
the whole world what a man these monsters have murdered) hath reserved a little treatise, made  
by this Patrick, which, if ye list, ye may call Patrick's Places; for it treateth exactly of certain  
commonplaces, which known, ye have the pith of all divinity. This treatise I have turned into the  
English tongue, to the profit of my nation: to whom I beseech God to give light, that they may  
espy the deceitful paths of perdition, and return to the right way, which leadeth to life  
everlasting, Amen."  
The doctrine of the law.  
"The law is a doctrine that biddeth good, and forbiddeth evil, as the commandments do  
specify here following:  
I. Thou shalt worship but one God.  
II. Thou shalt make thee no image to worship it.  
III. Thou shalt not swear by his name in vain.  
IV. Hold the sabbath day holy.  
V. Honour thy father and thy mother.  
VI. Thou shalt not kill.  
VII. Thou shalt not commit adultery.  
VIII. Thou shalt not steal.  
IX. Thou shalt not bear false witness.  
X. Thou shalt not desire aught that belongeth to thy neighbour.  
"All these commandments are briefly comprised in these two, Matt. xxii. 37, Love the  
Lord thy God with all thine heart, with all thy soul, and with all thy mind: this is the first, and  
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FOXE'S BOOK OF MARTYRS  
great commandment. The second is like unto this, that is, Love thy neighbour as thyself. On  
these two commandments hangeth all the law and the prophets."  
Certain general propositions proved by the Scripture.  
The First Proposition.  
"He that loveth God loveth his neighbour.  
"This proposition is proved, 1 John iv. 20, If a man say, I love God, and hateth his  
brother, he is a liar. He that loveth not his brother whom he hath seen, how can he love God  
whom he hath not seen?"  
The Second Proposition.  
"He that loveth his neighbour as himself, keepeth all the commandments of God.  
"This proposition is proved: Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, even so do  
to them: for this is the law and the prophets. He that loveth his neighbour, fulfilleth the law.  
Thou shalt not commit adultery: thou shalt not kill: thou shalt not steal: thou shalt not bear false  
witness: thou shalt not desire. And if there be any other commandment, all are comprehended in  
this saying, Love thy neighbour as thyself. All the law is fulfilled in one word, that is, Love thy  
neighbour as thyself."  
ARGUMENT.  
"
"
"
He that loveth his neighbour, keepeth all the commandments of God.  
He that loveth God, loveth his neighbour.  
Ergo, he that loveth God, keepeth all the commandments of God."  
The Third Proposition.  
"He that hath faith, loveth God.  
"My Father loveth you, because you love me, and I believe that I come of God."  
ARGUMENT.  
"He that keepeth the commandments of God, hath the love of God.  
"He that hath faith, keepeth the commandments of God.  
"Ergo, he that hath faith, loveth God."  
The Fourth Proposition.  
"He that keepeth one commandment of God, keepeth them all.  
"This proposition is confirmed: It is impossible for a man without faith to please God;  
that is, to keep any one of God's commandments, as he should do. Then whosoever keepeth any  
one commandment hath faith."  
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VOLUME 6  
ARGUMENT.  
"He that hath faith keepeth all the commandments of God.  
"He that keepeth any one commandment of God, hath faith.  
"Ergo, he that keepeth one commandment keepeth them all.  
The Fifth Proposition.  
He that keepeth not all the commandments of God, keepeth not one of them."  
ARGUMENT.  
"
"He that keepeth one commandment of God, keepeth all.  
"Ergo, he that keepeth not all the commandments of God, keepeth not one of them."  
The Sixth Proposition.  
It is not in our power to keep any one of the commandments of God."  
ARGUMENT.  
"
"
"
"
"
It is impossible to keep any of the commandments of God, without grace.  
It is not in our power to have grace.  
Ergo, it is not in our power to keep any of the commandments of God.  
And even so may you reason concerning the Holy Ghost and faith, forasmuch as neither  
without them we are able to keep any of the commandments of God, neither yet be they in our  
power to have: It is not of him that willeth, nor of him that runneth."  
The Seventh Proposition.  
"The law was given us to show our sin.  
"
By the law cometh the knowledge of sin. I knew not what sin meant, but through the  
law; for I had not known what lust had meant, except the law had said, Thou shalt not lust.  
Without the law sin was dead, that is, it moved me not, neither wist I that it was sin, which  
notwithstanding was sin, and forbidden by the law."  
The Eighth Proposition.  
"The law biddeth us do that thing which is impossible for us."  
ARGUMENT.  
"
"
"
"
The keeping of the commandments is to us impossible.  
The law commandeth to us the keeping of the commandments.  
Ergo, the law commandeth unto us that is impossible.  
Objection. But thou wilt say, Wherefore doth God bid us do what is impossible for us?  
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FOXE'S BOOK OF MARTYRS  
"Answer. I answer, To make thee know that thou art but evil, and that there is no remedy  
to save thee in thine own hand: and that thou mayest seek remedy at some other; for the law doth  
nothing else but command thee."  
The doctrine of the gospel.  
"The gospel is as much as to say, in our tongue,good tidings; like as these be hereunder  
following, and such others, Luke ii. 10.  
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
Christ is the Saviour of the world, John iv. 42.  
Christ is the Saviour, Luke ii. 11.  
Christ died for us, Rom. v. 6.  
Christ died for our sins, Rom. iv. 25.  
Christ bought us with his blood, 1 Pet. i. 19.  
Christ washed us with his blood, Rev. i. 5.  
Christ offered himself for us, Gal. i. 4.  
Christ bare our sins on his back, Isa. liii. 6.  
Christ came into this world to save sinners, 1 Tim. i. 15.  
Christ came into this world to take away our sins, 1 John iii. 5.  
Christ was the price that was given for us and our sins, 1 Tim. ii. 6.  
Christ was made debtor for us, Rom. viii. 12.  
Christ hath paid our debt, for he died for us, Col. ii. 14.  
Christ made satisfaction for us and our sins, 1 Cor. vii. 23.  
Christ is our righteousness, 1 Cor. i. 30.  
Christ is our sanctification, 1 Cor. i. 30.  
Christ is our redemption, 1 Cor. i. 30.  
Christ is our peace, Eph. ii. 14.  
Christ hath pacified the Father of heaven for us, Rom. v. 1.  
Christ is ours and all his, 1 Cor. iii. 23.  
Christ hath delivered us from the law, from the devil, and from hell, Col. ii. 14-17.  
The Father of heaven hath forgiven us our sins, for Christ's sake, 1 John i. 9.  
(Or any such other, like to the same, which declare unto us the mercy of God.) "  
The nature and office of the law and of the gospel.  
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
The law showeth us our sin, Rom. iii. 9-20.  
The gospel showeth us remedy for it, John i. 29.  
The law showeth us our condemnation, Rom. vii. 23, 24.  
The gospel showeth us our redemption, Eph. i.  
The law is the word of ire, Rom. iv. 15.  
The gospel is the word of grace, Acts xx. 24.  
The law is the word of despair, Deut. xxvii. 15-26.  
The gospel is the word of comfort, Luke ii. 10.  
The law is the word of unrest, Rom. vii. 24.  
The gospel is the word of peace, Eph. vi. 15."  
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VOLUME 6  
A disputation between the law and the gospel; where is shown the difference or contrariety  
between them both.  
"
"
"
"
"
"
The law saith, Pay thy debt.  
The gospel saith, Christ hath paid it.  
The law saith, Thou art a sinner; despair, and thou shalt be damned.  
The gospel saith, Thy sins are forgiven thee, be of good comfort, thou shalt be saved!  
The law saith, Make amends for thy sins.  
The gospel saith, Christ hath made it for thee. "The law saith, The Father of heaven is  
angry with thee.  
The gospel saith, Christ hath pacified him with his blood.  
"The law saith, Where is thy righteousness, goodness, and satisfaction?  
"The gospel saith, Christ is thy righteousness, thy goodness, thy satisfaction.  
"The law saith, Thou art bound and obliged to me, to the devil, and to hell.  
"The gospel saith, Christ hath delivered thee from them all."  
The doctrine of faith.  
"Faith is to believe God, like as Abraham believed God, and it was imputed unto him for  
righteousness.  
"
"
"
To believe God, is to believe his word, and to account it true, that he saith.  
He that believeth not God's word, believeth not God himself.  
He that believeth not God's word, he counteth him false and a liar, and believeth not that  
he may and will fulfil his word; and so he denieth both the might of God, and God himself."  
The Ninth Proposition.  
"Faith is the gift of God."  
ARGUMENT.  
"
"
Every good thing is the gift of God. "Faith is good.  
Ergo, faith is the gift of God.  
The Tenth Proposition.  
"Faith is not in our power."  
ARGUMENT.  
"
"
"
The gift of God is not in our power.  
Faith is the gift of God.  
Ergo, faith is not in our power."  
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FOXE'S BOOK OF MARTYRS  
The Eleventh Proposition.  
"
"
He that lacketh faith, cannot please God.  
Without faith it is impossible to please God; all that cometh not of faith is sin; for  
without faith can no man please God."  
INDUCTION.  
"He that lacketh faith, trusteth not God: he that trusteth not God, trusteth not his word: he  
that trusteth not his word, holdeth him false and a liar: he that holdeth him false and a liar,  
believethnot that he may do that he promiseth, and so denieth he that he is God.  
"Ergo, he that lacketh faith cannot please God.  
"
If it were possible for any man to do all the good deeds that ever were done either by  
men or angels, yet being in this case, it is impossible for him to please God."  
The Twelfth Proposition.  
"
"
"
All that is done in faith, pleaseth God.  
Right is the word of God, and all his works in faith.  
Lord, thine eyes look to faith: that is as much as to say, Lord, thou delightest in faith."  
The Thirteenth Proposition.  
He that hath faith is just and good."  
ARGUMENT.  
"
"He that is a good tree, bringing forth good fruit, is just and good.  
"He that hath faith, is a good tree bringing forth good fruit.  
"Ergo, he that hath faith, is just and good."  
The Fourteenth Proposition.  
He that hath faith, and believeth God, cannot displease him."  
INDUCTION.  
"
"He that hath faith, believeth God; he that believeth God, believeth his word; he that  
believeth his word, wotteth well that he is true and faithful, and may not lie, knowing that he  
both may, and will, fulfil his word.  
"Ergo, he that hath faith cannot displease God, neither can any man do a greater honour  
to God, than to count him true."  
OBJECTION.  
Thou wilt then say, that theft, murder, adultery, and all vices, please God."  
"
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VOLUME 6  
ANSWER.  
"Nay verily, for they cannot be done in faith; for a good tree beareth good fruit."  
The Fifteenth Proposition.  
"Faith is a certainty or assuredness.  
"Faith is a sure confidence of things which are hoped for, and certainty of things which  
are not seen.  
"The same Spirit certifieth our spirit, that we are the children of God. Moreover, he that  
hath faith, wotteth well that God will fulfil his word: whereby it appeareth, that faith is a  
certainty or assuredness.  
A man is justified by faith.  
"
"
"
Abraham believed God, and it was imputed unto him for righteousness.  
We suppose therefore, that a man is justified by faith, without the deeds of the law.  
He that worketh not, but believeth on him that justifieth the wicked, his faith is counted  
to him for righteousness.  
"
"
The just man liveth by his faith.  
We wot that a man is not justified by the deeds of the law, but by the faith of Jesus  
Christ; and we believe in Jesus Christ, that we may be justified by the faith of Christ, and not by  
the deeds of the law."  
What is the faith of Christ?  
"The faith of Christ is to believe in him; that is, to believe his word, and believe that he  
will help thee in all thy need, and deliver thee from all evil.  
"
"
"
"
"
Thou wilt ask me, What word? I answer, The gospel.  
He that believeth in Christ shall be saved, Mark xvi. 16.  
He that believeth the Son hath everlasting life, John iii. 15.  
Verily I say unto you, He that believeth in me, hath everlasting life, John vi. 47.  
This I write unto you, that believe on the name of the Son of God, that ye may know that  
ye have eternal life, 1 John v. 13.  
"Thomas! because thou hast seen me, thou hast believed: blessed are they which have not  
seen, and yet have believed, John xx. 29.  
"
To him gave all the prophets witness, that through his name whosoever believeth in him  
shall receive remission of their sins, Acts x. 43.  
What must I do to be saved? The apostles answered, Believe on the Lord Jesus Christ,  
and thou shalt be saved, Acts xvi. 30, 31.  
If thou dost acknowledge with thy mouth that Jesus is the Lord, and believe with thine  
heart that God raised him from death, thou shalt be safe, Rom. x. 9.  
He that believeth not in Christ shall be condemned. He that believeth not the Son shall  
never see life, but the ire of God bideth upon him, John iii. 36.  
The Holy Ghost shall reprove the world of sin, because they believe not in me, John xvi.  
"
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9
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FOXE'S BOOK OF MARTYRS  
"They that believe in Jesus Christ are the sons of God. Ye are all the sons of God,  
because ye believe in Jesus Christ, 1 John iii.  
"He that believeth that Christ is the Son of God, is safe, John iii. 30.  
"Peter said, Thou art Christ the Son of the living God! Jesus answered and said unto him,  
Happy artthou, Simon, the son of Jonas, for flesh and blood hath not opened to thee that, but my  
Father that is in heaven, Matt. xvi. 16, 17.  
"We have believed, and know that thou art Christ the Son of the living God.  
"
I believe that thou art Christ the Son of God, which should come into the world, John xi.  
2
7. "These things are written, that ye might believe that Jesus is Christ the Son of God, and that  
ye, in believing, might have life through his name, John xx. 31.  
"
I believe that Jesus Christ is the Son of God, Acts viii. 37."  
The Sixteenth Proposition.  
"
He that believeth the gospel, believeth God."  
ARGUMENT.  
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
He that believeth God's word, believeth God. "The gospel is God's word.  
Ergo, he that believeth the gospel, believeth God.  
To believe the gospel is this: that Christ is the Saviour of the world, John vi. 29.  
Christ is our Saviour, Luke ii. 11.  
Christ bought us with his blood, Heb. xiii. 20; 1 Pet. i. 19; Rev. v. 9.  
Christ washed us with his blood, Rev. i. 5. "Christ offered himself for us, Heb. ix. 25.  
Christ bare our sins on his own back, &c., 1 Pet. ii. 24."  
The Seventeenth Proposition.  
He that believeth not the gospel believeth not God."  
ARGUMENT.  
"
"
"
"
He that believeth not God's word, believeth not God himself.  
The gospel is God's word.  
Ergo, he that believeth not the gospel, believeth not God himself; and consequently, he  
that believeth not those things above written, and such others, believeth not God."  
The Eighteenth Proposition.  
"He that believeth the gospel, shall be safe.  
"Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel unto every creature: he that believeth and  
is baptized, shall be saved; but he that believeth not, shall be condemned, Mark xvi."  
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VOLUME 6  
A comparison between Faith and Incredulity.  
"
"
"
"
"
Faith is the root of all good: incredulity is the root of all evil.  
Faith maketh God and man good friends: incredulity maketh them foes.  
Faith bringeth God and man together: incredulity sundereth them.  
All that faith doth, pleaseth God: all that incredulity doth, displeaseth God.  
Faith only maketh a man good and righteous: incredulity only maketh him unjust and  
evil.  
"
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Faith maketh a man a member of Christ: incredulity maketh him a member of the devil.  
Faith maketh a man the inheritor of heaven: incredulity maketh him inheritor of hell.  
Faith maketh a man the servant of God: incredulity maketh him the servant of the devil.  
Faith showeth us God to be a sweet Father: incredulity showeth him a terrible Judge.  
Faith holdeth stiff by the word of God: incredulity wavereth here and there.  
Faith counteth and holdeth God to be true: incredulity holdeth him false and a liar.  
Faith knoweth God: incredulity knoweth him not.  
Faith loveth both God and his neighbour: incredulity loveth neither of them.  
Faith only saveth us: incredulity only condemneth us.  
Faith extolleth God and his deeds: incredulity extolleth herself and her own deeds."  
Of hope.  
"Hope is a trusty looking after the thing that is promised us to come, as we hope after the  
everlasting joy, which Christ hath promised unto all that believe in him."  
We should put our hope and trust in God alone, and in no other thing.  
"
"
"
"
It is better to trust in God and not in man, Psal. cxviii. 8.  
He that trusteth in his own heart is a fool, Prov. xxviii. 26.  
It is good to trust in God, and not in princes, Psal. cxviii. 9.  
They shall be like unto the images which they make, and all that trust in them, Psal.  
cxv.8.  
"
"
"
He that trusteth in his own heart is a fool, Prov. xxviii. 26.  
Cursed be the man that trusteth in man, Jer. xvii. 5.  
Bid the rich men of this world, that they trust not in their unstable riches; but that they  
trust in the living God, I Tim. vi. 17.  
"
"
It is hard for them that trust in money, to enter into the kingdom of heaven.  
Moreover we should trust in him only, that mayhelp us: God only may help us, therefore  
we should trust in him only.  
"
"
"
Well are they that trust in God, and woe to them that trust not in him.  
Well is that man that trusteth in God, for God shall be his trust.  
They shall rejoice that trust in thee; they shall ever be glad, and thou wilt defend them."  
Of charity.  
"Charity is the love of thy neighbour. The rule of charity is this: Do as thou wouldst be  
done to: for Christ holdeth all alike, the rich, the poor, the friend and the foe, the thankful and  
unthankful, the kinsman and stranger."  
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FOXE'S BOOK OF MARTYRS  
A comparison between faith, hope, and charity.  
"
Faith cometh of the word of God; hope cometh of faith; and charity springeth of them  
Faith believeth the word; hope trusteth after that which is promised by the word; charity  
both.  
"
doth good unto her neighbour, through the love that she hath to God, and gladness that is within  
herself.  
"Faith looketh to God and his word; hope looketh unto his gift and reward; charity  
looketh on her neighbour's profit.  
"Faith receiveth God; hope receiveth his reward; charity loveth her neighbour with a glad  
heart, and that without any respect of reward. "Faith pertaineth to God only; hope to his reward;  
and charity to her neighbour."  
The doctrine of works.  
No manner of works make us righteous.  
"We believe that a man shall be justified without works, Rom. iii.  
"No man is justified by the deeds of the law, but by the faith of Jesus Christ; and we  
believe in Jesus Christ, that we may he justified by the faith of Christ, and not by the deeds of the  
law; for if righteousness come by the law, then died Christ in vain, Gal. ii.  
"
That no man is justified by the law is manifest; for a righteous man liveth by his faith,  
but the law is not of faith, Acts xvii.  
Moreover, since Christ the Maker of heaven and earth, and all that is therein, behoved to  
"
die for us, we are compelled to grant that we were so far drowned and sunken in sin, that neither  
our deeds, nor all the treasures that ever God made or might make, could have holpen us out of  
them: therefore no deeds or works may make us righteous."  
No works make us unrighteous.  
"
If any evil works make us unrighteous, then the contrary works should make us  
righteous. But it is proved that no works can make us righteous: therefore no works make us  
unrighteous."  
Works make us neither good nor evil.  
"
It is proved that works neither make us righteous nor unrighteous: therefore no works  
make us either good or evil. For righteous and good are one thing, and unrighteous and evil  
likewise one.  
"
Good works make not a good man, nor evil works an evil man: but a good man bringeth  
forth good works, and an evil man evil works.  
Good fruit maketh not the tree good, nor evil fruit the tree evil: but a good tree beareth  
good fruit, and an evil tree evil fruit.  
A good man cannot do evil works, nor an evil man good works: for a good tree cannot  
"
"
bear evil fruit, nor an evil tree good fruit.  
A man is good ere he do good works, and evil ere he do evil works: for the tree is good  
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VOLUME 6  
ere it bear good fruit, and evil ere it bear evil fruit."  
Every man, and the works of man, are either good or evil.  
Every tree, and the fruits thereof, are either good or evil. Either make ye the tree good,  
and the fruit good also, or else make the tree evil, and the fruit of it likewise evil, Matt. xii. 23.  
A good man is known by his works: for a good man doth good works, and an evil man  
"
"
evil works. Ye shall know them by their fruit; for a good tree beareth good fruit, and an evil tree  
evil fruit. A man is likened to the tree, and his works to the fruit of the tree.  
"
Beware of the false prophets, which come to you in sheep's clothing, but inwardly they  
are ravening wolves: ye shall know them by their fruits, Matt. vii. 15.  
None of our works either save us or condemn us.  
"
If works make us neither righteous nor unrighteous, then thou wilt say, it maketh no  
matter what we do. I answer, If thou do evil, it is a sure argument that thou art evil, and wantest  
faith. If thou do good, it is an argument that thou art good, and hast faith; for a good tree beareth  
good fruit, and an evil tree evil. Yet good fruit makes not the tree good, nor evil fruit the tree  
evil; so that man is good ere he do good deeds, and evil ere he do evil deeds."  
The man is the tree, his works are the fruit.  
"Faith, maketh the good tree, and incredulity the evil tree: such a tree, such fruit; such a  
man, such works. For all things that are done in faith, please God, and are good works; and all  
that are done without faith, displease God, and are evil works.  
"Whosoever believeth or thinketh to be saved by his works, denieth that Christ is his  
Saviour, that Christ died for him, and that all things pertain to Christ. For how is he thy Saviour,  
if thou mightest save thyself by thy works? or whereto should he die for thee, if any works might  
have saved thee?  
"What is this to say, Christ died for thee? Verily, that thou shouldst have died  
perpetually; and Christ, to deliver thee from death, died for thee, and changed thy perpetual death  
into his own death; for thou madest the fault, and he suffered the pain; and that, for the love he  
had to thee before thou wast born, when thou hadst done neither good nor evil.  
"Now, seeing he hath paid thy debt, thou needest not, neither canst thou, pay it; but  
shouldst be damned if his blood were not. But since he was punished for thee, thou shalt not be  
punished.  
"Finally, He hath delivered thee from thy condemnation and all evil, and desireth nought  
of thee, but that thou wilt acknowledge what he hath done for thee, and bear it in mind; and that  
thou wouldst help others for his sake, both in word and deed, even as he hath holpen thee for  
nought, and without reward.  
"Oh how ready would we be to help others, if we knew his goodness and gentleness  
towards us; he is a good and a gentle Lord, for he doth all for nought. Let us, I beseech you  
therefore, follow his footsteps, whom all the world ought to praise and worship. Amen! "  
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He that thinketh to be saved by his works calleth himself Christ:  
"For he calleth himself the Saviour; which pertaineth to Christ only.  
"What is a Saviour, but he that saveth? and he saith, I saved myself; which is as much to  
say as, I am Christ; for Christ only is the Saviour of the world."  
We should do no good works for the intent to get the inheritance of heaven, or remission of sin:  
"For whosoever believeth to get the inheritance of heaven, or remission of sin, through  
works, he believeth not to get the same for Christ's sake; and they that believe not that their sins  
are forgiven them, and that they shall be saved, for Christ's sake, they believe not the gospel: for  
the gospel saith, You shall be saved for Christ's sake; your sins are forgiven for Christ's sake.  
"He that believeth not the gospel, believeth not God. So it followeth, that those who  
believe to be saved by their works, or to get remission of their sins by their own deeds, believe  
not God, but account him as a liar, and so utterly deny him to be God.  
OBJECTION.  
"
Thou wilt say, Shall we then do no good deeds?"  
ANSWER.  
"
I say not so, but I say we should do no good works to the intent to get the inheritance of  
heaven, or remission of sin. For if we believe to get the inheritance of heaven through good  
works, then we believe not to get it through the promise of God: or if we think to get remission  
of our sins by our deeds, then we believe not that they are forgiven us, and so we count God a  
liar. For God saith, Thou shalt have the inheritance of heaven for my Son's sake; thy sins are  
forgiven thee for my Son's sake: and you say it is not so, But I will win it through my works.  
"Thus you see I condemn not good deeds, but I condemn the false trust in any works; for  
all the works wherein a man putteth any confidence, are therewith poisoned, and become evil.  
Wherefore thou must do good works, but beware thou do them not to deserve any good through  
them; for if thou do, thou receivest the good not as the gifts of God, but as a debt to thee, and  
makest thyself fellow with God, because thou wilt take nothing of him for nought. And what  
needeth he any thing of thine, who giveth all things, and is not the poorer? Therefore do nothing  
to him, but take of him, for he is a gentle Lord; and with a gladder will giveth us all that we need,  
than we can take it of him: if then we want aught, let us blame ourselves.  
"Press not therefore to the inheritance of heaven through presumption of thy good works;  
for if thou do, thou countest thyself holy, and equal to God, because thou wilt take nothing of  
him for nought; and so shalt thou fall as Lucifer fell for his pride."  
FINIS.  
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Certain brief notes or declarations upon the aforesaid Places of Master Patrick.  
"This little treatise of Master Patrick's Places, albeit in quantity it be short, yet in effect it  
comprehendeth matter able to fill large volumes, declaring to us the true doctrine of the law, of  
the gospel, of faith, and of works, with the nature and properties, and also the difference of the  
same: which difference is thus to be understood: that in the cause of salvation, and in the office  
of justifying, these are to be removed and separated asunder, the law from the gospel, and faith  
from works: otherwise, in the person that is justified, and also in order of doctrine, they ought  
commonly to go necessarily together.  
"Therefore, wheresoever any question or doubt riseth of salvation, or our justifying  
before God, there the law and all good works must be utterly excluded and stand apart, that grace  
may appear free, the promise simple, and that faith may stand alone; which faith alone, without  
law or works, worketh to every man particularly, his salvation, through mere promise, and the  
free grace of God. This word particularly, I add, for the particular certifying of every man's heart,  
privately and peculiarly, that believeth in Christ. For as the body of Christ is the cause efficient  
of the redemption of the whole world in general; so is faith the instrumental cause, by which  
every man applieth the said body of Christ particularly to his own salvation. So that in the action  
and office of justification, both law and works here be utterly secluded and exempted, as things  
having nothing to do in this behalf. The reason is this, for seeing that all our redemption  
universally springeth only from the body of the Son of God crucified, then is there nothing that  
can stand us in stead, but that only wherewith this body of Christ is apprehended. Now,  
forasmuch as neither the law nor works, but faith only, is the thing which apprehendeth the body  
and death of Christ, therefore faith only is that matter which justifieth every soul before God,  
through the strength of that object which it doth apprehend. For the object only of our faith is the  
body of Christ, like as the brazen serpent was the object only of the eyes of the Israelites'  
looking, and not of their hands working: by the strength of which object, through the promise of  
God, immediately proceeded health to the beholders. So the body of Christ, being the object of  
our faith, striketh righteousness to our souls, not through working, but believing only.  
"Thus you see how faith, being the only eye of our soul, standeth alone with her object in  
case of justifying; but yet, nevertheless, in the body she standeth not alone: for besides the eye,  
there be also hands to work, feet to walk, ears to hear, and other members more, every one  
convenient for the service of the body, and yet there is none of them all that can see, but only the  
eye. So in a Christian man's life, and in order of doctrine, there is the law, there is repentance,  
there is hope, charity, and deeds of charity; all which, in life and in doctrine, are joined, and  
necessarily do concur together: and yet, in the action of justifying, there is nothing else in man,  
that hath any part or place, but only faith apprehending the object, which is the body of Christ  
Jesus for us crucified, in whom consisteth all the worthiness and fulness of our salvation, by  
faith; that is, by our apprehending and receiving of him: according as it is written in John i. 12,  
"Whosoever received him, he gave them power to be made the sons of God, even all such as  
believed in his name," &c. Also in Isa. liii. 11, "This just servant of mine, in the knowledge of  
him shall justify many, &c."  
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ARGUMENT.  
"
"
"
Apprehending and receiving of Christ only maketh us justified before God.  
Christ only is apprehended and received by faith.  
Ergo, faith only maketh us justified before God."  
ARGUMENT.  
"Justification cometh only by apprehending and receiving of Christ.  
"The law and works do nothing pertain to the apprehending of Christ.  
"Ergo, the law and works pertain nothing to justification."  
ARGUMENT.  
"Nothing which is unjust of itself, can justify us before God, or help any thing to our  
justifying.  
"Every work we do, is unjust before God.  
"
Ergo, no work that we do, can justify us before God, or help any thing to our justifying."  
ARGUMENT.  
"
If works could any thing further our justification, then should our works something  
profit us before God.  
"No works, do the best we can, do profit us before God.  
"
Ergo, no works that we do, can any thing further our justification."  
ARGUMENT.  
"
"
"
All that we can do with God, is only by Christ.  
Our works and merits be not Christ, neither any part of him.  
Ergo, our works and merits can do nothing with God."  
ARGUMENT.  
"That which is the cause of condemnation, cannot be the cause of justification." The law  
is the cause of condemnation.  
"
Ergo, it is not the cause of justification."  
A CONSEQUENT.  
We are quit and delivered from the law.  
"
"
"
Ergo, we are not quit and delivered by the law.  
Forasmuch therefore as the truth of the Scripture, in express words, hath thus included  
our salvation in faith only, we are enforced necessarily to exclude all other causes and means in  
our justification, and to make this difference between the law and the gospel, between faith and  
works; affirming, with Scripture and the word of God, that the law condemneth us, our works do  
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not avail us, and that faith in Christ only justifieth us. And this difference and distinction ought  
diligently to be learned and retained of all Christians; especially in conflict of conscience  
between the law and the gospel, faith and works, grace and merits, promise and condition, God's  
free election and man's free-will: so that the light of the free grace of God in our salvation may  
appear to all consciences, to the immortal glory of God's holy name. Amen."  
The order and difference of places.  
"The gospel and the law; Faith and works;  
"Grace and merits; Promise and condition;  
"God's free election and man's free-will."  
"The difference and repugnance of these aforesaid Places being well noted and expended,  
it shall give no small light to every faithful Christian, both to understand the Scriptures, to judge  
in cases of conscience, and to reconcile such places in the Old and New Testament as else may  
seem to repugn; according to the rule of St. Augustine, saying, Make distinction of times, and  
thou shalt reconcile the Scriptures, &c. Contrariwise, where men be not perfectly in these places  
instructed to discern between the law and the gospel, between faith and works, &c., so long they  
can never rightly establish their minds in the free promises of God's grace, but walk confusedly,  
without order, in all matters of religion; example whereof we have too much in the Romish  
Church, who, confounding these places together without distinction, following no method, hath  
perverted the true order of Christian doctrine, and hath obscured the sweet comfort and benefit of  
the gospel of Christ, not knowing what the true use of the law, nor of the gospel, meaneth."  
In the doctrine of the law three things to be noted.  
"
In the law, therefore, three things are to be considered. First, what is the true rigour and  
strength of the law, which is, to require full and perfect obedience of the whole man, not only to  
restrain his outward actions, but also his inward motions and inclinations of will and affection,  
from the appetite of sin: and therefore saith St. Paul, The law is spiritual, but I am carnal, &c.  
Whereupon riseth this proposition, That it is not in our nature and power to fulfil the law. Item,  
the law commandeth that which is to us impossible, &c.  
"The second thing to be noted in the doctrine of the law, is, to consider the time and place  
of the law, what they be, and how far they extend. For, as the surging seas have their banks and  
bars to keep them in, so the law hath its times and limits, which it ought not to pass. If Christ had  
not come and suffered, the time and dominion of the law had been everlasting: but now, seeing  
Christ hath come, and hath died in his righteous flesh, the power of the law against our sinful  
flesh doth cease. For the end of the law is Christ; that is, the death of Christ's body is the death of  
the law to all that believe in him: so that whosoever repent of their sins, and flee to the death and  
passion of Christ, the condemnation and time of the law to them is expired. Wherefore this is to  
be understood as a perpetual rule in the Scripture, that the law with all his sentences and  
judgments, wheresoever they are written, either in the Old Testament or in the New, do ever  
include a privy exception of repentance and belief in Christ, to the which always it giveth place,  
having there his end; and can proceed no further: according as St. Paul doth say, The law is our  
schoolmaster until Christ, that we might be justified by faith.  
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"Moreover, as the law hath his time how long to reign, so also it hath his proper place,  
where to reign. By the reign of the law here is meant the condemnation of the law: for as the time  
of the law ceaseth, when the faith of Christ, in a true repenting heart, beginneth, so hath the law  
no place in such as be good and faithful; that is, in sinners repenting and amending, but only in  
them which be evil and wicked. Evil men here I call such, which, walking in sinful flesh, are not  
yet driven by earnest repentance to flee to Christ for succour. And therefore saith St. Paul, To the  
just man there is no law set, but to the unjust and disobedient, &c. By the just man here is meant,  
not he which never had disease, but he who, knowing his disease, seeketh out the physician; and,  
being cured, keepeth himself in health, as much as he may, from any more surfeits.  
Notwithstanding he shall never so keep himself, but that his health (that is, his new obedience)  
shall always remain frail and imperfect, and shall continually need the physician. Where, by the  
way, these three things are to be noted: first, the sickness itself; secondly, the knowing of the  
sickness; thirdly, the physician. The sickness is sin: the knowing of the sickness is repentance,  
which the law worketh: the physician is Christ. And therefore, although in remission of our sins  
repentance is joined with faith, yet it is not the dignity or worthiness of repentance, that causeth  
remission of sins, but only the worthiness of Christ, whom faith only apprehendeth: no more than  
the feeling of the disease is the cause of health, but only the physician. For else, when a man is  
cast and condemned by the law, it is not repentance that can save or deserve life, but if his  
pardon come, then is it the grace of the prince, and not his repentance, that saveth.  
"The third point to be considered in the doctrine of the law, is this: that we mark well the  
end and purpose why the law is given; which is, not to bring us to salvation, nor to work God's  
favour, nor to make us good; but rather to declare and convict our wickedness, and to make us  
feel the danger thereof, to this end and purpose, that we, seeing our condemnation, and being in  
ourselves confounded, may be driven thereby to have our refuge in Christ the Son of God, and to  
submit ourselves to him, in whom only is to be found our remedy, and in none other. And this  
end of the law ought discreetly to be pondered by all Christians: otherwise, they that consider not  
this end and purpose of the law, fall into manifold errors and inconveniences. First, they pervert  
all order of doctrine: secondly, they seek that in the law which the law cannot give: thirdly, they  
are not able to comfort themselves, nor other: fourthly, they keep men's souls in an uncertain  
doubt and dubitation of their salvation: fifthly, they obscure the light of God's grace: sixthly, they  
are unkind to God's benefits: seventhly, they are injurious to Christ's passion, and enemies to his  
cross: eighthly, they stop Christian liberty: ninthly, they bereave the church, the spouse of Christ,  
of her due comfort, as taking away the sun out of the world: tenthly, in all their doings they shoot  
to a wrong mark; for where Christ only is set up to be apprehended by our faith, and so freely to  
justify us, they, leaving this justification by faith, set up other marks, partly of the law, partly of  
their own devising, for men to shoot at. And here cometh in the manifest and manifold  
absurdities of the bishop of Rome's doctrine, which here (the Lord willing) we will rehearse, as  
in a catalogue here following:  
"
I. They erroneously conceive opinion of salvation in the law, which only is to be sought  
in the faith of Christ, and in no other.  
II. They erroneously do seek God's favour by works of the law; not knowing that the  
law, in this our corrupt nature, worketh only the anger of God.  
III. They err also in this, that where the office of the law is diverse from, and contrary to,  
the gospel, they, without any difference, confound the one with the other, making the gospel to  
"
"
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be a law, and Christ to be a Moses.  
IV. They err in dividing the law unskilfully into three parts; into the law natural, the law  
moral, and the law evangelical.  
"
"V. They err again in dividing the law evangelical into precepts and counsels, making the  
precepts to serve for all men, the counsels only to serve for them that be perfect.  
"VI. The chief substance of all their teaching and preaching resteth upon the works of the  
law, as may appear by their religion, which wholly consisteth in men's merits, traditions, laws,  
canons, decrees, and ceremonies.  
"VII. In the doctrines of salvation, remission, and justification, either they admix the law  
equally with the gospel, or else, clean secluding the gospel, they teach and preach the law, so that  
little mention is made of the faith of Christ, or none at all.  
"VIII. They err in thinking that the law of God requireth nothing in us under pain of  
damnation, but only our obedience in external actions: as for the inward affections and  
concupiscence, they esteem but light matters.  
"
IX. They, not knowing the true nature and strength of the law, do erroneously imagine  
that it is in man's power to fulfil it.  
X. They err in thinking not only to be in man's power to keep the law of God, but also to  
"
perform more perfect works than be in God's law commanded; and these they call the works of  
perfection. And hereof rise the works of supererogation, of satisfaction, of congruity and  
condignity, to store up the treasure-house of the pope's church, to be sold out to the people for  
money.  
"
XI. They err in saying, that the state monastical is more perfect for keeping the counsels  
of the gospel, than other states be in keeping the law of the gospel.  
XII. The counsels of the gospel they call the vows of their religious men, as profound  
humility, perfect chastity, and wilful poverty.  
XIII. They err abominably, in equalling their laws and constitutions with God's law; and  
in saying, that man's law bindeth, under pain of damnation, no less than God's law.  
XIV. They err sinfully, in publishing the transgressors of their laws more sharply than  
the transgressors of the law of God; as appeareth by their inquisitions, and their canon law, &c.  
XV. Finally, they err most horribly in this, that where the free promise of God ascribeth  
"
"
"
"
oursalvation only to our faith in Christ, excluding works; they, contrary, ascribe salvation only,  
or principally, to works and merits, excluding faith: whereupon ariseth the application of the  
sacrifice of the mass, ex opere operato, for the quick and dead, application of the merits of  
Christ's passion in bulls, application of the merits of all religious orders, and such other more,  
above specified more at large in the former part of this history."  
Here follow three cautions to be observed and avoided in the true understanding of the law.  
"The first caution: that we, through the misunderstanding of the Scriptures, do not take  
the law for the gospel, nor the gospel for the law; but skilfully discern and distinct the voice of  
the one from the voice of the other. Many there be, which reading the book of the New  
Testament, do take and understand whatsoever they see contained in the said book, to be only  
and merely the voice of the gospel. And contrariwise, whatsoever is contained in the compass of  
the Old Testament; that is, within the law, stories, psalms, and prophets, to be only and merely  
the word and voice of the law. Wherein many are deceived; for the preaching of the law and of  
the gospel are mixed together in both the Testaments, as well the Old as the New; neither is the  
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order of these two doctrines to be distinguished by books and leaves, but by the diversity of  
God's Spirit speaking unto us. For sometimes in the Old Testament God doth comfort, as he  
comforted Adam, with the voice of the gospel: sometimes also in the New Testament he doth  
threaten and terrify, as when Christ threatened the Pharisees. In some places again, Moses and  
the prophets play the evangelists; insomuch that Jerome doubtethWhether he should call Isaiah a  
prophet or an evangelist. In some places likewise Christ and the apostles supply the part of  
Moses; and as Christ himself, until his death, was under the law, (which law he came not to  
break, but to fulfil,) so his sermons made to the Jews, run all, for the most part, upon the perfect  
doctrine and works of the law, showing and teaching what we ought to do by the right law of  
justice, and what danger ensueth in not performing the same: all which places, though they be  
contained in the book of the New Testament, yet are they to be referred to the doctrine of the  
law, ever having in them included a privy exception of repentance and faith in Christ Jesus. As  
for example, where Christ thus preacheth, Blessed be they that be pure of heart, for they shall see  
God. Again, Except ye be made like these children, ye shall not enter, &c. Item, But he that doth  
the will of my Father, shall enter into the kingdom of heaven, &c. Item, the parable of the unkind  
servant, justly cast into prison for not forgiving his fellow, &c. The casting of the rich glutton  
into hell, &c. Item, He that denieth me here before men, I will deny him before my Father, &c.:  
with such other places of like condition. All these, I say, pertaining to the doctrine of the law, do  
ever include in them a secret exception of earnest repentance, and faith in Christ's precious  
blood. For else, Peter denied, and yet repented. Many publicans and sinners were unkind,  
unmerciful, and hard-hearted to their fellow servants; and yet many of them repented, and by  
faith were saved, &c. The grace of Christ Jesus work in us earnest repentance, and faith in him  
unfeigned. Amen!  
"
Briefly, to know when the law speaketh, and when the gospel speaketh, and to discern  
the voice of the one from the voice of the other, this may serve for a note, that when there is any  
moral work commanded to be done, either for eschewing of punishment, or upon promise of any  
reward temporal or eternal, or else when any promise is made with condition of any work  
commanded in the law, there is to be understood the voice of the law. Contrary, where the  
promise of life and salvation is offered unto us freely, without all our merits, and simply, without  
any condition annexed of any law, either natural, ceremonial, or moral; all those places, whether  
they be read in the Old Testament or in the New, are to be referred to the voice and doctrine of  
the gospel. And this promise of God, freely made to us by the merits of Jesus Christ, so long  
before prophesied to us in the Old Testament, and afterwards exhibited in the New Testament,  
and now requiring nothing but our faith in the Son of God, is called properly the voice of the  
gospel, and differeth from the voice of the law in this, that it hath no condition adjoined of our  
meriting, but only respecteth the merits of Christ the Son of God; by whose faith only we are  
promised of God to be saved and justified: according as we read in Rom. iii., The righteousness  
of God cometh by faith of Jesus Christ, in all, and upon all, that do believe, &c.  
"The second caution or danger to be avoided is, that we now, knowing how to discern  
rightly between the law and the gospel, and having intelligence not to mistake the one for the  
other, must take heed again that we break not the order between these two, taking and applying  
the law where the gospel is to be applied, either to ourselves or towards others. For albeit the law  
and the gospel many times are to be joined together in order of doctrine, yet case may fall  
sometimes, that the law must be utterly sequestered from the gospel: as when any personor  
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persons do feel themselves, with the majesty of the law and judgment of God, so terrified and  
oppressed, and with the burden of their sins overweighed and thrown down into utter discomfort,  
and almost even to the pit of hell; as happeneth many times to soft and timorous consciences of  
God's good servants. When such mortified hearts do hear, either in preaching or in reading, any  
such example or place of the Scripture which pertaineth to the law, let them think the same  
nothing to belong to them, no more than a mourning weed belongeth to a marriage feast: and  
therefore, removing utterly out of their minds all cogitation of the law, of fear, of judgment, and  
condemnation, let them only set before their eyes the gospel, the sweet comforts of God's  
promise, free forgiveness of sins in Christ, grace, redemption, liberty, rejoicing, psalms, thanks,  
singing, and a paradise of spiritual jocundity, and nothing else; thinking thus with themselves,  
that the law hath done his office in them already, and now must needs give place to his better,  
that is, must needs give room to Christ the Son of God, who is the Lord and Master, the fulfiller,  
and also the finisher of the law; for the end of the law is Christ.  
"The third danger to be avoided is, that we do not use or apply, on the contrary side, the  
gospel instead of the law. For as the other before was even as much as to put on a mourning  
gown in the feast of a marriage, so is this but even to cast pearls before swine; wherein is a great  
abuse among many. For commonly it is seen, that these worldly epicures and secure  
Mammonists, to whom the doctrine of the law doth properly appertain, do receive and apply to  
themselves most principally the sweet promises of the gospel: and, contrariwise, the other  
contrite and bruised hearts, to whom belong only the joyful tidings of the gospel, and not the law,  
for the most part receive and retain to themselves the terrible voice and sentences of the law.  
Whereby it cometh to pass, that many do rejoice where they should mourn; and on the other side,  
many do fear and mourn where they need not: wherefore, to conclude, in private use of life, let  
every person discreetly discern between the law and the gospel, and aptly apply to himself that  
which he seeth convenient.  
"And again, in public order of doctrine, let every discreet preacher put a difference  
between the broken heart of the mourning sinner, and the unrepentant worldling, and so conjoin  
both the law with the gospel, and the gospel with the law, that in throwing down the wicked, ever  
he spare the weak-hearted; and again, so spare the weak, that he do not encourage the ungodly."  
And thus much concerning the conjunction and difference between the law and the  
gospel, upon the occasion of Mr. Patrick's Places.  
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1
67 Martyrs in Scotland and England, 1525-32.  
Henry Forest, martyred at St. Andrews, in Scotland. Persecuted by James Beton, archbishop of  
St. Andrews; and by Friar Walter Laing, betrayer of the confession of this Henry Forest.  
Within few years after the martyrdom of Master Patrick Hamilton, one Henry Forest, a  
young man born in Linlithgow, who, a little before, had received the orders of Benet and Collet,  
(as they term them,) affirmed and said, that Master Patrick Hamilton died a martyr, and that his  
articles were true. For the which he was apprehended and put in prison, by James Beton,  
archbishop of St. Andrew's, who, shortly after, caused a certain friar, named Walter Laing, to  
hear his confession; to whom when Henry Forest in secret confession had declared his  
conscience, how he thought Master Patrick to be a good man, and wrongfully to be put to death,  
and that his articles were true, and not heretical, the friar came and uttered to the bishop the  
confession that he had heard, which before was not thoroughly known. Whereupon it followed,  
that his confession being brought as sufficient probation against him, he was therefore convented  
before the council of the clergy and doctors, and there concluded to be a heretic, equal in iniquity  
with Master Patrick Hamilton, and there decreed to be given to the secular judges, to suffer  
death.  
When the day came for his death, and that he should first be degraded, and was brought  
before the clergy in a green place, being between the castle of St. Andrew and another place  
called Monymaill; as soon as he entered in at the door, and saw the faces of the clergy,  
perceiving whereunto they tended, he cried with a loud voice, saying, "Fie on falsehood! Fie on  
false friars, revealers of confession! After this day let no man ever trust any false friars,  
contemners of God's word, and deceivers of men!" And so they proceeding to degrade him of his  
small orders of Benet and Collet, he said with a loud voice, "Take from me not only your own  
orders, but also your own baptism!" meaning thereby whatsoever is besides that which Christ  
himself instituted, whereof there is a great rabblement in baptism. Then, after his degradation,  
they condemned him as a heretic equal with Master Patrick aforesaid. And so he suffered death  
for his faithful testimony of the truth of Christ and of his gospel, at the north church-stile of the  
abbey church of St. Andrew, to the intent that all the people of Forfar might see the fire, and so  
might hethe more feared from falling into the like doctrine which they term by the name of  
heresy.  
James Hamilton, brother to Master Patrick; Katharine Hamilton; a woman of Leith; David  
Straton, and Master Norman Gurley: the two last burned. Persecuted by James Hay, bishop of  
Ross, commissioner of King James the Fifth; by Beton, archbishop of St. Andrews; and by  
Master John Spens, lawyer.  
Within a year after the martyrdom of Henry Forest, or thereabout, was called James  
Hamilton, of Linlithgow; his sister Katharine Hamilton, the spouse of the captain of Dunbar; also  
another honest woman of Leith; David Straton, of the house of Lawristone; and Master Norman  
Gurley. These were called to the abbey church of Holyrood House in Edinburgh, by James Hay,  
bishop of Ross, commissioner to James Beton, archbishop, in presence of King James the Fifth  
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of that name; who, upon the day of their accusation, was altogether clad in red apparel. James  
Hamilton was accused as one that maintained the opinion of Master Patrick his brother; to whom  
the king gave counsel to depart, and not to appear: for in case he appeared, he could not help  
him; because the bishops had persuaded him that the cause of heresy did in no wise appertain  
unto him. And so Hamilton fled, and was condemned as a heretic, and also his goods and lands  
confiscated and disposed unto others.  
Katharine Hamilton, his sister, appeared upon the scaffold, and being accused of a  
horrible heresy, to wit, that her own works could not save her, she granted the same; and after a  
long reasoning between her and Master John Spens, the lawyer, she concluded in this manner,  
"Work here, work there; what kind of working is all this? I know perfectly, that no kind of works  
can save me, but only the works of Christ my Lord and Saviour." The king, hearing these words,  
turned him about and laughed, and called her unto him, and caused her to recant, because she  
was his aunt; and she escaped.  
The woman of Leith was detected hereof, that when the midwife, in time of her labour,  
bade her say, "Our Lady help me!" she cried, "Christ help me, Christ help me, in whose help I  
trust!" She also was caused to recant, and so escaped without confiscation of her goods, because  
she was married.  
Master Norman Gurley, for that he said there was no such thing as purgatory, and that the  
pope was not a bishop but antichrist, and had no jurisdiction in Scotland.  
Also David Straton, for that he said there was no purgatory, but the passion of Christ, and  
the tribulations of this world. And because, when Master Robert Lawson, vicar of Eglesgrig,  
asked his tithe-fish of him, he did cast them to him out of the boat, so that some of them fell into  
the sea; therefore he accused him, as one that should have said, that no tithes should be paid.  
These two, because, after great solicitation made by the king, they refused to abjure and recant,  
were therefore condemned by the bishop of Ross as heretics, and were burned upon the green  
side, between Leith and Edinburgh, to the intent that the inhabitants of Fife, seeing the fire,  
might be struck with terror and fear, not to fall into the like.  
And thus much touching those martyrs of Scotland that suffered under James Beton,  
archbishop of St. Andrews; after whom succeeded David Be-ton, in the same archbishopric,  
under whom divers others were also martyred; as hereafter (God willing) in their order shall  
appear.  
Thomas Harding, an aged father, dwelling at Chesham in Buckinghamshire, burned A.D. 1532.  
Persecuted by John Longland, bishop of Lincoln, and by Rowland, vicar of Great Wycombe, the  
bishop's chaplain.  
Thomas Harding, dwelling at Chesham, in the county of Buckingham, with Alice his  
wife, was first abjured by William Smith, bishop of Lincoln, A.D. 1506, with divers other more,  
which, the same time, for speaking against idolatry and superstition, were taken, and compelled,  
some to bear faggots, some were burnt in the cheeks with hot irons, some condemned to  
perpetual prison, some thrust into monasteries, and spoiled clean of all their goods, some  
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compelled to make pilgrimage to the great block, otherwise called our Lady of Lincoln, some to  
Walsingham, some to St. Romuld of Buckingham, some to the rood of Wendover, some to St.  
John Shorne, &c.: of whom mention is made in the table before.  
Of this Thomas Harding much rehearsal hath been made before. First, this Thomas  
Harding, with Alice his wife, being abjured and enjoined penance, with divers other more, by  
William Smith, bishop of Lincoln; afterwards by the said bishop was released again, A.D. 1515,  
of all such penance as was enjoined him and his wife at their abjuration, except these three  
articles following; and were discharged of their badges or signs of their faggots, &c. Only this  
penance following the bishop continued sub pœna relapsus.  
"First, That neither of them, during their life, should dwell out of the parish of  
Amersham.  
"
Item, That both of them, during their lives, should fast bread and ale every Corpus  
Christi even.  
"
Item, That both of them should, during their lives, upon Corpus Christi day, every year  
go on pilgrimage to Ashridge, and there make their offerings, as other people did; but not to do  
penance. Also they were licensed by the said bishop to do their pilgrimage at Ashridge on  
Corpus Christi even, or Corpus Christi day, or some other, upon any cause reasonable."  
This penance, being to them enjoined, A.D. 1515, they observed till the year 1522, save  
that in the last year only the aforesaid Alice, his wife, omitted her pilgrimage, going to Ashridge  
upon Corpus Christi day. Also the said Thomas Harding, being put to his oath to detect others,  
because he, contrary to his oath, dissembled, and did not disclose them, was therefore enjoined,  
in penance for his perjury, to bear upon his right sleeve, both before and behind, a badge or patch  
of green cloth, or silk, embroidered like a faggot, during his whole life, unless he should be  
otherwise dispensed withal. And thus continued he from the year 1522, until the year 1532.  
At last the said Harding, in the year abovesaid, (1532,) about the Easter holidays, when  
the other people went to the church to commit their wonted idolatry, took his way into the  
woods, there solitarily to worship the true living God, in spirit and in truth; where, as he was  
occupied in a book of English prayers, leaning or sitting upon a stile by the wood's side, it  
chanced that one did espy him where he was, and came in great haste to the officers of the town,  
declaring, that he had seen Harding in the woods looking on a book: whereupon immediately a  
rude rabble of them, like mad men, ran desperately to his house to search for books, and in  
searching went so nigh, that under the boards of his floor they found certain English books of  
Holy Scripture. Whereupon this godly father, with his books, was brought before John Longland,  
bishop of Lincoln, then lying at Woburn; who, with his chaplains, calling Father Harding to  
examination, began to reason with him, proceeding rather with checks and rebukes, than with  
any sound arguments. Thomas Harding, seeing their folly and rude behaviour, gave them but few  
words, but fixing his trust and care in the Lord, did let them say what they would. Thus at last  
they sent him to the bishop's prison, called Little-ease, where he did lie with hunger and pain  
enough for a certain space, till at length the bishop, sitting in his tribunal-seat like a potestate,  
condemned him for relapse to be burned to ashes, committing the charge and oversight of his  
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martyrdom to Rowland Messenger, vicar of Great Wycombe. This Rowland, at the day  
appointed, with a rabble of others like to himself, brought Father Harding to Chesham again;  
where, the next day after his return, the said Rowland made a sermon in Chesham church,  
causing Thomas Harding to stand before him all the preaching time; which sermon was nothing  
else, but the maintaining of the jurisdiction of the bishop of Rome, and the state of his apostolical  
see, with the idolatry, fantasies, and traditions belonging unto the same. When the sermon was  
ended, Rowland took him up to the high altar, and asked, whether he believed that in the bread,  
after the consecration, there remained any other substance than the substance of Christ's natural  
body, born of the Virgin Mary? To this Thomas Harding answered, "The articles of our belief do  
teach us, that our Saviour Christ was born of the Virgin Mary, and that he suffered death under  
Pilate, and rose from death the third day; that he then ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the  
right hand of God, in the glory of his Father."  
Then was he brought into a man's house in the town, where he remained all night in  
prayer and godly meditations. So the next morning came the aforesaid Rowland again, about ten  
o'clock, with a company of bills and staves, to lead this godly father to his burning; whom a great  
number both of men and women did follow, of whom many bewailed his death, and contrary, the  
wicked rejoiced thereat. He was brought forth, having thrust into his hands a little cross of wood,  
but no idol upon it. Then he was chained unto the stake, and desiring the people to pray for him,  
and forgiving all his enemies and persecutors, he commended his spirit to God, and took his  
death most patiently and quietly, lifting up his hands to heaven, saying, "Jesus, receive my  
spirit."  
When they had set fire on him, there was one that threw a billet at him, and dashed out  
his brains: for what purpose he so did, it is not known, but, as it was supposed, that he might  
have forty days of pardon, as the proclamation was made at the burning of William Tylsworth,  
above mentioned; where proclamation was made the same time, that whosoever did bring a  
faggot or a stake to the burning of. a heretic, should have forty days of pardon: whereby many  
ignorant people caused many of their children to bear billets and faggots to their burning.  
In fine, when the sacrifice and burnt-offering of this godly martyr was finished, and he  
burnt to ashes, in the dell, going to Botley, at the north end of the town of Chesham, Rowland,  
their ruler of the roast, commanding silence, and thinking to send the people away with an Ita,  
missa est, with a loud voice said to the people these words, not advising belike what his tongue  
did speak: "Good people! when ye come home, do not say that you have been at the burning of a  
heretic, but of a good true Christian man:" and so they departed to dinner, Rowland, with the  
rabble of other priests, much rejoicing at the burning of this good man. After dinner they went to  
church to even-song, because it was Corpus Christi even, where they fell to singing and chanting,  
with ringing, and piping of the organs. Well was he that could reach the highest note, so much  
did they rejoice at this good man's burning. He should have been burned on the Ascension even,  
but the matter was deferred unto the even of Corpus Christi, because they would honour their  
"bready Messias" with a bloody sacrifice. Thus Thomas Harding was consumed to ashes, he  
being of the age of sixty years and above.  
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I find in the records of Lincoln, about the same time, and in the same county of  
Buckinghamshire, in which the aforesaid Thomas Harding did suffer, that divers others, for the  
like doctrine, were molested and troubled, whose names with their causes hereunder follow:  
Mistress Alice Dolly, accused by Elizabeth Wighthill, her own servant, and by Dr. London.  
Elizabeth Wighthill, being brought before Dr. London in the parsonage at Staunton  
Harecourt, and there put to her oath, deposed against Mistress Alice Dolly, her mistress, that the  
said Mistress Dolly, speaking of John Hacker, of Coleman Street, in London, water-bearer, said,  
that he was very expert in the Gospels, and all other things belonging to divine service, and could  
express and declare them, and the Pater-noster in English, as well as any priest, and it would do  
one good to hear him; saying moreover, that she would in no case that this were known, for  
hurting the poor man: commanding moreover the said Elizabeth, that she should tell no man  
hereof; affirming at that same time, that the aforesaid Hacker could tell by divers prophecies,  
what should happen in the realm.  
Over and besides, the aforenamed Elizabeth deposed, that the said Mistress Dolly, her  
mistress, showed unto her, that she had a book which held against pilgrimages; and after that, she  
caused Sir John Booth, parson of Britwel, to read upon a book which he called Legenda Aurea;  
and one saint's life he read, which did speak against pilgrimages. And after that was read, her  
mistress said unto her, "Lo, daughter! now ye may hear, as I told you, what this book speaketh  
against pilgrimages."  
Furthermore, it was deposed against Mistress Dolly, by the said Elizabeth, that she, being  
at Sir William Barenten's place, and seeing there in the closet images new gilded, said to the said  
Elizabeth, "Look, here be my Lady Barenten's gods:" to whom the said Elizabeth answered  
again, that they were set for remembrance of good saints. Then said she, "If I were in a house  
where no images were, I could remember to pray unto saints as well as if I did see the images."  
"Nay," said the other, "images do provoke devotion." Then said her mistress, "Ye should not  
worship that thing that hath ears and cannot hear, and hath eyes and cannot see, and hath mouth  
and cannot speak, and hath hands and cannot feel."  
Item, The said Mistress Dolly was reported by the said party to have a book containing  
the twelve articles of the Creed, covered with boards and red covering. Also another black book,  
which she set most price by, which book she kept ever in her chamber, or in her coffer, with  
divers other books. And this was about A.D. 1520.  
Note here, good reader! in this time, which was above forty-six years ago, what good  
matter here was, to accuse and molest good women.  
Roger Hachman, accused at North Stoke, in Oxfordshire, A.D. 1525. Persecuted by William  
Smith of North Stoke, in Oxfordshire; and by Thomas Ferrar.  
Against this Roger Hachman it was laid, by depositions brought in, that he, sitting at the  
church aisle at North Stoke, said these words, "I will never look to be saved for no good deed  
that ever I did, neither for any that ever I will do, without I may have my salvation by petition, as  
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an outlaw shall have his pardon of the king;" and said, that if he might not have his salvation so,  
he thought he should be lost.  
Robert West, priest of St. Andrew Undershaft, accused at London, A.D. 1529. Persecuted by Dr.  
Wharton, chancellor to Tonstal, bishop of London.  
Against this Robert West, priest, it was objected, that he had commended Martin Luther,  
and thought that he had done well in many things, as in having a wife and children, &c.  
Item, For saying, that whereas the doctors of the church have commanded priests to say  
matins and even-song, they had no authority so to do: for which he was abjured, and was  
enjoined penance.  
John Ryburn, accused at Roshborough, A. D, 1530. Persecuted by Doctor Morgan.  
It was testified against John Ryburn, by his sister Elizabeth Ryburn, being put to her oath,  
that she, coming to him upon the Assumption even, found him at supper with butter and eggs,  
and being bid to sit down and eat with him, she answered, that it was no convenient time then to  
eat; to whom he said again, that God never made such fastingdays; "but you," quoth he, "are so  
far in limbo patrum, that you can never turn again." And in further communication, when she  
said that she would go on pilgrimage to the holy cross at Wendover, he said again, that she did  
wrong, "for there is never a step," said he, "that you set in going on pilgrimage, but you go to the  
devil: and you go to the church to worship what the priest doth hold above his head, which is but  
bread; and if you cast it to the mouse it will eat it:" and further he said, that he would never  
believe that the priest hath power to make his Lord.  
Item, It was testified by another sister, named Alice Ryburn, that she, being with her  
brother in a close called Brimmer's Close, beard him say these words, "That a time shall come  
when no elevation shall be made." Whereunto she answering again asked, "And what service  
shall we have then?  
He said, "That service that we have now." Furthermore, the said John Ryburn was  
accused upon these words, for saying that the service of the church was nought, because it was  
not in English: "For," said he, "if we had our Pater-noster in English, we would say it nine times  
against once now."  
Note here, out of the records of the register, that in this examination of John Ryburn, first  
his two sisters, then his own wife, and at last his own father, were called before John Longland,  
bishop of Lincoln, and compelled by oath to depose against him.  
John Eaton, and Cecily his wife, accused at Roshborough, A.D. 1530. Persecuted by John  
Longland, bishop of Lincoln, and by Richard Ryburn.  
John Eaton, and Cecily his wife, of the parish of Speen, were detected by Richard  
Ryburn, that they were marked of certain in the parish on the Sunday then last past, in the sacring  
time, to hold down their heads, and that they would not look upon the sacrament.  
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Item, In the feast of exaltation of the holy cross, when the bells did ring solemnly,  
between matins and high mass, for saying, in a butcher's house, "What a clampering of bells is  
here!"  
Item, The said John Ryburn was detected by Richard his father, for saying these words,  
"The priests do wrong, for they should say their service in English, that every man may know it."  
Item, For these words speaking to one of his sisters, "The sacrament of the altar is not as  
they take it to be: but if it be as I trust, we shall see none of them holden up, one of these days,  
over the priest's head."  
Item, For saying that the blood of our Lord Jesus Christ hath made satisfaction for all ill  
deeds that were done, or should be done; and therefore it was no need to go on pilgrimage. It was  
also laid to his charge, and confessed by himself, that he had the Gospels of Jesus in English, and  
that he was present in the house of John Taylor, when one John Simons read to them a lecture  
out of the Gospel, of the passion of Christ, the space of two hours.  
Item, For saying that images were but idols, and it was idolatry to pray to them.  
For saying moreover, that at sacring time he kneeled down, but he had no devotion, nor  
believed in the sacrament.  
Item, That the pope's authority and pardon cannot help man's soul, and it was but cast  
away money that is given for pardon; for if we ask pardon of our Lord Jesus Christ, he will give  
us pardon every day.  
Thomas Lound, priest, who had been with Luther two years, being afterwards cast into  
the Fleet at London, was a great instructor of this John Ryburn.  
John Simonds accused.  
It was laid against John Simonds, for saying that men do walk all day in purgatory in this  
world, and when they depart out of this world, there are but two ways, either to hell or to heaven.  
Item, He said, that priests should have wives.  
It was reported by the confession of the said John Simonds, that he had converted to his  
doctrine eight priests, and had holpen two or three friars out of their orders.  
William Wingrave, Thomas Hawks of Hichenden, Robert Hawes of West Wycombe, John Taylor,  
John Hawks, Thomas Hern of Cobshil, Nicholas Field, Richard Dean, Thomas Clerk the  
younger, William Hawks of Chesham; accused, A.D.1530. Persecuted by John Longland, bishop  
of Lincoln.  
These persons with others were examined, excommunicated, and abjured, for being  
together in John Taylor's house at Hichenden, and there hearing Nicholas Field, of London, read  
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a parcel of Scripture in English unto them, who there expounded to them many things: that they  
that went on pilgrimage were accursed: that it booted not to pray to images, for they were but  
stocks made of wood, and could not help a man: that God Almighty biddeth us work as well one  
day as another, saving the Sunday; for six days he wrought, and the seventh day he rested: that  
they needed not to fast so many fasting days, except the ember days; for he was beyond the sea  
in Almany, and there they used not so to fast, nor to make such holy days.  
Item, That offerings do no good, for they have them that have no need thereof. And when  
it was answered again by one, that they maintained God's service; "Nay," said Nicholas, "it  
maintain great houses, as abbeys and others."  
Item, That men should say their Pater-noster and Ave Maria in English, with the Creed;  
and declared the same in English.  
Item, That the sacrament of the altar was not, as it was pretended, the flesh, blood, and  
bone of Christ; but a sacrament, that is, a typical signification of his holy body.  
To William Wingrave moreover it was objected, that he should say, that there was no  
purgatory: and if there were any purgatory, and every mass that is said should deliver a soul out  
of purgatory, there should be never a soul there; for there be more masses said in a day, than  
there be bodies buried in a month.  
Simon Wisdom, of Burford. Persecuted by John Longland, bishop of Lincoln.  
Simon Wisdom, of Burford, was charged in judgment, for having three books in English;  
one was the Gospels in English, another was the Psalter, the third was the Sum of the Holy  
Scripture in English.  
James Algar, or Ayger, accused, A.D. 1530. Persecuted by Dr. Prin, commissary to the bishop of  
Lincoln.  
It was articulated and objected to James Algar, first, that he, speaking to a certain doctor  
of divinity, named Aglonby, said, that every true Christian man, living after the laws of God, and  
observing his commandments, is a priest as well as he, &c.  
Item, That he said that he would not his executors to deal any penny for his soul after his  
death, for he would do it with his own hands while he was alive; and that his conscience gave  
him, that the soul, as soon as it departeth out of the body, goeth straight either to heaven or to  
hell.  
Item, When Dr. Aglonby aforesaid had alleged to him the place in St. Matthew, chap.  
xvi., Thou art Peter, &c., he answered him again with that which followeth in the Gospel after,  
Get thee after me, Satan, &c.  
Item, The said James, hearing of a certain church to be robbed, said openly, it made no.  
great matter, for the church had enough already.  
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John French, of Long Witham. Persecuted there, A.D. 1530.  
Against John French likewise these three articles were objected.  
First, that he believed not the body of Christ, flesh, blood, and bone, to be in the  
sacrament. Secondly, That he was not confessed to any priest of long time. Thirdly, That priests  
had not power to absolve from sins, &c.: for which he likewise, with the others, was troubled,  
and at length compelled also with them to kneel down, and to ask a blessing of his holy catholic  
father and mother of Rome.  
For what stand I here numbering the sand? for if all the register books were sought, it  
would be an infinite thing to recite all them which through all the other diocesees of the realm in  
these days, before and since, were troubled and pursued for these and such-like matters. But  
these I thought for example's sake here to specify, that it might appear what doctrine it is, and  
long hath been in the church, for the which the prelates and clergy of Rome have judged men  
heretics, and so wrongfully have molested poor simple Christians.  
Now, passing from the abjurations of those poor men, we will something speak (God  
willing) of the life and doings of the contrary part, who were their persecutors, and chief rulers  
then of the church; to the intent that by those rulers it may better be discerned and judged, what  
manner of church that was, which then so persecuted the true doctrine of Christ, and members of  
his church.  
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1
68. Thomas Wolsey  
A brief discourse concerning the story and life of Thomas Wolsey, late cardinal of York, by way  
of digression; wherein is to be seen and noted the express image of the proud, vain glorious  
Church of Rome, how, far it differeth from the true church of Christ Jesus.  
Although it be not greatly pertinent unto this our history, nor greatly requisite, in these so  
weighty matters, treating of Christ's holy martyrs, to discourse much of Thomas Wolsey,  
cardinal of York; notwithstanding, forasmuch as there be many, which, being carried away with  
a wrong opinion and estimation of that false glittering Church of Rome, do think that holiness to  
be in it, which indeed is not: to the intent, therefore, that the vain pomp and pride of that  
ambitious church, so far differing from all pure Christianity and godliness, more notoriously may  
appear to all men, and partly also to refresh the reader with some variety of matter, I thought  
compendiously to express the ridiculous and pompous qualities and demeanour of this aforesaid  
Thomas Wolsey, cardinal and legate of Rome, in whom alone the image and life of all other  
such-like followers and professors of the same church, may be seen and observed. For like as the  
Lacedemonians, in times past, were accustomed to show and demonstrate drunken men unto  
their children, to behold and look upon, that through the foulness of that vice they might inflame  
them the more to the study and desire of sobriety; even so it shall not be hurtful sometimes to set  
forth the examples which are not honest, that others might thereby gather the instructions of  
better and more upright dealing.  
Wherefore thou shalt note here, good reader! in this history, with all judgment, the great  
difference of life and Christian conversation between this church and the other true humble  
martyrs and servants of God, whom they have and do yet persecute. And first, to begin with the  
first meeting and coming in of this cardinal, and his fellow cardinal, Campeius, to England; it  
was about the time when Pope Leo, intending to make war against the Turks, sent three legates  
together from Rome, whereof one went into Germany, another into France; Laurentius Campeius  
was appointed to come into England. When he was come to Calais, and that the cardinal of York  
had understanding thereof, he sent certain bishops and doctors, with as much speed as he could,  
to meet the legate, and to show him, that if he would have his embassage take effect, he should  
send in post to Rome, to have the said cardinal of York made legate, and to be joined with him in  
commission: which thing he much affected, misdoubting lest his authority thereby might perhaps  
be diminished through the coming of the legate, and therefore required to be joined with him in  
like degree of the embassage. Campeius, being a man light of belief, and suspecting no such  
matter, gave credit unto his words, and sent unto Rome with such speed, that within thirty days  
after, the bull was brought to Calais, wherein they were both equally joined in commission;  
during which time .the cardinal of York sent to the legate at Calais, red cloth to clothe his  
servants withal, which at their coming to Calais were but meanly apparelled.  
When all things were ready, Campeius passed the seas and landed at Dover, and so kept  
on his journey toward London. At every good town as they passed, he was received with  
procession, accompanied with all the lords and gentlemen of Kent. And when he came to  
Blackheath, there met him the duke of Norfolk, with a great number of prelates, knights, and  
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gentlemen, all richly apparelled; and in the way he was brought into a rich tent of cloth of gold,  
where he shifted himself into a cardinal's robe, furred with ermines; and so took his mule, riding  
toward London. Now mark the great humility in this church of the pope, and compare the same  
with the other church of the martyrs, and see which of them is more gospel-like.  
This Campeius had eight mules of his own, laden with divers fardels and other  
preparation. The cardinal of York, thinking them not sufficient for his state, the night before he  
came to London, sent him twelve mules more, (with empty coffers,) covered with red, to furnish  
his carriage withal. The next day these twenty mules were led through the city, as though they  
had been laden with treasures, apparel, and other necessaries, to the great admiration of all men,  
that they should receive a legate as it were a god, with such and so great treasure and riches; for  
so the common people doth always judge and esteem the majesty of the clergy, by no other thing  
than by their outward shows and pomp. But in the midst of this great admiration, there happened  
a ridiculous spectacle, to the great derision of their pride and ambition: for as the mules passed  
through Cheapside, and the people were pressing about them to behold and gaze, (as the manner  
is,) it happened that one of the mules, breaking his collar that he was led in, ran upon the other  
mules, whereby it happened, that they, so running together, and their girths being loosed,  
overthrew divers of their burdens; and so there appeared the cardinal's gay treasure, not without  
great laughter and scorn of many, especially of boys and girls, whereof some gathered up pieces  
of meat, some, pieces of bread and roasted eggs; some found horseshoes and old boots, with such  
other baggage, crying out, "Behold! here is my lord cardinal's treasure." The muleteers, being  
therewithal greatly ashamed, gathered together their treasure again as well as they could, and  
went forward.  
About three o'clock at afternoon, July the twenty-ninth, the cardinal himself was brought  
through the city, with great pomp and solemnity, unto Paul's church, where, when he had blessed  
all men with the bishop's blessing, as the manner is, he was guided forth unto the cardinal of  
York's house, where he was received by the said cardinal; and by him on the next day, being  
Sunday, was conducted unto the king, to fulfil his embassage against the Turk, which might have  
destroyed all Hungary in the meantime, whiles they were studying with what solemnity to  
furnish out their embassage.  
When the cardinal of York was thus a legate, he set up a court, and called it the court of  
the legate, and proved testaments, and heard causes, to the great hinderance of all the bishops of  
the realm. He visited bishops, and all the clergy, exempt and not exempt; and under colour of  
reformation, he got much treasure, and nothing was reformed, but came to more mischief; for, by  
example of his pride, priests and all spiritual persons waxed so proud, that they wore velvet and  
silk, both in gowns, jackets, doublets, and shoes; kept open lechery; and so highly bore  
themselves, by reason of his authorities and faculties, that no man durst once reprove any thing  
in them, for fear to be called heretic, and then they would made him smoke, or bear a faggot; and  
the cardinal himself was so elated that he thought himself equal with the king; and when he had  
said mass, he made dukes and earls to serve him of wine, with assay taken, and to hold the bason  
at the lavatories.  
Furthermore, as he was sent ambassador to the emperor at Brussels, he had over with him  
the great seal of England; and was served with his servitors kneeling on their knees; and many  
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noblemen of England waiting upon him, to the great admiration of all the Germans that beheld it:  
such was his monstrous pomp and pride.  
This glorious cardinal, in his tragical doings, did exceed so far all measure of a good  
subject, that he became more like a prince than a priest; for although the king bare the sword, yet  
he bare the stroke, making (in a manner) the whole realm to bend at his beck, and to dance after  
his pipe. Such practices and fetches he had, that when he had well stored his own coffers, first he  
fetched the greatest part of the king's treasure out of the realm, in twelve great barrels full of gold  
and silver, to serve the pope's wars; and as his avaricious mind was never satisfied in getting, so  
his restless head was so busy, ruffling in public matters, that he never ceased before he had set  
both England, France, Flanders, Spain, and Italy, together by the ears.  
Thus this legate, well following the steps of his master the pope, and both of them well  
declaring the nature of their religion, under the pretence of the church, practised great hypocrisy;  
and under the authority of the king he used great extortion, with excessive taxes and loans, and  
valuation of every man's substance, so pilling the commons and merchants, that every man  
complained, but no redress was had. Neither yet were the churchmen altogether free from the  
pill-axe and poll-axe, from the pilling and polling, I mean, of this cardinal, who, under his power  
legantine, gave by preventions all benefices belonging to spiritual persons; by which, hard it is to  
say, whether he purchased to himself more riches than hatred of the spiritualty. So far his licence  
stretched, that he had power to suppress divers abbeys, priories, and monasteries; and so did,  
taking from them all their goods, movables and unmovables, except it were a little pension, left  
only to the heads of certain houses. By the said power legantine he kept also general visitations  
through the realm, sending Doctor John Alein, his chaplain, riding in his gown of velvet, and  
with a great train, to visit all religious houses; whereat the Friars Observant much grudged, and  
would in no wise condescend thereunto: wherefore they were openly accursed at Paul's Cross, by  
Friar Forest, one of the same order; so that the cardinal at length prevailed both against them and  
all others. Against whom great disdain rose among the people, perceiving how, by visitations,  
making of abbots, probates of testaments, granting of faculties, licences, and other pollings in his  
courts legantine, he had made his treasure equal with the king's, and yet every year he sent great  
sums to Rome. And this was their daily talk against the cardinal.  
Besides many other matters and grievances which stirred the hearts of the commons  
against the cardinal, this was one which much pinched them, for that the said cardinal had sent  
out certain strait commissions in the king's name, that every man should pay the sixth part of his  
goods. Whereupon there followed great muttering amongst the commons; in such sort that it had  
almost grown to some riotous commotion or tumult, especially in the parts of Suffolk, had not  
the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, with wisdom and gentleness, stepped in and appeased the  
same.  
Another thing that rubbed the stomachs of many, or rather which moved them to laugh at  
the cardinal, was this; to see his insolent presumption, so highly to take upon him, as the king's  
chief councillor, to set a reformation in the order of the king's household, making and  
establishing new ordinances in the same. He likewise made new officers in the house of the duke  
of Richmond, which was then newly begun. In like manner he ordained a council, and  
established another household for the Lady Mary, then being princess; so that all things were  
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done by his consent, and by none other. All this, with much more, took he upon him, making the  
king believe, that all should be to his honour, and that he needed not to take any pains; insomuch  
that the charge of all things was committed unto him: whereat many men smiled, to see his great  
folly and presumption.  
At this time, the cardinal gave the king the lease of the manor of Hampton Court, which  
he had of the lord of St. John's, and on which he had done great cost. Therefore the king again, of  
his gentle nature, licensed him to lie in his manor of Richmond; and so he lay there certain times.  
But when the common people, and especially such as were King Henry the Seventh's servants,  
saw the cardinal keep house in the royal manor of Richmond, which King Henry the Seventh so  
much esteemed, it was a marvel to hear how they grudged, saying, "See, a butcher's dog lies in  
the manor of Richmond! "These, with many other opprobrious words, were spoken against the  
cardinal, whose pride was so high, that he regarded nothing yet was he hated of all men.  
And now, to express some part of the ruffling practices and busy intermeddlings of this  
cardinal in princes' wars, first, here is to be noted, that after long wars between England and  
France, 1524, (in the which wars King Henry, taking the emperor's part against Francis, the  
French king, had engaged with his money the duke of Bourbon, and a great part of the emperor's  
army, to invade and disturb certain parts of France,) it happened that the French king, coming  
with his army towards Milan at the siege of Pavia, was there taken by the duke of Bourbon, and  
the viceroy of Naples, and so led prisoner into Spain.  
Where note by the way, that all this while the cardinal held with the emperor, hoping by  
him to be made pope; but when that would not be, he went clean from the emperor to the French  
king, as, the Lord willing, you shall hear.  
Meeting of Henry and Francis  
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After this victory gotten, and the French king being taken prisoner, who remained in  
custody about a year and a half; at length, through great labour and solicitation, as well of others  
as especially of the cardinal and King Henry, an order was taken, and conditions propounded,  
between the French king and the emperor; among which other divers conditions, it was agreed,  
that they should resist the Turks, and oppress the Lutherans; and so was the king set at liberty,  
leaving behind him his two eldest sons for pledges. But shortly after he revoked his oath, being  
absolved by the bishop of Rome, and said that he was forced to swear, or else he should never  
have been delivered. This was A.D. 1526.  
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1
69. The Sack of Rome  
Pope Clement the Seventh, seeing the French king restored to liberty, and misdoubting  
the puissance and domination of the emperor in Italy, so near under his nose, absolved the  
French king from his oath; also joined together a confederacy of Venetians and other princes  
against the emperor, bearing great hatred against all them that any thing favoured the emperor's  
part, especially the family of Columna in Rome, which family was then imperial; and therefore,  
to show his hatred against them, he said to Pompey, cardinal of the same family, in threatening  
words, that he would take away his cardinal's hat: to whom it was answered again by the  
cardinal, that if he so did, he would put on a helmet to overthrow the pope's triple crown:  
whereby it may appear here by the way, what holiness and virtue lieth in the pope and cardinals  
of that catholic see of Rome.  
Thus the false pope, under the lying title of holiness, was the father of much mischief and  
of great wars, which after ensued; for the duke of Bourbon, and others of the emperor's captains,  
having intelligence of the pope's purpose and confederacy, gathered their army together, and  
after much bloodshed and fighting about Milan, Hawd, and Cremona, at length they approached  
and bent their siege against Rome, and after three sharp assaults, obtained the city, with the  
whole spoil thereof: where also they besieged the aforesaid pope with his cardinals, in the mount  
of Adrian, and took him prisoner, A.D. 1527. As touching the cause of the besieging of Rome,  
now ye have beard: for the manner of taking of Rome, and of the pope, the order thereof is thus  
described in Hall and others.  
he emperor's army, departing from Florence to the city of Sienna, where they  
lost their ordnance, took counsel there to go to Rome, and so much they  
travelled by night and day, commonly passing forty miles day and night,  
(their good will was such,) that the sixth day of May, with banners displayed,  
they came before the city of Rome, being Saturday the same day; and on  
Sunday the Romans made bulwarks, ramparts, and other defences, and laid  
ordnance on the walls, and shot at them without fiercely.  
The duke of Bourbon determined that it was not best to lie still without, and be slain with  
ordnance, considering that they were all naked people, and without great ordnance; wherefore he  
determined to take the chance, and to give the assault, and so manfully they approached the walls  
between the Burgo Novo and old Rome. But the Romans valiantly defended them with hand-  
guns, pikes, stones, and other weapons, so that the enemies were fain to retreat. Then the  
Romans were glad, and set many fair banners on their towers and bulwarks, and made great  
shouts; which the duke of Bourbon seeing, cried, "To a new assault." Then the drumflades blew,  
and every man with a ladder mounted; and, at the first encounter, the Romans put them a little  
back again, which the duke of Bourbon perceiving, cried "God and the emperor!" Then every  
man manfully set on. There was a sore fight, many an arrow shot, and many a man felled; but at  
last the emperor's men got the wall: and between every assault fell a mist, so that they within  
could not see what part they without would assail; which was profitable to the emperor's party.  
At the three assaults were slain three hundred Switzers of the pope's guard. In this last assault  
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was the duke of Bourbon struck in the thigh with a hand-gun, of the which he shortly after died  
in a chapel of St. Sist, whither his soldiers bad brought him; and this chance notwithstanding, the  
army entered into Rome, and took the pope's palace, and set up the emperor's arms.  
The same day that these three assaults were made, Pope Clement passed little on the  
emperor's army; for he had accursed them on the Saturday before, and in his curse he called the  
Almains Lutherans; and the Spaniards, Murreins, or Moors: and when he was hearing of mass,  
suddenly the Almains entered into the church, and slew his guard and divers other. He, seeing  
that, fled in all haste by a privy way to the castle of St. Angelo; and all they that followed him  
that way, and could not enter, were slain, and if he in that fury had been taken, he had been slain.  
The cardinals and other prelates fled to the castle of St. Angelo, over the bridge, where many of  
the common people were overpressed and trodden down, and as they gave way to the cardinals  
and other estates that passed towards the castle for succour.  
The cardinal of Senes, of Sesarine, of Todi, of Jacobace, and of the Valle, tarried so long,  
that they could not get to the castle for the multitude of the people; wherefore they were  
compelled to take another house, called the palace of St. George, where they kept themselves for  
awhile as secretly as they might. You must understand, that through the city of Rome runneth a  
famous river called Tiber, and on the one side of the river standeth the castle of St. Angelo, or  
the borough of St. Angelo; and the other side is called Burgo Novo, or the New Borough. This  
bridge is called the bridge of Sixtus, which lieth directly before the castle. At the end of this  
bridge was a wonderful strong bulwark, well ordnanced and well manned. The emperor's men,  
seeing that they could do nothing to the pope, nor to that part of the city, but by the bridge,  
determined to assault the bulwark: and so, as men without fear, came on the bridge, and the  
Romans so well defended them, that they slew almost four thousand men. Seeing this, the prince  
of Orange, and the marquis of Gnasto, with all speed gave assault, and notwithstanding that the  
Romans shot great ordnance, hand-guns, quarels, and all that might be shot; yet the imperial  
persons never shrank, but manfully entered the bulwark, and slew and threw down out of the  
loops all the Romans that they found, and after razed the bulwark to the ground. The pope was in  
the castle of St. Angelo, and beheld this fight; and with him were four-and-twenty cardinals, of  
which one, called the cardinal Sanctorum Quatuor, or the cardinal of Pouch, was slain, and with  
him were one thousand prelates and priests, five hundred gentlemen, and five hundred soldiers:  
wherefore immediately the captains determined to lay siege to the castle of St. Angelo, lest they  
within might issue out, and turn them to damage; wherefore suddenly a siege was planted round  
about the castle. In the mean season, the soldiers fell to spoil. Never was Rome so pillaged,  
either by the Goths or Vandals: for the soldiers were not content with the spoil of the citizens,  
but they robbed the churches, brake up the houses of close religious persons, and overthrew the  
cloisters, and spoiled virgins, and maltreated married women. Men were tormented if they had  
not to give to every new asker or demander: some were strangled, some were punished by  
dreadful mutilation, to cause them to confess their treasure. This woodness continued a great  
while, and some men might think that when they had gotten so much, then they would cease and  
be quiet, but that was not so, for they played continually at dice, some five hundred, some a  
thousand ducats at a cast; and he that came to play laden with plate, went away almost naked,  
and then fell to rifling again. Many of the citizens, which could not patiently suffer that vexation,  
drowned themselves in the Tiber. The soldiers daily, that lay at the siege, made jests of the pope.  
Sometimes they had one riding like the pope, with a base woman behind him; sometimes he  
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blessed, and sometimes he cursed, and sometimes they would with one voice call him antichrist:  
and they went about to undermine the castle, and to have thrown it down on his head; but the  
water that environeth the castle disappointed their purpose.  
In this season the duke of Urbino, with fifteen thousand men, came to aid the pope; but  
hearing that Rome was taken, he tarried forty miles from Rome, till he heard other word. The  
marquis of Saluzzo, and Sir Frederic de Bodso, with fifteen thousand footmen, and a thousand  
horsemen, were at Viturbo the tenth day of May, where they, hearing that the city of Rome was  
taken, also tarried. The cardinal of Colume came with an army of Neapolitans to help the  
emperor's men, but when he saw the cruelty of the soldiers, he did little to help them, but he  
hated them much.  
The bishop of Rome was thus besieged till the eighth of the ides of July; at which day he  
yielded himself for necessity, and penury of all things in the castle: and then he was restored to  
give graces, and grant bulls as he did before; but he tarried still in the castle of St. Angelo, and  
had a great number of Almains and Spaniards to keep him; but the Spaniards bare most rule in  
the castle, for no man entered nor came out of the castle but by them. When the month of July  
came, corn began to fail in Rome, and the pestilence began to wax strong; wherefore the great  
army removed to a place called Narvia, forty miles from Rome, leaving behind them such as kept  
the bishop of Rome.  
When they were departed, the Spaniards never were contented till they had gotten the  
Almains out of the castle of St. Angelo, and so they had the whole custody of the pope. And thus  
much for the sacking of Rome.  
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1
70. Thomas Wolsey (Contd.)  
When the cardinal here in England heard how his father of Rome was taken prisoner, he  
began to stir coals, and hearing of his captivity, he laboured with the king all that he might, to stir  
him up to fight with the said pope against the emperor, and to be a defender of the church; which  
if he would do, the cardinal persuaded him that he should receive great reward at God's hand. To  
whom the king answered again, and said in this manner: "My lord! I more lament this evil  
chance, than my tongue can tell; but where you say I am the defender of the faith, I assure you  
that this war between the emperor and the pope, is not for the faith, but for temporal possessions  
and dominions. And now, since Pope Clement is taken by men of war, what should I do? My  
person nor my people cannot rescue him; but if my treasure may help him, take that which  
seemeth to you most convenient."  
Thus the cardinal, when he could -not obtain at the king's hands what he would, in  
stirring him up to mortal war, made out of the king's treasure twelve-score thousand pounds,  
which he carried over the sea with him. After this, the cardinal sent his commission as legate, to  
all the bishops, commanding fastings and solemn processions to be had, wherein they did sing  
the Litany after this sort, Sancta Maria! ora pro Clemente papa: Sancte Petre, ora pro Clemente  
papa; and so forth all the Litany.  
This cardinal, passing the seas with the aforesaid sums of money, departed out of Calais,  
accompanied with Cuthbert Tonstal, bishop of London, the lord Sandes, the king's chamberlain,  
the earl of Derby, Sir Henry Guildford, and Sir Thomas More, with many other knights and  
squires, to the number of twelve hundred horse; having in his carriage fourscore waggons, and  
threescore mules and sumpter horses.  
It were long to discourse in this place the manifold abuses and treasons which he  
practised when he came to the French court at Amiens, converting the great sums of money,  
which before you heard he had obtained of the king for the relief and ransom of Pope Clement,  
(which at that time was prisoner in the emperor's army,) and bestowing the same in the hiring of  
soldiers, and furnishing out the French king's army; appointing also certain English captains, in  
the king of England's name, to go against the emperor, to rescue the pope; all which army was  
paid with the king of England's money.  
Besides that, he privily, by his letters, caused Clarence king at arms, to join with the  
French herald, and openly to defy the emperor; whereby there began great displeasure to arise  
between the emperor and the king, but that the emperor, of his politic nature, would take no  
occasion of displeasure against the king of England.  
Now again he uttered another of his practices; for, upon the said defiance, the cardinal,  
surmising and whispering in the king's ear that the emperor had evil treated and imprisoned the  
king's ambassadors in Spain, caused Hugo de Mendoza, the emperor's ambassador in England, to  
be attached, and put in safe keeping, and his house with all his goods to be seized; which so  
remained, until that manifest letters came of the gentle entreaty of the king's ambassadors in  
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Spain; and then was again set at liberty. When the ambassador complained hereof to the cardinal,  
he laid all the fault upon Clarence; saying also, that Clarence had defied the emperor without the  
king's knowledge, at the request of the herald of France: wherefore at his return he should lose  
his head at Calais. Whereof Clarence, being advertised by the captain of Bayonne, in his return  
took shipping at Boulogne, and so privily came into England; and by means of certain of his  
friends of the king's privy-chamber, he was brought into the king's presence, before the cardinal  
knew of it; where he showed unto the king the cardinal's letters of commission, and declared the  
whole order and circumstance of their gentle entreaty. When the king heard the whole  
circumstance thereof, and had a while mused thereupon, he said, "O Lord Jesus! he that I trusted  
most, told me all these things contrary. Well, Clarence! I will no more be so light of credence  
hereafter; for now I see well, that I have been made believe the thing that was never done:" and  
from that time forward the king never put any more confidence or trust in the cardinal.  
The cause why the cardinal should hear the emperor all this malice and grudge, after  
some writers, it appeareth to be this: At what time as Pope Clement was taken prisoner, (as is  
before said,) the cardinal wrote unto the emperor, that he should make him pope. But when he  
had received an answer that pleased him not, he waxed furious mad, and sought all means to  
displease the emperor, writing very sharply unto him many menacing letters, that if he would not  
make him pope, he would make such a ruffling betwixt Christian princes, as was not this  
hundred years before, to make the emperor repent; yea, though it should cost the whole realm of  
England.  
Whereunto the emperor made answer in a little book, imprinted both in Spanish and  
Dutch, answering unto many menacings of the cardinal, and divers of his articles; but especially  
to that his ruffling threat, wherein he menaced him, that if he would not make him pope, he  
would set such a ruffling betwixt Christian princes as was not this hundred years, though it  
should cost the whole realm of England: whereunto the emperor, answering again, biddeth him  
look well about him, lest through his doings and attempts he might bring the matter in that case,  
that it should cost him the realm of England indeed.  
You have heard before, how that when Pope Clement was prisoner in the emperor's army,  
the cardinal required the king, because he did bear the title of Defender of the Faith, that be  
would rescue the pope; also what the king's answer was thereunto, and what sums of money he  
had obtained of the king. Now, because you shall not also be ignorant, by what means, and upon  
what occasion, this title of Defender of the Faith was given unto the king, we think it good  
somewhat to say in this place. When Martin Luther had uttered the abomination of the pope and  
his clergy, and divers books were come into England, our cardinal here, thinking to find a  
remedy for that, sent immediately unto Rome for this title of Defender of the Faith: which  
afterwards the vicar of Croydon preached, that the king's Grace would not lose it for all London  
and twenty miles about it. Neither is it marvel, for it cost more than London and forty miles  
about it, considering the great sums which you have heard the cardinal obtained of the king for  
the pope's relief, besides the effusion of much innocent blood.  
When this glorious title was come from Rome, the cardinal brought it unto the king's  
Grace at Greenwich; and though that the king had it already, and had read it, yet against the  
morning were all the lords and gentlemen that could in so short space be gathered, sent for, to  
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come and receive it with honour. In the morning the cardinal gat him through the backside, unto  
the Friars Observant, and part of the gentlemen went round about, and welcomed him from  
Rome; part met him half way, and some at the court gate. The king himself met him in the hall,  
and brought him up into a great chamber, where was a seat prepared on high for the king and the  
cardinal to sit on, while the bull was read; which pomp all men of wisdom and understanding  
laughed to scorn.  
This done, the king went to his chapel to hear mass, accompanied by many nobles of his  
realm, and ambassadors of sundry princes. The cardinal being revested to sing mass, the earl of  
Essex brought the bason of water, the duke of Suffolk gave the assay, and the duke of Norfolk  
held the towel; andso he proceeded to mass. When mass was done, the bull was again published,  
the trumpets blew, the shawms and sackbuts played in honour of the king's new style. Then the  
king went to dinner, in the midst whereof the king of heralds and his company began the largess,  
crying, "Henricus, Dei Gratia, Rex Angliæ et Franciæ Defensor Fidei, et Dominus Hiberniæ."  
Thus were all things ended with great solemnity.  
Not much unlike to this was the receiving of the cardinal's hat; which when a ruffian had  
brought unto him to Westminster under his cloak, he clothed the messenger in rich array, and  
sent him back again to Dover; appointing the bishop of Canterbury to meet him, and then another  
company of the lords and gentlemen, I wot not how often before it came to Westminster; where  
it was set upon a cupboard, and tapers round about it, so that the greatest duke in the land must  
make courtesy thereunto, and to his empty seat, he being away.  
And forasmuch as we are in hand with the acts and doings of Cardinal Wolsey, among  
many other things which of purpose we overpass, this is not to be exempted out of memory,  
touching his uncourteous, or rather churlish, handling of Richard Pacy, dean of St. Paul's. This  
Pacy, being the king's secretary for the Latin tongue, was of such ripeness of wit, of learning, and  
eloquence, also in foreign languages so expert, that for the one he was thought most meet to  
succeed after John Colet, in the deanery of Paul's; beside which he was also preferred to the  
deanery of Exeter. For the other he was sent in the king's affairs ambassador to Venice; which  
function there he so discharged, that it is hard to say whether he procured more commendation or  
admiration among the Venetians, both for dexterity of his wit, and especially for the singular  
promptness in the Italian tongue, wherein he seemed nothing inferior, neither to Peter Vanne  
here in England, the king's secretary for the Italian tongue, nor yet to any other, which were the  
best in that tongue in all Venice. For opinion and fame of learning, he was so notoriously  
accepted, not only here in England with Linacre, Grocine, More, and other, but also known and  
reported abroad in such sort, that in all the great heap of Erasmus's Epistles, he wrote almost to  
none so many, as he wrote to this Richard Pacy.  
As the said Pacy was resident ambassador at Venice, the king, having war the same time  
with Francis the French king (as is afore rehearsed) through the conducting of the duke of  
Bourbon, whom he then charged with his expenses, sent commandment to Pacy to give  
attendance to the duke of Bourbon, concerning the receipt of that money, and other necessities  
and exploits to that expedition appertaining. In the mean while, as the French king with his army,  
and the duke of Bourbon, were approaching in the battle together, near about the city of Pavia, it  
so happened (some think through the crafty packing of the cardinal) that the king's money was  
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not so ready as it was looked for: by reason whereof the duke of Bourbon, perceiving his soldiers  
about to shrink from him to the French king for lack of payment, called to him the ambassador,  
complaining unto him, how the king of England had deceived him, and broken promise with  
him, to his great dishonour and utter undoing, &c. Pacy then, being sure of the king's will, and  
suspecting the crafty fetch of the cardinal, desired the duke not to take discomfort, nor any  
diffidence of the king's assured promise, excusing the delay of the money as well as he could, by  
interception, or other causes by the way of incident, rather than for any lack of fidelity on the  
king's behalf: adding, moreover, that if it would please him happily to proceed, as he had  
courageously begun, he should not stay for the king's money. So sure he was of the king's mind  
therein, that he would supply the lack of that payment upon his own credit, among his friends at  
Venice: and so did; whereupon the soldiers being sufficiently satisfied with payment of their  
wages, proceeded forth with the duke unto the battle. In the which battle the aforesaid French  
king, the same time, before the city of Pavia, was taken prisoner, as is before declared. Which  
being eftsoons known to the king of England, Pacy had both condign thanks for his faithful  
service, and also his money repaid again with the uttermost, as he well deserved. But as the laud,  
and the renowned praise, of men for their worthy prowesses, commonly in this world never go  
unaccompanied with some privy canker of envy and disdain following after, so the singular  
industry of Pacy, as it won much commendation with many, so it could not avoid the secret sting  
of some serpents. For the conceived hatred of this cardinal so kindled against him, that he never  
ceased, till first he brought him out of the king's favour, and at last also out of his perfect wits.  
The occasion how he fell beside himself was this, for that the cardinal, after the death of  
Pope Adrian, hoping no less but that he should have been advanced unto the papacy, and yet  
missing thereof, he supposed with himself the fault chiefly to rest in Pacy's negligence, by whose  
great wit and learning, and earnest means and suit, he thought easily he might have achieved and  
compassed the triple crown. Wherefore, he, seeing it otherwise come to pass, and inflamed  
against Pacy for the same, wrought such ways and means, that by the space almost of two years,  
Pacy, continuing at Venice, had neither writing from the king, nor his council, what he should  
do; nor yet any manner of allowance for his diet, although he wrote and sent letters for the same  
to England very often: for the cardinal had altogether incensed the king against him. Whereupon  
the said Pacy took such an inward thought and conceit, that his wits began to fail him; he being  
notwithstanding in such favour among the senators of Venice, that neither for gold nor silver he  
could there have lacked. By some it is reported that the Venetian legate here in England, coming  
to the cardinal, required if he would command any thing to the English ambassador at Venice?  
To whom he should answer again in high words, saying, Paceus decepit regem. Which words  
coming to Pacy's ears, so deeply pierced his stomach, that he fell quite beside himself. I heard it  
moreover of another thus testified, who had a brother at the same time dwelling with Pacy: that  
the cardinal, about the returning of Pacy from Venice, sent him a letter so powdered, (with what  
spices I cannot tell,) that at the reading thereof Pacy, then being in the fields, fell suddenly in  
such a mighty running for the space of two miles, that his servants had much ado to take him,  
and bring him home.  
This piteous case of Pacy was not a little lamented by the whole senate and chief learned  
men in Venice; insomuch that the king was not only certified thereof by Thomas Lupset, (who  
then was chief man about Pacy, and his secretary for that embassage,) but also the said senate of  
Venice wrote in such sharp and vehement wise unto their ambassador, then being in England,  
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that he should signify unto the king, touching Pacy's case, that thereby the king, knowing the  
truth, and the whole circumstance of the matter, was not a little sorrowful therefore. Whereupon  
Pacy was forthwith sent for home, and when he came to England, he was commanded by the  
king to be specially well tended, and to lack no keeping: insomuch that within a small process of  
time he was pretty well come again to his wits, and began to study the Hebrew tongue with  
Wakefield; so that (the cardinal then being absent) such ways were found by his friends, that he  
was brought to the king, lying then at Richmond, where he and the king secretly communed  
together by the space of two hours and more, not without great rejoicing to the king, as it was  
perceived, to see him so well amended, and returned to himself again; giving likewise strait  
charge and commandment, that he should lack nothing. The cardinal being then not present,  
when he heard of this, fearing lest he had disclosed somewhat to the king, which he would not  
have known, and doubting that the king should cast his favour again unto Pacy, began within a  
while after to quarrel, and pick matters, and to lay certain things to Pacy's charge; whereas he  
rather should have cleared himself of those things which Pacy laid unto him before the king,  
which was contrary to all good form and order of justice. For where the king had willed the  
cardinal to purge himself of those things which Pacy had rightly charged him withal, he, sitting  
in judgment, with the duke of Norfolk, and other states of the realm, not as a defendant, but as a  
judge in his own cause, so bare out himself and weighed down Pacy, that Pacy was commanded  
to the Tower of London as prisoner, where he continued by the space of two years, or  
thereabouts, and afterwards, by the king's commandment, was discharged. But he, being there  
prisoner, was therewith so deadly wounded and stricken, that he fell worse from his wits than  
ever he was before, being in such a frenzy or lunacy, that to his dying day he never came  
perfectly to himself again. Notwithstanding this in him was no perpetual frenzy, but came by fits;  
and when the fit was past, he could look on his book, and reason and talk handsomely, but that  
now and then he showed his disease. And thus much between the cardinal and Pacy.  
By this story of Pacy, and also by other passages above mentioned, ye may partly  
conceive how greedy this cardinal was to be made pope. Touching which matter here by the way  
something to treat, first is to be understood, that forasmuch as Pacy either would not, or could  
not, serve the cardinal's purpose herein, he thought to accomplish his desire by other means, and  
namely by Stephen Gardiner, who was then shortly after sent ambassador to Rome by the king  
and the cardinal, in the time of Pope Clement the Seventh; and that for two special causes, one  
was about the divorcement, the other for promoting the cardinal to be pope. As touching the  
divorcement we will speak (the Lord willing) hereafter. In the mean time, as concerning the  
advancement of the cardinal, great labour was made, as in letters may appear, sent from the  
cardinal to the said Stephen Gardiner; in which letters he did solicit the said Gardiner, by all  
means, to pursue the suit, willing him to stick for no cost, so far as six or seven thousand pounds  
would stretch; for more, he said, he would not give for the triple crown. Mark here, Christian  
reader! what a holy catholic church this is, which rather may be called a bourse, or mart of  
merchants, than any true form of a church.  
Many both of his, and also the king's letters, I could here insert; but, for growing of the  
volume, I let them pass. One, for example's sake, sent by the cardinal to Gardiner, shall at this  
time suffice concerning this matter. The copy of the cardinal's ambitious letter here in form  
followeth:  
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"Master Stephen, albeit ye shall be sufficiently, with your colleagues, by such  
instructions as be given to Monsieur Vincent, informed of the king's mind and mine, concerning  
my advancement unto the dignity papal, not doubting but that for the singular devotion which  
you bear towards the king and his affairs, both general and particular, and perfect love which ye  
have towards me, ye will omit nothing that may be excogitated to serve and conduce to that  
purpose; yet I thought convenient, for the more fervent expression of my mind in that behalf, to  
write unto you (as to the person whom I do most entirely trust, and by whom this thing shall be  
most pithily set forth) these few words following of mine own hand.  
"
I doubt not but ye do profoundly consider, as well the state wherein the church and all  
Christendom doth stand now presently, as also the state of this realm, and of the king's secret  
matter; which if it should be brought to pass by any other means than by the authority of the  
church, I account this prince and realm utterly undone. Wherefore it is expedient to have such a  
one to be pope and common father of all princes, as may, can, and will, give remedy to the  
premises. And albeit I account myself much unable, and that it shall be now incommodious in  
this mine old age to be the said common father; yet when all things be well pondered, &c., the  
qualities of all the cardinals well considered, there shall be none found that can and will set  
remedy in the aforesaid things, but only the cardinal of York, whose good will and zeal is not to  
you of all men unknown. And were it not for the re-integration of the state of the church and see  
apostolic to the pristine dignity, and for the conducing of peace amongst Christian princes, and  
especially to relieve this prince and realm from the calamities that the same be now in, all the  
riches or honour of the world should not cause me to accept the said dignity, although the same  
with all commodities were offered unto me.  
"Nevertheless, conforming myself to the necessity of the time, and the will and pleasure  
of these two princes, I am content to appone all my wit and study, and to set forth all means and  
ways, for the attaining of the said dignity: for the achieving and attaining whereof, forasmuch as  
thereupon dependeth the health and wealth, not only of these two princes and their realms, but of  
all Christendom, nothing is to be omitted that may conduce to the said end and purpose.  
Wherefore, Master Stephen, since you be so plainly advertised of my mind and intent, I shall  
pray you to exert your utmost energies to bring the matter to an issue, sparing neither expense,  
nor promises, nor toils. Suit your conduct to men's minds and tempers, as they may be inclined,  
whether in public or private affairs. You and your colleagues have hereby unlimited power, and  
whatever you do, be assured it will gratify the king and me. We intrust all, in one word, to your  
faith and genius. I have only to pray that God may prosper all your exertions. Farewell.  
"Ex ædibus meis Westmonast. vii. Febr.  
Tuæ salutis et amplitudinis cupidissimus,  
T. Ebor."  
In the so great labours, pursuits, and travails of the king and of the cardinal, thou hast for  
thine instruction, loving reader, to note and learn, how man purposeth one thing, and how God  
disposeth another. For the king's purpose was to have the cardinal and legate of York placed in  
the see papal, thinking by that means, if this cardinal had been pope, the cause of his divorce  
more easily might be compassed, which, otherwise, he thought impossible to contrive. But God  
omnipotent, who only is director of all affairs, brought it otherwise to pass, not as the king  
devised, but after his own wisdom; so that both the divorcement was concluded, and yet neither  
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Cardinal Wolsey made pope, nor yet Pope Clement was dead. Yea, so he ruled the matter, that  
notwithstanding Pope Clement was alive, yet both the divorce proceeded, and also the pope's  
authority was thereby utterly extinct and abolished out of this realm of England, to the singular  
admiration of God's wondrous works, and perpetual praise to his merciful goodness: of which  
divorcement, and suppressing of the pope's authority, we have likewise to make declaration; but  
first, as we have begun with the cardinal of York, so we will make an end of him. That done, we  
will (God willing) address ourselves to other matters of more importance.  
As the ambassadors were thus travailing in Rome to promote the cardinal to be pope,  
although the pope was not yet dead, in the mean time the cardinal played the popish persecutor  
here at home. For first, he sitting in his pontificalibus in the cathedral church of Paul's, under his  
cloth of estate of rich cloth of gold, caused Friar Barnes, an Augustin Friar, to bear a faggot, for  
certain points which he called heresy. Also he caused at the same time two merchants of the  
Stilyard likewise to bear faggots for eating flesh on a Friday; at the which time the bishop of  
Rochester made a sermon in reproof of Martin Luther, who had before written against the power  
of the bishop of Rome. This bishop in his sermon spake so much of the honour of the pope and  
his cardinals, and of their dignity and pre-eminence, that he forgot to speak of the gospel which  
he took in hand to declare; which was about A.D. 1526.  
After this, the said cardinal likewise, A.D. 1528, and in the month of November, sitting at  
Westminster as legate, called before him the whole clergy, and there promised that all abusions  
of the church should be amended; but there nothing else was done, save only he caused to be  
abjured, Arthur Bilney, Geffery Lome, and Garret, for speaking against the pope's authority, and  
his pompous pride: of whom more shall be said (the Lord assisting us) hereafter. And this was  
A.D. 1528.  
The year next following, which was A.D. 1529, began the question of the king's marriage  
to be revived; whereupon Cardinal Campeius was sent again into England from Rome, for the  
hearing and debating of the matter; who then, with Cardinal Wolsey, consulting with the king,  
although at first he seemed with his fellow cardinal to incline unto the king's disposition, yet  
afterwards, perceiving the sequel of the case, whether it tended so far as peradventure might be  
the occasion of a blot to the court of Rome, and might shake perhaps the chair of the pope's  
omnipotent authority, as well in other cases like, if this one case were thoroughly decided by  
learning and truth of God's word: he therefore, slipping his neck out of the collar, craftily shifted  
himself out of the realm before the day came appointed for determination, leaving his subtle  
fellow behind him, to weigh with the king in the mean time, while the matter might be brought  
up to the court of Rome. The king, thus seeing himself disappointed, foiled with false promises,  
and craftily doubled withal by the cardinals, and at last, after so many delays and long  
expectation, nothing to be concluded, was sore aggrieved in his mind with them, but especially  
with Cardinal Wolsey, whom he had before so highly exalted, and promoted to so many great  
dignities, as to the archbishopric of York, the bishopric of Winchester, of Durham, the abbey of  
St. Alban's; besides the chancellorship of England, and many other high rooms and preferments  
in the realm; which caused him clearly to cast him out of his favour, so that after that time he  
never came more to the king's presence.  
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Then followed first a council of the nobles, called the first of October; during the which  
council all the lords and other the king's council, agreeing together, resorted to Windsor to the  
king, and there informed the king, that all things which he had done almost, by his power  
legantine, were in the case of præmunire, and provision; and that the cardinal had forfeited all his  
lands, tenements, goods, and chattels to the king: wherefore the king, willing to order him  
according to the order of his laws, caused his attorney, Christopher Hales, to sue out a writ of  
præmunire against him, in the which he licensed him to make an attorney.  
And further, the seventeenth of November, he sent the two dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk  
to his place at Westminster, to fetch away the great seal of England; which he was loth to deliver,  
if there had been any remedy; but in conclusion, he delivered it to the two dukes, which  
delivered the same to Dr. Taylor, master of the rolls, to carry it to the king; which he so did the  
next day.  
Cardinal Wolsey and the Dukes  
Besides this, the king sent Sir William Fitzwilliams, knight of the garter, and treasurer of  
his house, and Dr. Stephen Gardiner, newly made secretary, to see that no goods should be  
embezzled out of his house; and further ordained, that the cardinal should remove to Esher  
beside Kingston, there to tarry the king's pleasure, and to have all things delivered to him which  
were necessary for him, but not after his old pompous and superfluous fashion; for all his goods  
were seized to the king's use. When the seal was thus taken from the cardinal, the dukes of  
Norfolk and Suffolk, with many earls, bishops, and barons, came unto the Star Chamber, the  
nineteenth day of October; where the duke of Norfolk declared, that the king's Highness, for  
diverse and sundry offences, had taken from him his great seal, and deposed him from all offices;  
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and lest men might complain for lack of justice, he had appointed him and the duke of Suffolk,  
with the assent of the other lords, to sit in the Star Chamber, to hear and determine causes  
indifferently; and that of all things the king's pleasure and commandment was, that they should  
keep their hands close from any rewards-taking, or maintenance: and so that week they sat in the  
Star Chamber, and determined causes.  
A few days after, in the same month, the cardinal removed out of his house called York  
Place, with one Cross, say[ing] that he would he had never borne more; meaning that by his  
cross which he bare as legate, which degree-taking was his confusion, as you see openly; and so  
he took his barge, and went to Putney by water, and there took his horse and rode to Esher,  
where he remained till Lent after.  
During which time, he, being called on for an answer in the King's Bench to the  
præmunire, for giving benefices by prevention, in disturbance of men's inheritance, and divers  
other open causes in the præmunire, according to the king's licence, constituted John Scute and  
Edmond Jenny, apprentices of the law, his attorneys, which, by his own warrant, signed with his  
hand, confessed all things concerning the said suit; for they were too open to be cloaked or  
hidden: and so judgment was given, that he should forfeit all his lands, tenements, goods, and  
chattels, and should be out of the king's protection: but for all that, the king sent him a sufficient  
protection, and of his gentleness left to him the bishoprics of York and Winchester, and gave to  
him plate and stuff convenient for his degree; and the bishopric of Durham he gave to Dr.  
Tonstal, bishop of London, and the abbey of St. Alban's he gave to the prior of Norwich: and to  
London he promoted Dr. John Stokesley, then ambassador to the universities for the marriage, as  
you heard before. For all this kindness showed to the cardinal, yet still he maligned against the  
king, as you shall hereafter perceive: but first we will proceed in the course of these matters, as  
they passed in order.  
The next year following, which was A.D. 1530, in the month of November, was  
summoned a general parliament, to be holden at Westminster. In the which year, about the  
twenty-third day of October, the king came to his manor of Greenwich, and there much  
consulted with his council, for a meet man to be his chancellor, so that in no wise he were a man  
of the spiritualty; and so, after long debate, the king resolved upon Sir Thomas More, knight,  
chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, a man well learned in the tongues, and also in the common  
law; whose wit was fine, and full of imaginations; by reason whereof he was a little too much  
given to mocking, more than became the person of Master More. And then on the Sunday, the  
twenty-fourth day of the same month, the king made him his chancellor, and delivered him the  
great seal; which lord chancellor, the next morrow after, was led into the chancery by the two  
dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and there sworn, and then the mace was borne before him.  
Of this fall of the cardinal, and of the placing of Sir Thomas More in the chancellorship,  
Erasmus, in an epistle to John Vergera, thus writeth:  
"The cardinal of York hath so offended the king's mind, that he, being turned out of his  
goods and all his dignities, is committed, not to prison, but to a certain lordship of his, with thirty  
servants or keepers to give attendance upon him. Many and sundry complaints are commenced  
against him, so that he is not like to escape with his life. Such is the dalliance of fortune, of a  
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schoolmaster to be made a king: for so he reigned, more like a king than the king himself. He  
was dreaded of all men; he was loved but of a few, almost of none. A little before he was  
apprehended, he caused Richard Pacy to be cast into the Tower: also he threatened my lord  
archbishop of Canterbury. Solomon saith, that before the fall of man his spirit shall be elevated.  
The archbishop of Canterbury was called or restored to be chosen lord chancellor, which is the  
chiefest office in all that realm; but he excused himself by his age, as being not able to wield  
such a function: wherefore the said office was bestowed upon Thomas More, no less to the  
rejoicing of many, than the other was displaced from it. These news my servant brought me out  
of England," &c.  
You heard before how a council of the nobles was appointed by the king in the month of  
October, to assemble in the Star Chamber, about the cardinal's matter; and also how a parliament  
was summoned to begin in the month of November, in the year following, A.D. 1530. At the  
beginning of which parliament, after that Master More, the new chancellor, had finished his  
oration, the commons were commanded to choose them a speaker, who was Thomas Audley,  
esquire, and attorney of the duchy of Lancaster. Thus the parliament, being begun the sixth day  
of the aforesaid month of November, at Westminster, where the king with all the lords were set  
in the parliament chamber, the commons, after they had presented their speaker, assembling in  
the nether house, began to commune of their griefs, wherewith the spiritualty had before-time  
grievously oppressed them, contrary both to all right, and to the law of the realm; and especially  
were sore moved with these six great causes:  
Grievances objected against the clergy of England.  
I. The first, for the excessive fines which the ordinaries took for probates of testaments,  
insomuch that Sir Henry Guildford, knight of the garter, and comptroller of the king's house,  
declared in the open parliament, of his fidelity, that he and others being executors to Sir William  
Compton, knight, paid for the probate of his will, to the cardinal and the archbishop of  
Canterbury, a thousand marks sterling. After this declaration, were showed so many extortions  
done by ordinaries for probates of wills, that it were too much to rehearse.  
II. The second cause was, the great polling and extreme exaction which the spiritual men  
used, in taking of corpses, presents, or mortuaries: for the children of the dead should all die for  
hunger and go a-begging, rather than they would of charity give to them the silly cow which the  
dead man owed, if he had but only one: such was the charity of them!  
III. The third cause was, that priests, being surveyors, stewards, and officers, to bishops,  
abbots, and other spiritual heads, had and occupied farms, granges, and grazing, in every  
country, so that the poor husbandmen could have nothing but of them; and yet, for that, they  
should pay dearly.  
IV. The fourth cause was, that the abbots, priors, and spiritual men, kept tan-houses, and  
bought and sold wool, cloth, and all manner of merchandise, as other temporal merchants did.  
V. The fifth cause was, because the spiritual persons, promoted to great benefices, and  
having their livings of their flock, were lying in the courts of lords' houses, and took all of their  
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parishioners, and nothing spent on them at all: so that for lack of residence, both the poor of the  
parish lacked refreshing, and universally all the parishioners lacked preaching and true  
instructions of God's word, to the great peril of their souls.  
VI. The sixth cause was, because one priest, being little learned, had ten or twelve  
benefices, and was resident on none, and many well-learned scholars in the university, who were  
able to preach and teach, had neither benefice nor exhibition.  
These things before this time might in no wise be touched, nor yet talked of by any man,  
except he would be made a heretic, or lose all that he had: for the bishops were chancellors, and  
had all the rule about the king, so that no man durst once presume to attempt any thing contrary  
to their profit or commodity.  
But now, when God had illuminated the eyes of the king, and the time so served that men  
more boldly durst express with voice, such grudges as they had long conceived in their heart  
against the clergy, the burgesses of the parliament appointed certain of the commons' house, men  
learned in the law, to draw one bill of the probates of testaments; another for mortuaries; and the  
third for non-residence, pluralities, and taking farms by spiritual men.  
And first, to the bill of mortuaries being drawn, and being also passed the commons'  
house, and sent up to the higher, the spiritual lords showed a fair face, saying, that assuredly  
priests and curates took more than they should, and therefore it were well done to take some  
reasonable order. Thus they spake, because it touched them but little.  
After this, within two days, was sent up the second bill, concerning probates of  
testaments; which bill, because it touched their profit somewhat near, both the archbishop of  
Canterbury, and all other bishops in general, began to frown and grunt, insomuch that Doctor  
John Fisher, bishop of Rochester, standing up in the parliament chamber, openly protested, that  
such bills were sent up from the commons' house, tending to no other thing, but to the  
destruction of the church; which church being down, the glory then of the whole kingdom (said  
he) must needs fall: desiring therefore the lords, for God's sake, to take example by the kingdom  
of Bohemia. For as it was then with the people there, so now what say the commons here, but  
"Down with the church:" And all this (said he) seemeth to be only for lack of faith. When these  
words were reported to the commons of the lower house, (what the bishop had said, in noting all  
their doings to be for lack of faith,) they took the matter grievously, so to be esteemed of the  
bishop for no better than heretics; understanding, moreover, how that he, by those slanderous  
words, went about to persuade the lords temporal against them, and so to overthrow the two bills  
by them passed before, as ye have heard.  
Whereupon, after long debate, it was at length agreed by the said commons, that Thomas  
Audley, their speaker, with thirty of the chief of that house, should be sent to the king, being then  
in his palace at Westminster, before called York Place; where they eloquently declared, what a  
dishonour to the king and the realm it was, to say that those who were elected for the wisest men  
of all the shires, cities, and boroughs, within the realm of England, should be declared in so  
noble and open presence, to lack faith, which was equivalent to say that they were infidels, and  
no Christians; as ill as Turks or Saracens: so that what pain or study soever they took for the  
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commonwealth, or what acts or laws soever they made or established, should be taken as laws  
made by paynims and heathen people, and not worthy to be kept by Christian men: wherefore  
they most humbly besought the king's Highness to call the said bishop before him, and to cause  
him to speak more discreetly of such a number as were in the commons' house.  
The king, not being well contented with the saying of the bishop, yet gently answered the  
speaker, and sent them away; and immediately sent for the archbishop of Canterbury, and six  
other bishops, and Rochester also, signifying unto them the grudge of the commons. The bishop  
of Rochester, excusing himself, answered, that he, in so saying, meant only the doings of the  
Bohemians to be for lack of faith, and not the doings of them that were in the commons' house:  
which saying was confirmed by the bishops there present, who had him in great reputation. And  
so by that only saying the king accepted his excuse, and therefore sent word to the commons, by  
Sir William Fitzwilliams, knight, treasurer of his household: which blind excuse pleased the  
commons nothing at all.  
After this, divers assemblies were kept between certain of the lords, and certain of the  
commons, for the bills of the probates of testaments, and mortuaries. The temporalty laid to the  
spiritualty their own laws and constitutions; and the spiritualty sore defended them by  
prescription and usage: to whom it was thus answered by a gentleman of Gray's Inn; "The usage  
hath ever been of thieves, to rob on Shooter's Hill: ergo, is it lawful?" With this answer the  
spiritual men were sore offended, because their doings were called robberies; but the temporal  
men stood still by their sayings, insomuch that the said gentleman said to the archbishop of  
Canterbury, that both the exaction of probates of testaments, and the taking of mortuaries, as they  
were used, were open robbery and theft. After long disputation, the temporal lords began to lean  
to the commons; but, for all that, the bills remained unconcluded awhile.  
It followeth shortly after in the parliament, that a bill was assented to by the lords of the  
higher house, and sent down to the commons in the lower house, and by them also with much  
labour agreed unto, of whom the most part were the king's servants. In that bill it was required  
and concluded, that the king should be released of all such loan of money which he had  
borrowed of his subjects in the fifteenth year of his reign. The passing of this bill went sore  
against the stomachs of the poor commons; for many rested upon it, counting and passing it over,  
one to another, for good debt, as if it had been ready money in their purses. Wherefore the king,  
to gratify them again, granted to them a general pardon of all offences, only certain great  
offences and debts excepted. Also he aided them for the redress of their griefs against the  
spiritualty, and caused two new bills to be made indifferently, both for the probates of the  
testaments, and mortuaries; which bills were so reasonable, that the spiritual lords assented to  
them all, though they were sore against their minds: and especially the probates of testaments  
sore displeased the bishops, and the mortuaries sore displeased the parsons and vicars.  
After these acts thus agreed, the commons made another act for pluralities of benefices,  
non-residence, buying and selling, and taking of farms by spiritual persons; which act so  
displeased the spiritualty, that the priests railed on the commons of the lower house, and called  
them heretics and schismatics: for which divers priests were punished.  
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This act was sore debated above, in the parliament chamber, and the lords spiritual would  
in no wise consent. Wherefore the king, perceiving the grudge of his commons, caused eight  
lords and eight of his commons to meet in the Star Chamber at an afternoon, and there was sore  
debating of the cause, insomuch that the temporal lords of the upper house, who were there, took  
part with the commons against the spiritual lords, and by force of reason caused them to assent to  
the bill, with a little qualifying; which bill the next day was wholly agreed to in the lords' house,  
to the great rejoicing of the lay-people, and to the great displeasure of the spiritual persons.  
During the time of the said parliament, there was brought down to the commons the book  
of articles which the lords had put up to the king against the cardinal. The chief articles were  
these.  
"
I. First, That he, without the king's assent, had procured to be legate, by reason whereof  
he took away the right of all bishops and spiritual persons.  
II. In all writings that he wrote to Rome, or to any other prince, he wrote, I and my king;  
as who would say, that the king were his servant.  
III. That he slandered the Church of England to the court of Rome: for his suggestion to  
"
"
be legate, was to reform the Church of England, which (as he wrote) was facta in reprobum  
sensum.  
"
IV. He, without the king's assent, carried the king's great seal with him into Flanders,  
when he was sent ambassador to the emperor.  
V. Without the king's consent, he sent commission to Sir Gregory de Cassalis, knight, to  
conclude a league between the king and the duke of Ferrara.  
"
"
"
"
VI. That he, having a French disorder, presumed to come and breathe on the king.  
VII. That he caused the cardinal's hat to be put on the king's coin.  
VIII. That he had sent innumerable substance to Rome, for the obtaining of his dignities,  
to the great impoverishment of the realm: with many other things which are touched more at  
large in chronicles."  
These articles, with many more, being read in the commons' house, were confessed by  
the cardinal, and signed with his hand. Also there was showed another writing, sealed with his  
seal, by the which he gave to the king all his movables and unmovables.  
You have heard hitherto declared, how the cardinal was attainted in the præmunire, and  
how he was put out of the office of the chancellor, and lay at Esher: which was A.D. 1530. The  
next year after, in the Lent season, the king, by the advice of his council, licensed him to go into  
his diocese of York, and gave him commandment to keep him in his diocese, and not to return  
southward, without the king's special licence in writing.  
So he made great provision to go northward, and apparelled his servants newly, and  
bought many costly things for his household. But divers of his servants at this time departed  
from him to the king's service, and in especial Thomas Cromwel, one of his chief council, and  
chief doer for him in the suppression of abbeys. After all things necessary for his journey were  
prepared, he took his journey northward, till he came to Southwell, which was in his diocese, and  
there he continued that year, ever grudging at his fall, as you shall hear hereafter but the lands  
which he had given to his colleges in Oxford and Ipswich, were now come to the king's hands,  
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by his attainder in the præmunire; and yet the king, of his gentleness, and for favour that he bare  
to good learning, erected again the college in Oxford; and where it was named the Cardinal's  
College, he called it the King's College; and endowed it with fair possessions, and ordained new  
statutes and ordinances; and for because the college of Ipswich was thought to be nothing  
profitable, therefore he left that dissolved.  
Notwithstanding that the cardinal of York was thus attainted in the præmunire, (as is  
above mentioned,) yet the king, being good unto him, had granted him the bishoprics of York  
and Winchester, with great plenty of substance, and had licensed him to lie in his diocese of  
York, where he so continued the space of a year. But after, in the year following, which was  
1
531, he, being in his diocese, wrote to the court of Rome, and to divers other princes, letters in  
reproach of the king, and, as much as in him lay, he stirred them up to revenge his cause against  
the king and his realm: insomuch that divers opprobrious words against the king were spoken to  
Doctor Edward Keerne, the king's orator at Rome; and it was said to him, that, for the cardinal's  
sake, the king should have the worse speed in the suit of his matrimony. The cardinal, also,  
would speak fair to the people, to win their hearts, and declared ever that he was unjustly and  
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untruly ordered; which fair speaking made many men believe that he said true: and to gentlemen  
he gave great gifts to allure them unto him. And to be had in more reputation among the people,  
he determined to be installed or enthronised at York with all the pomp that might be; and caused  
a throne to be erected in the cathedral church, in such a height and fashion, as was never seen;  
and sent to all the lords, abbots, priors, knights, esquires, and gentlemen of his diocese, to be at  
his manor of Cawood on the sixth of November, and so to bring him to York with all manner of  
pomp and solemnity.  
Cardinal Wolsey in Procession  
The king, which knew his doings and privy conveyance, all this year dissembled the  
matter, to see what he would do at length, till that he (seeing his proud heart so highly exalted,  
that he would be so triumphantly enstalled, without making the king privy, yea, and in a manner  
in disdain of the king) thought it not meet nor convenient to suffer him any longer to continue in  
his malicious and proud purposes and attempts: wherefore he directed his letters to the earl of  
Northumberland, willing him with all diligence to arrest the cardinal, and to deliver him to the  
earl of Shrewsbury, great steward of the king's household. When the earl had seen the letters, he  
with a convenient number came to the manor of Cawood on the fourth of November; and when  
he was brought to the cardinal in his chamber, he said to him, "My lord! I pray you take patience,  
for here I arrest you." "Arrest me?" said the cardinal. "Yea," said the earl, "I have a  
commandment so to do." "You have no such power," said the cardinal, "for I am both a cardinal,  
and a legate de latere, and a peer of the college of Rome, and ought not to be arrested by any  
temporal power; for I am not subject to that power: wherefore if you arrest me, I will withstand  
it." "Well," said the earl, "here is the king's commission, (which he showed him,) and therefore I  
charge you to obey." The cardinal somewhat remembered himself, and said, "Well, my lord! I  
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am content to obey; but although that I, by negligence, fell into the punishment of the  
præmunire, and lost by the law all my lands and goods, yet my person was in the king's  
protection, and I was pardoned that offence; wherefore I marvel why I now should be arrested,  
and specially considering that I am a member of the see apostolic, on whom no temporal man  
ought to lay violent hands. Well, I see the king lacketh good counsel." "Well," said the earl,  
"when I was sworn warden of the Marshes, you yourself told me that I might with my staff arrest  
all men under the degree of a king; and now I am stronger, for I have a commission so to do,  
which you have seen." The cardinal at length obeyed; and was kept in a privy chamber, and his  
goods seized, and his officers discharged; and his physician, called Doctor Augustine, was  
likewise arrested, and brought to the Tower by Sir Walter Welsh, one of the king's chamber. On  
the sixth of November he was conveyed from Cawood to Sheffield Castle, and there delivered to  
the earl of Shrewsbury's keeping, till the king's pleasure were known. Of this attachment was  
much communing among the common people, whereof many were glad; for he was not in the  
favour of the commonalty.  
When the cardinal was thus arrested, the king sent Sir William Kingston, knight, captain  
of the guard, and constable of the Tower of London, with certain yeomen of the guard, to  
Sheffield, to fetch the cardinal to the Tower. When the cardinal saw the captain of the guard, he  
was sore astonished, and shortly became sick; for then he perceived some great trouble towards  
him, and for that cause, men said, that he willingly took so much quantity of a strong purgation,  
that his nature was not able to bear it. Also the matter that came from him was so black, that the  
staining thereof could not be gotten out of his blankets by any means. But Sir William Kingston  
comforted him, and by easy journeys brought him to the abbey of Leicester on the twenty-  
seventh of November; where, for very feebleness of nature, caused by purgations and vomits, be  
died the second night following, and in the same abbey lieth buried.  
It is testified by one, yet being alive, in whose arms the said cardinal died, that his body,  
being dead, was black as pitch; also was so heavy, that six could scarce bear it. Furthermore, it  
did so stink above the ground, that they were constrained to hasten the burial thereof in the night  
season, before it was day. At the which burial, such a tempest with such a stench there arose, that  
all the torches went out; and so he was thrown into the tomb, and there was laid.  
By the ambitious pride and excessive worldly wealth of this one cardinal, all men may  
easily understand and judge what the state and condition of all the rest of the same order (whom  
we call spiritual men) was in those days, as well in all other places of Christendom, as especially  
here in England, where the princely possessions and great pride of the clergy did not only far  
pass and exceed the common measure and order of subjects, but also surmounted over kings and  
princes, and all other estates, as may well appear by his doings and order of his story, above  
described.  
Amongst other acts of the aforesaid cardinal, this is not to be forgotten, that he founded a  
new college in Oxford, for the furniture whereof he had gathered together all the best learned he  
could hear of, amongst which number were these: Clarke, Tyndale, Sommer, Frith, and  
Taverner, with other more. Which, holding an assembly together in the college, were accounted  
to be heretics, (as they called them,) and thereupon were cast into a prison of the college, where  
salt-fish lay, through the stink whereof the most part of them were infected; and the said Clarke,  
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being a tender young man, and the most singular in learning amongst them all, died in the same  
prison; and other in other places in the town also, of the same infection deceased.  
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1
71. Mummuth and Hitten  
And thus, having detained the reader enough, or rather too much, with this vain-glorious  
cardinal, now we will reduce our story again to other more fruitful matter, and, as the order of  
time requireth, first beginning with Master Humphrey Mummuth, a virtuous and a good  
alderman of London, who in the time of the said cardinal was troubled, as in the story here  
followeth.  
The trouble of Humphrey Mummuth, alderman of London.  
Master Humphrey Mummuth was a right godly and sincere alderman of London, who, in  
the days of Cardinal Wolsey, was troubled and put in the Tower, for the gospel of Christ, and for  
maintaining them that favoured the same.  
Stokesley, then bishop of London, ministered articles unto him, to the number of four and  
twenty: as for adhering to Luther and his opinions; for having and reading heretical books and  
treatises; for giving exhibition to William Tyndale, Roy, and such other; for helping them over  
the sea to Luther; for ministering privy help to translate, as well the Testament, as other books  
into English; for eating flesh in Lent; for affirming faith only to justify; for derogating from  
men's constitutions; for not praying to saints, not allowing pilgrimage, auricular confession, the  
pope's pardons: briefly, for being an advancer of all Martin Luther's opinions, &c.  
He, being of these articles examined, and cast into the Tower, at last was compelled to  
make his suit or purgation, writing to the aforesaid cardinal, then lord chancellor, and the whole  
council, out of the Tower; in the contents whereof he answered to the criminous accusation of  
them which charged him with certain books received from beyond the sea; also for his  
acquaintance with Master Tyndale. Whereupon he said, that he denied not but that, four years  
then past, he had heard the said Tyndale preach two or three sermons at St. Dunstan's in the  
West; and afterward, meeting with the said Tyndale, had certain communication with him  
concerning his living; who then told him that he had none at all, but trusted to be in the bishop of  
London's service: for then he laboured to be his chaplain. But, being refused of the bishop, so  
came again to the said Mummuth, this examinate, and besought him to help him: who the same  
time took him into his house for half a year; where the said Tyndale lived (as he said) like a good  
priest, studying both night and day. He would eat but sodden meat by his good will, nor drink but  
small single beer. He was never seen in that house to wear linen about him, all the space of his  
being there. Whereupon the said Mummuth had the better liking of him, so that he promised him  
ten pounds (as he then said) for his father's and mother's souls, and all Christian souls; which  
money afterwards he sent him over to Hamburgh, according to his promise. And yet not to him  
alone he gave this exhibition, but to divers others more likewise, which were no heretics: as to  
Dr. Royston, the bishop of London's chaplain, he exhibited forty or fifty pounds; to Dr. Wodiall,  
provincial of the Friars Augustine, as much or more; to Dr. Watson, the king's chaplain; also to  
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other scholars, and divers priests: besides other charges bestowed upon religious houses, as upon  
the nunnery of Denny, above fifty pounds sterling bestowed, &c.  
And as touching his books, as Enchiridion, the Pater-noster, De Libertate Christiana, an  
English Testament: of whom, some William Tyndale left with him; some he sent unto him; some  
were brought into his house, by whom he could not tell: these books (he said) did lie open in his  
house, the space of two years together, he suspecting no harm to be in them. And moreover the  
same books being desired of sundry persons, as of the abbess of Denny, a friar of Greenwich, the  
father confessor of Sion, he let them have them, and yet he never heard friar, priest, or lay-man,  
find any fault with the said books. Likewise to Doctor Watson, to Doctor Stockhouse, and to  
Master Martin, parson of Totingbecke, he committed the perusing of the books of Pater-noster,  
and De Libertate Christiana, which found no great fault with them; but only in the book De  
Libertate Christiana, they said, there were things somewhat hard, except the reader were wise.  
Thus he, excusing himself, and moreover complaining of the loss of his credit by his  
imprisonment in the Tower, and of the detriments of his occupying, who was wont yearly to ship  
over five hundred cloths to strangers, and set many clothiers awork in Suffolk, and in other  
places, of whom he bought all their cloths, which almost were now all undone; by this reason at  
length was set at liberty, being forced to abjure, and after was made knight by the king, and  
sheriff of London.  
Of this Humphrey Mummuth we read of a notable example of Christian patience, in the  
sermons of Master Latimer, which the said Latimer heard in Cambridge from Master George  
Stafford, reader of the divinity lecture in that university; who, expounding the place of St. Paul to  
the Romans, that we shall overcome our enemy with well doing, and so heap hot coals upon his  
head, &c., brought in an example, saying, that he knew in London a great rich merchant  
(meaning this Humphrey Mummuth) which had a very poor neighbour; yet for all his poverty, he  
loved him very well, and lent him money at his need, and let him come to his table whensoever  
he would. It was even at that time when Doctor Colet was in trouble, and should have been  
burned, if God had not turned the king's heart to the contrary. Now the rich man began to be a  
Scripture-man; he began to smell the gospel. The poor man was a papist still.  
It chanced on a time, when the rich man talked of the gospel, sitting at his table, where he  
reproved popery, and such kind of things; the poor man, being there present, took a great  
displeasure against the rich man, insomuch that he would come no more to his house: he would  
borrow no more money of him, as he was wont to do before times, yea, and conceived such  
hatred and malice against him, that be went and accused him before the bishops. Now the rich  
man, not knowing of any such displeasure, offered many times to talk with him, and to set him at  
quiet. It would not be. The poor man had such a stomach, that he would not vouchsafe to speak  
with him. If he met the rich man in the street, he would go out of his way. One time it happened  
that he met him so in a narrow street, that he could not avoid but come near him: yet for all that,  
this poor man (I say) had such a stomach against the rich man, that he was minded to go forward,  
and not to speak with him. The rich man, perceiving that, caught him by the hand, and asked  
him, saying, "Neighbour! what is come into your heart to take such displeasure with me? What  
have I done against you? Tell me, and I will be ready at all times to make you amends."  
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Finally, he spake so gently, so charitably, so lovingly and friendly, that it wrought so in  
the poor man's heart, that by and by he fell down upon his knees, and asked him forgiveness. The  
rich man forgave him, and so took him again to his favour, and they loved as well as ever they  
did afore.  
Thomas Hitten, at Maidstone, A.D. 1530. Persecuted by William Warham, archbishop of  
Canterbury, and by Fisher, bishop of Rochester.  
Touching the memorial of Thomas Hitten remaineth nothing in writing, but only his  
name; save that William Tyndale, in his Apology against More, and also in another book,  
entitled The Practice of Prelates, doth once or twice make mention of him, by way of digression.  
He was (saith he) a preacher at Maidstone, whom the bishop of Canterbury, William Warham,  
and Fisher, bishop of Rochester, after they had long kept and tormented him in prison, with  
sundry torments, and that notwithstanding he continued constant; at the last they burned him at  
Maidstone, for the constant and manifest testimony of Jesus Christ, and of his free grace and  
salvation, A.D. 1530.  
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1
72. Thomas Bilney  
Thomas Bilney, and Thomas Arthur, who abjured at Norwich. Persecuted by Cardinal Wolsey;  
Nixe, bishop of Norwich; the friars of Ipswich; Friar Bird; Friar Hodgkins; Doctor Stokes; Sir  
Thomas More; Friar Brusierd; Friar John Huggen, provincial of the Dominics; Friar Jeffrey  
Julles; Friar Jugworth; Master William Jecket, gentleman; William Nelson; and by Thomas  
Williams, A.D. 1531.  
In the story above passed of Cardinal Wolsey, mention was made of certain whom the  
said cardinal caused to abjure, as Bilney, Jeffrey Lome, Garret, Barnes, and such others, of  
whom we have now (the Lord directing us) specially to treat. This Thomas Bilney was brought  
up in the university of Cambridge, even from a child profiting in all kind of liberal sciences, even  
unto the profession of both laws. But at the last, having gotten a better schoolmaster, even the  
Holy Spirit of Christ, who endued his heart, by secret inspiration, with the knowledge of better  
and more wholesome things, he came at thelast unto this point, that, forsaking the knowledge of  
man's laws, he converted his study to those things which tended more unto godliness than  
gainfulness.  
Finally, as he himself was greatly inflamed with the love of true religion and godliness,  
even so again was in his heart an incredible desire to allure many unto the same, desiring nothing  
more, than that he might stir up and encourage any to the love of Christ, and sincere religion.  
Neither were his labours vain; for he converted many of his fellows unto the knowledge of the  
gospel, amongst which number were Thomas Arthur, and Master Hugh Latimer; which Latimer  
at that time was cross-keeper at Cambridge, bringing it forth upon procession days. At last,  
Bilney, forsaking the university, went into many places, teaching and preaching, being associated  
with Arthur, which accompanied him from the university. The authority of Thomas Wolsey,  
cardinal of York, of whom ye have heard before, at that time was great in England, but his pomp  
and pride much greater; which did evidently declare unto all wise men the manifest vanity, not  
only of his life, but also of all the bishops and clergy: whereupon Bilney, with other good men,  
marvelling at the incredible insolency of the clergy, which they could now no longer suffer or  
abide, began to shake and reprove this excessive pomp of the clergy, and also to pluck at the  
authority of the bishop of Rome.  
Then it was time for the cardinal to awake, and speedily to look about his business;  
neither lacked he in this point any craft or subtlety of a serpent, for he understood well enough,  
upon how slender a foundation their ambitious dignity was grounded, neither was he ignorant  
that their Luciferous and proud kingdom could not long continue against the manifest word of  
God; especially if the light of the gospel should once open the eyes of men. For otherwise he did  
not greatly fear the power and displeasure of kings and princes. Only this he feared, the voice of  
Christ in his gospel; lest it should disclose and detect their hypocrisy and deceits, and force them  
to come into an order of godly discipline: wherefore he thought good speedily, in time, to  
withstand these beginnings; whereupon he caused the said Bilney and Arthur to be apprehended  
and cast into prison, as before you have heard.  
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After this, on the twenty-seventh day of November, 1527, the said cardinal, accompanied  
with a great number of bishops, as the archbishop of Canterbury, Cuthbert of London, John of  
Rochester, Nicholas of Ely, John of Exeter, John of Lincoln, John of Bath and Wells, Harry of  
St. Asaph, with many others, both divines and lawyers, came into the chapter-house of  
Westminster, where the said Master Thomas Bilney, and Thomas Arthur, were brought before  
them; and the said cardinal there inquired of Master Bilney, whether he had, privately or  
publicly, preached or taught to the people the opinions of Luther or any others condemned by the  
church, contrary to the determination of the church: whereunto Bilney answered, that wittingly  
he had not preached or taught any of Luther's opinions, or any others contrary to the catholic  
church. Then the cardinal asked him, whether he had not once made an oath before, that he  
should not preach, rehearse, or defend any of Luther's opinions, but should impugn the same  
every where? He answered that he had made such an oath; but not lawfully. Which  
interrogatories so ministered, and answers made, the cardinal caused him to swear, to answer  
plainly to the articles and errors preached and set forth by him, as well in the city and diocese of  
London, as in the diocese of Norwich and other places, and that he should do it without any craft,  
qualifying, or leaving out any part of the truth.  
After he was thus sworn and examined, the said cardinal proceeded to the examination of  
Master Thomas Arthur there present, causing him to take the like oath that Master Bilney did.  
Which done, he asked him whether he had not once told Sir Thomas More, knight, that in the  
sacrament of the altar was not the very body of Christ? Which interrogatory he denied. Then the  
cardinal gave him time to deliberate till noon, and to bring in his answer in writing. After noon  
the same day, what time the examination of the aforesaid Thomas Arthur was ended, the cardinal  
and bishops, by their authority ex officio, did call in for witnesses before Master Bilney, certain  
men; namely, John Huggen, chief provincial of the Friars Preachers throughout all England,  
Jeffrey Julles, and Richard Jugworth, professors of divinity of the same order. Also William  
Jecket, gentleman, William Nelson, and Thomas William, which were sworn that, all favour,  
hate, love, or reward set apart, they should, without concealing any falsehood, or omitting any  
truth, speak their minds, upon the articles laid against him, or preached by him, as well within  
the diocese of London, as the diocese of Norwich: and because he was otherwise occupied about  
the affairs of the realm, he committed the hearing of the matter to the bishop of London, and to  
other bishops there present, or to three of them, to proceed against all men, as well spiritual as  
temporal, as also against schedules, writings, and books, set forth and translated by Martin  
Luther, lately condemned by Pope Leo the Tenth, and by all manner of probable means to  
inquire and root out their errors and opinions; and all such as were found culpable, to compel  
them to abjuration according to the law, orif the matter so required, to deliver them unto the  
secular power, and to give them full power and authority to determine upon them.  
The twenty-seventh day of November, in the year aforesaid, the bishop of London, with  
the bishops of Ely and Rochester, came unto the bishop of Norwich's house, where likewise, ex  
officio, they did swear certain witnesses against Master Thomas Arthur, in like sort as they had  
done before against Master Thomas Bilney, and so proceeded to the examination of Master  
Arthur: which being ended upon certain interrogatories, the bishop of London warned him, by  
virtue of his oath, that he should not reveal his examinations, nor his answers, nor any part or  
parcel thereof.  
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The second day of December, the bishops assembled again in the same place, and swore  
more witnesses against Master Bilney: that done, they called for Master Arthur, unto whose  
charge they laid these articles following:  
I. That he exhorted the people, in his prayers, to pray especially for those that now be in  
prison. — Which article he denied.  
II. That he said, "Though men be restrained to preach now-a-days, (which is against  
God's laws,) yet I may preach; first, by the authority of my lord cardinal; for I have his licence:  
secondly, by the authority of the university: thirdly, by the pope: fourthly, by the authority of  
God, by which authority every man may preach, and there is neither bishop nor ordinary, nor yet  
the pope, that may make any law to hinder any man to preach the gospel." — This article he  
confessed that he spake.  
III. When he spake of laws, he brought a similitude of crosses, set up against the walls of  
London, that men should not offend there. "When there was but one cross, or a few more, men  
did reverence them, and offended not there; but when there was in every corner a cross set, then  
men of necessity were compelled to offend upon the crosses. So, in like manner, when there was  
but a few holy and devout laws in the church, then men were afraid to offend them. Afterwards  
they made many laws for their advantage; and such as were pecuniary, those they do observe;  
and such as are not pecuniary, those they call palea, and regard them not: and so now-a-days  
there are so many laws, that whether a man do ill or well, he shall be taken in the law." — He  
confessed that he spake the very same, or the like words.  
IV. He said, "Good people! if I should suffer persecution for the preaching of the gospel  
of God, yet there are seven thousand more that would preach the gospel of God as I do now.  
Therefore, good people! good people! (which words he often rehearsed, as it were lamenting,)  
think not that if these tyrants and persecutors put a man to death, the preaching of the gospel  
therefore is to be forsaken." — This article he confessed that he spake in like words and sense,  
saving that he made no mention of tyrants.  
V. That every man, yea, every layman, is a priest. — He confessed that he spake such  
words, declaring in his sermon, that every Christian man is a priest, offering up the sacrifice of  
prayer; and if they did murmur against the order of the priesthood, they murmur against  
themselves.  
VI. That men should pray to no saints in heaven, but only to God; and they should use no  
other mediator for them, but Christ Jesus our Redeemer only. — This article he denied.  
VII. He preached that they should worship no images of saints, which were nothing but  
stocks and stones. — This he also denied.  
VIII. He did preach upon Whit Sunday last, within the university of Cambridge, such or  
like words and sentences: that a bachelor of divinity, admitted of the university, or any other  
person having or knowing the gospel of God, should go forth and preach in every place, and let  
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for no man, of what estate or degree soever he were: and if any bishop did accurse them for so  
doing, their curses should turn to the harm of themselves. — He confessed this.  
Which answers thus made and acknowledged, the said Master Arthur did revoke and  
condemn the said articles against him administered, and submitted himself to the punishment and  
judgment of the church .  
The third of December, the bishop of London, with the other bishops assembling in the  
place aforesaid, after that Bilney had denied utterly to return to the Church of Rome, the bishop  
of London, in discharge of his conscience, (as he said,) lest he should hide any thing that had  
come to his hands, he did really exhibit unto the notaries, in the presence of the said Master  
Bilney, certain letters, to wit, five letters or epistles, with one schedule in one of the epistles,  
containing his articles and answers folded therein, and another epistle folded in manner of a  
book, with six leaves; which, all and every one, he commanded to be written out and registered,  
and the originals to be delivered to him again.  
This was done in the presence of Master Bilney, desiring a copy of them, and he bound  
the notaries with an oath, for the safe keeping of the copies, and true registering of the same:  
which articles and answers, with three of the same epistles, with certain depositions deposed by  
the aforesaid witnesses, here follow truly drawn; partly out of his own handwriting, and partly  
out of the register:  
I. Whether they did believe with their hearts, that the assertions of Luther, which are  
impugned by the bishop of Rochester, were justly and godly condemned; and that Luther, with  
his adherents, was a wicked and detestable heretic?  
II. Whether they did believe that the general councils and ecclesiastical constitutions,  
once received, and not abrogated again, ought to be observed of all men, even for conscience'  
sake, and not only for fear?  
III. Whether they did believe that the pope's laws were profitable and necessary to the  
preferment of godliness, not repugnant to the Holy Scriptures, neither by any means to be  
abrogated, but to be reverenced by all men?  
IV. Whether they did believe that the catholic church may err in the faith or no? and  
whether they think that catholic church to be a sensible church, which may be demonstrated and  
pointed out as it were with a finger; or that it is only a spiritual church, intelligible and known  
only unto God?  
V. Whether they think that the images of saints are Christianly set in the churches, and  
ought to be worshipped of all true Christians?  
VI. Whether that a man may believe, without hurt to his faith, or note of heresy, the souls  
of Peter and Paul, and of our Lady, either to be, or not to be, in heaven; and that there is yet no  
judgment given upon the souls departed?  
VII. Whether that a man may believe, without spot of heresy, that our Lady remained not  
always a virgin?  
VIII. Whether holy-days and fasting-days, ordained and received by the church, may be  
broken by any private man, at his will and pleasure, without sin or obstinacy?  
IX. Whether we are bound to be obedient unto prelates, bishops, and kings, by God's  
commandment, as we are unto our parents?  
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X. Whether they believe that the church doth well and godly in praying to the saints?  
XI. Whether they think that Christ only ought to be prayed unto, and that it is no heresy,  
if any man affirm that saints should not be prayed unto?  
XII. Whether they do think all true Christians to be by like right priests, and all those to  
have received the keys of binding and loosing at the hands of Christ, which have obtained the  
Spirit of God, and only such, whether they be laymen or priests?  
XIII. Whether they believe with their hearts, that faith may be without works and charity?  
XIV. Whether they believe that it is more agreeable to the faith, that the people should  
pray in their own tongue, than in a learned unknown tongue; and whether they commend the  
prayer in a strange tongue or no?  
XV. Whether they would have the masses and Gospels openly to be read in churches in  
the vulgar tongue, rather than in the Latin tongue?  
XVI. Whether they commend that children should only be taught the Lord's Prayer, and  
not the Salutation of the Virgin, or Creed?  
XVII. Whether they do think the wooden beads, which the common people do use,  
worthy to be denied or not?  
XVIII. Whether they do think the whole Scripture ought to be translated into English, or  
that it should be more profitable for the people, than as it is now read?  
XIX. Whether they would have the organs, and all manner of songs, to be put out of the  
church of God?  
XX. Whether they do think that it pertaineth to the bishops to punish any man with bonds  
or imprisonment, or that they have any temporal power and authority?  
XXI. Whether they think that constitution to be godly, that no man should preach in  
another man's diocese without letters of commendation and licence obtained of the bishop?  
XXII. Whether they think the vows of religious men, and private religion, to be  
constituted and ordained by the Spirit of God; neither by any means to be repugnant to a free and  
perfect Christian life?  
XXIII. Whether they believe that we should pray for the dead, or believe that there is a  
purgatory; or that we are bound by the necessity of faith, to believe neither of them: but that it is  
free without sin, either to believe it, or not to believe it?  
XXIV. Whether they believe that moral philosophy and natural, do prevail any thing for  
the better understanding of the Scriptures, and for the exposition and defence of the truth?  
XXV. Whether they think that the pope's indulgences and pardons are rather to be  
rejected than received?  
XXVI. Whether it be contrary to the doctrine of Christ and his apostles, that Christians  
should by any means contend in the law, to seek any manner of restitution?  
XXVII. Whether they believe all things pertaining to salvation and damnation to come of  
necessity, and nothing to be in our own wills?  
XXVIII. Whether they believe God to be the author of all evil, as well of the fault, as of  
the punishment?  
XXIX. Whether they think mass only to be profitable to him which saith it, and whether  
every man may alter or leave out the rite and order of the mass without hurt of faith?  
XXX. Whether they believe that there can be any moral virtues without the grace of  
Christian living; or that the virtues which Aristotle hath set out, are rather feigned?  
XXXI. Whether they think it heresy to teach the people, that it is free to give tithes unto  
priests, or to any other poor man?  
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XXXII. Whether they do think it more Christian-like to take away the images out of the  
churches, or to permit them to adorn them and honour them?  
XXXIII. Whether they think it the part of a Christian man, that preachers should exhort  
men to pilgrimage, or to the worshipping of relics?  
XXXIV. Whether that thou, Thomas Bilney being cited upon heresy to appear before my  
lord cardinal, and, before the day of thy appearance, not having made thy purgation upon those  
points that thou wast cited, hast preached openly in divers churches of the city and diocese of  
London, without sufficient licence from the bishop or any other?  
Concerning the answers unto these articles, gentle reader! forasmuch as in the most part  
of them, Bilney with Arthur seemed to consent and agree, (although not fully and directly, but by  
way and manner of qualifying,) yet because he did not expressly deny them, it shall not be  
needful here to recite them all, save only such, wherein he seemed to dissent from them.  
Bilney's answers to the interrogatories aforesaid.  
To the first and second articles he answered affirmatively. To the third he said, "I believe  
that many of the pope's laws are profitable and necessary, and do prevail unto godliness, neither  
in any point are repugnant unto the Scriptures, nor by any means are to be abrogate, but of all  
men to be observed and reverenced. But touching all those laws, I cannot determine: for as for  
such as I have not read, I trust notwithstanding they are good also; and as for those that I have  
read, I did never read them to the end and purpose to reprove them, but, according to my power,  
to learn and understand them. And as touching the multitude of laws, St. Augustine in his time  
did much complain; and Gerson also, who marvelled that we could by any means live in safety  
amongst so many snares of constitutions, when our forefathers, being pure before their fall, could  
not observe one only precept."  
To the fourth article he said, that "the catholic church can by no means err in faith, for it  
is the whole congregation of the elect, and so known only unto God, which knoweth who are his:  
otherwise no man should be ascertained of another man's salvation, or of his own, but only  
through faith and hope. For it is written, No man knoweth whether he be worthy of hatred or  
love. It is also sensible, and may be demonstrate so far forth as it is sufficient to establish us in  
all things that are to be believed and done: for I may truly say of the general council being  
congregate in the Holy Ghost, Behold here the catholic church; denominating the whole, by the  
most worthy part."  
To the fifth article he answered affirmatively.  
To the sixth article he answered, that he did not believe that they are in heaven; being so  
taught by the Scriptures, and holy fathers of the church.  
To the seventh article he said, that it is not to be thought contrary.  
To the eighth article, whether a man may not observe the feasts and fasts of the church  
prescribed; he thought that there is no man but he ought to observe them.  
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To the ninth article he said, that we are likewise bound, as unto parents.  
To the fourteenth article he answered thus: "The fourteenth chapter of St. Paul, in his  
First Epistle to the Corinthians, moveth me to believe, that it is best that the people should have  
the Lord's Prayer and the Apostles' Creed in English, so that the devotion might the more be  
furthered by the understanding thereof; and also that thereby they might be the more prompt and  
expert in the articles of their faith, of the which, it is to be feared, a great number are ignorant.  
Surely I have heard many say, that they never heard speak of the resurrection of the body: and  
being certified thereof, but they became much more apt and ready unto goodness, and more  
fearful to do evil."  
To the fifteenth article he said, he would "wish that the Gospels and Epistles should be  
read in English; For I would (saith Paul) rather have five words, &c., that the church might he  
edified, &c.; and Chrysostom exhorteth his hearers to look upon books, that they might the better  
commit unto memory those things which they had heard; and St. Bede did translate St. John's  
Gospel into English."  
Touching the eighteenth article, for the translation of the Scripture into English,  
concerning the whole, he did partly doubt; notwithstanding he wished that the Gospels and  
Epistles of the day might be read in English, that the people might be made the more apt to hear  
sermons. But here some will say, there might also be danger for error: whereunto he answered,  
"
But good and vigilant pastors might easily help that matter, by adding the plain interpretation of  
the fathers in the margins in English, upon the dark and obscure places, which would put away  
all doubts. Oh how great profit of souls should the vigilant pastors get thereby! Which  
contrariwise, through their slothfulness, bring great ruin and decay."  
To the five-and-twentieth article, as touching pardons, he said, that "as they be used, and  
have too long been, it were better that they should be restrained, than that they should be any  
longer used as they have been, to the injury of Christ's passion."  
Touching the six-and-twentieth article he said, that "it is not against the doctrine of Christ  
and his apostles to contend in the law, so it be done with charity, if St. Augustine, and the  
reverend father Marcus Marulus, did not err, which granted that liberty to the weak Christians:  
albeit the true Christians ought to give ear unto St. Paul's saying, Why do ye not rather suffer  
injury? and to Christ himself, which saith, He that would contend with thee in the law, and take  
away thy coat, give him thy cloak also."  
Touching the eight-and-twentieth, he answered, that "God is the author of the punishment  
only, but not of the offence, as Basil the Great teacheth in his sermon upon these words of the  
prophet, Non est malum in civitate quod non fecit Dominus. And St. Augustine in another place,  
as I remember, prayeth, that he be not led into that temptation, that he should believe God to be  
the author of sin and wickedness."  
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Here ensueth a brief summary or collection of certain depositions, deposed by the several  
witnesses aforenamed, upon certain interrogatories ministered unto them for the inquiry of  
Master Bilney's doctrine and preaching.  
First it was deposed, that in his sermon in Christ's church in Ipswich, he should preach  
and say, "Our Saviour Christ is our Mediator between us and the Father: what should we need  
then to seek any saint for remedy? Wherefore, it is great injury to the blood of Christ, to make  
such petitions, and blasphemeth our Saviour.  
"That man is so imperfect of himself, that he can in no wise merit by his own deeds."  
Also, that "the coming of Christ was long prophesied before, and desired by the prophets:  
but John Baptist, being more than a prophet, did not only prophesy, but with his finger showed  
him, saying, Behold the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sins of the world. Then, if this  
were the very Lamb, which John did demonstrate, which taketh away the sins of the world, what  
injury is it to our Saviour Christ, that to be buried in St. Francis' cowl should remit four parts of  
penance! What is then left to our Saviour Christ, which taketh away the sills of the world? This I  
will justify to be a great blasphemy to the blood of Christ."  
Also, that "it was a great folly to go on pilgrimage, and that preachers, in times past, have  
been antichrists; and now it hath pleased God somewhat to show forth their falsehood and  
errors."  
Also, that "the miracles done at Walsingham, at Canterbury, and there, in Ipswich, were  
done by the devil, through the sufferance of God, to blind the poor people: and that the pope hath  
not the keys that Peter had, except he follow Peter in his living."  
Moreover, it was deposed against him, that he was notoriously suspected as a heretic, and  
twice pulled out of the pulpit in the diocese of Norwich.  
Also it was deposed against him, that he should, in the parish church of Wilsdon, exhort  
the people to put away their gods of silver and gold, and leave their offerings unto them; for that  
such things as they offered have been known oftentimes afterward to have been given to the  
vilest of women. Also that Jews and Saracens would have become Christian men long ago, had it  
not been for the idolatry of Christian men, in offering of candles, wax, and money, to stocks and  
stones.  
Over and besides these cavilling matters articulated and deposed against him, here follow  
certain other articles whereupon he was detected, gathered out of his sermon which he preached  
in the parish church of St. Magnus, in Whitsun week, A.D. 1527.  
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Bilney pulled out of the pulpit  
First he said, "Pray you only to God, and to no saints," rehearsing the Litany; and when  
he cameto Sancta Maria, ora pro nobis, that is, Holy Mary pray for us, he said, "Stay there."  
He said, that "Christian men ought to worship God only, and no saints."  
He said, that "Christian people should set up no light before the images of saints: for  
saints in heaven need no light, and the images have no eyes to see."  
He said, "As Hezekiah destroyed the brazen serpent that Moses made by the  
commandment of God; even so should kings and princes now-a-days destroy and burn the  
images of saints set up in churches.  
"These five hundred years there hath been no good pope, and in all the times past, we can  
find but fifty: for they have neither preached, nor lived well, or conformably to their dignity;  
wherefore, till now, they have borne the keys of simony. Against them, good people! we must  
preach and teach unto you, for we cannot come to them; it is great pity they have sore slandered  
the blood of Christ.  
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"The people have used foolishly of late pilgrimages, which for them had been better they  
had been at home.  
"Many have made certain vows, which be not possible for them to fulfil, and those  
nothing meritorious.  
"The preachers before this have been antichrists, and now it hath pleased our Saviour  
Christ to show their false errors, and to teach another way and manner of the holy gospel of  
Christ, to the comfort of your souls.  
"
I trust that there shall and will come other besides me, which shall show and preach to  
you the same faith and manner of living that I do show and preach to you, which is the very true  
gospel of our Saviour Christ, and the mind of the holy fathers, whereby you shall be brought  
from their errors, wherein you have been long seduced; for before this there have been many that  
have slandered you, and the gospel of our Saviour Christ."  
These and many other such-like depositions were deposed against him by the deponents  
and witnesses before sworn, which wholly to recite would be too long and tedious; wherefore  
these shall suffice at this time, being the principal matters, and in manner the effect of all the  
rest. But now, before we return again to the order of his examination, we think it good here to  
infer a certain dialogue, containing a communication between a friar named John Brusierd, and  
Master Thomas Bilney, which we have thought meet for this place, because it was done in  
Ipswich, and also about the time of these examinations: the copy whereof we have written with  
the friar's own hand in Latin, the translation whereof in English here ensueth.  
Brusierd. "Although you have blasphemed most perniciously the immaculate flock of  
Christ with certain blasphemies of yours, yet, being moved partly with your gentle petitions,  
partly pitying your case and towardly disposition, I am come hither to talk with you secretly,  
before the rumour be disclosed, upon the consideration of the threefold errors which I see in you.  
First, for that when you began to shoot the dart of your pestiferous error more vehemently than  
you ought, against the breast of the ignorant multitude, you seemed to pour upon the ground the  
precious blood of Christ, as with a certain vehement violence, out of the miserable vessel of your  
heart. Whereas you said that none of the saints do make intercession for us, nor obtain for us any  
thing, you have perilously blasphemed the efficacy of thewhole church, consecrated with the  
precious blood of Christ. Which thing you are not able to deny, especially seeing the same so  
incessantly doth knock at the gates of heaven, through the continual intercession of the saints,  
according as in the sevenfold Litany manifestly appeareth to be seen."  
Bilney. "I marvel at you, and doubtless cannot marvel enough, but that the strong and  
vain custom of superstitious men, thinking themselves not to be heard but in much babbling,  
doth put an end to my admiration: for our heavenly Father knoweth what we have need of before  
we ask. Also it is written, There is one mediator of God and men, the man Christ Jesus. If then  
there be but one mediator of God and men, the man Christ Jesus, where is our blessed Lady?  
where are then St. Peter and other saints?"  
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Brusierd. "I suppose that no man is ignorant but that the divines of the primitive church  
have all affirmed to be one mediator between God and man. Neither could any at that time praise  
or pray to the saints, when as yet they, living in the calamities of this body, and wrestling with  
the contrary winds of this world, were not yet come to the port of rest whereunto they were  
travelling. Paul, I grant, did rightly affirm to be but one mediator of God and man, what time as  
yet there was no saint canonized, or put into the calendar. But now, seeing the church doth know,  
and doth certainly believe, through the undoubted revelations of God, that the blessed Virgin and  
other saints are placed in the bosom of Abraham, she, therefore, like a good mother, hath taught,  
and that most diligently, us her children, to praise the omnipotent Jesus in his saints; and also to  
offer up by the same saints our petitions unto God. Thereof it is the psalmist. saith, Praise ye the  
Lord in his saints. Rightly also do we say and affirm, that saints may pray for us. One man may  
pray for another; ergo, much more may saints who do enjoy the fruition of his High Majesty. For  
so it is written, God is my witness, whom I serve in my spirit, in the gospel of his Son, that  
without ceasing I remember you in my prayers always for you, &c."  
Bilney. "I marvel, doubtless, that you, a man learned, are not yet delivered out of the  
confused dungeon of heresy, through the help of the holy gospel; especially seeing that in the  
same gospel it is written, Verily, verily, I say unto you, whatsoever you ask the Father in my  
name he will give it unto you: he saith not, Whatsoever ye ask the Father in the name of St.  
Peter, St. Paul, or other saints; but in my name. Let us ask therefore help in the name of him,  
which is able to obtain for us of his Father whatsoever we ask, lest with all the clergy, did pray  
for corporal infirmity, it appeareth manifestly that we ought to worship the saints, and also to  
give honour in a manner to their images: further also, to pray to Almighty God and all saints for  
corporal infirmity, that we may be delivered from the same, so that they may say the like for us,  
which is said in the Gospel, Send them away, because they cry after us. And although there be  
infinite places inexpugnable to be alleged out of the Holy Scripture, wherewith we might easily  
resist this your error, yet standing herewith content, as sufficient at this present, we will proceed  
now to your second pestiferous error, wherein you, like an ingrate child, go about to tear out the  
bowels of your mother. For in that you say and affirm, blasphemously, the bishop of Rome to be  
the very antichrist, and that his privilege have no force against the gates of hell; in so saying,  
what do you, but, like a most unkind and unnatural child, spoil your loving mother of all her  
treasures, and wound her, being spoiled; and being wounded, pluck out her bowels most  
miserably upon the earth? But forasmuch as there is nothing so absurd, or so heretical, but shall  
be received by some itching ears, I would therefore now hear you declare, how he sitteth in the  
temple of God as God, being exalted and worshipped alove all that is named God; or how that he  
showeth himself as Lord, in power and signs and wonders deceitful."  
Bilney. "Although incredulity doth not suffer you, notwithstanding your learning, to  
understand these things, yet I will go about something to help your incredulity herein, through  
the help of the Lord: beseeching you that, setting all superstition apart, you will understand those  
things that are above. Do ye know the table of the ten commandments?"  
Brusierd. "According as the catholic doctors do expound them, I know them meanly; but  
how you do expound them I cannot tell."  
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Bilney. "And do you know also the constitutions of men, which are devised only by the  
dreams of men; whereunto men are so straitly bound, that, under pain of death, they are  
compelled to observe them?"  
Brusierd. "I know certain sanctions of the holy fathers; but such as you speak of, to be  
devised by men's dreams, I know none."  
Bilney. "Now then let us set and compare these two together, and so shall you easily  
understand the bishop of Rome, whom they call the pope, to sit in the temple of God as God, and  
to be extolled above all that is named God. It is written, The temple of Lord is holy, which is  
you. Therefore the conscience of man is the temple of the Holy Ghost; in peradventure hereafter,  
in the end of the world, at the strait judgment, we shall hear, Hitherto in my name ye have asked  
nothing."  
Brusierd. "Where ye marvel (with what mind, I cannot tell) that I, being a learned man,  
(as you say,) am not delivered yet from the confused dungeon of heresy, through the help of the  
gospel; much more do you, that are far better learned than I, cause me to marvel at your foolish  
admiration. Neither can I choose but laugh at you, as one being rapt to the third heaven of such  
high mysteries, and yet see not those things which be done here, in the lower parts of terrene  
philosophy: for what a ridiculous thing is it, for a man to look so long upon the sun, that he can  
see nothing else but the sun, nor cannot tell whither to turn him? Moreover, what student is there  
in all Cambridge, be he never so young, that knoweth not that the argument of authority, brought  
out negatively, hath no force?"  
Bilney. "So as the Pharisees took Christ, you take my words, much otherwise than I  
meant."  
Brusierd. "Your words, which wander far from the scope of Scripture, I do not like. What  
is in your meaning, and lieth inwardly in your mind, I cannot tell."  
Bilney. "Such as invocate the help either of Christ, or of any other saint, for any corporal  
infirmity, to be delivered from the same, may be well resembled to delicate patients, who, being  
under the hand of physicians, and having medicines ministered against their diseases, not abiding  
the pain thereof, rap all asunder: wherefore I say, no man ought to implore the help of God, or of  
any saint, for corporal infirmity."  
Brusierd. "O most pernicious and perilous heresy of all that ever I heard! Thus you,  
fleeing the smoke, fall into the fire and avoiding the danger of Scylla, you run upon Charybdis. O  
heart of man, wrapped in palpable darkness! I wish, Master Bilney, that you would but once  
search and fetch out the first origin of these Rogation days: for so we read in the church story,  
that they were first ordained by Pope Gregory, with fasting, prayers, and holy processions,  
against the pestilence, by the infection of the air, then reigning among the people; at what time,  
the people then going in the procession, a certain image like to our blessed Lady, painted by the  
hands of St. Luke the evangelist, did go before them; about the which image, in honour of the  
Virgin, angels did sing this anthem: 'O queen of heaven, be glad!' to which anthem the pope also  
adjoined this, 'Pray to the Lord for us.' Wherefore, seeing the angels did worship the image of the  
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glorious Virgin Mary, in the honour of her; and seeing moreover the holy father, Pope Gregory,  
which temple I will prove the pope to sit as God, and to be exalted above all that is called God.  
For whoso contemneth the decalogue, or the table of the commandments of God, there is but a  
small punishment for him; neither is that punishment to death: but contrariwise, he that shall  
contemn or violate the constitutions, which you call the sanctions of men, is counted by all men's  
judgment guilty of death. What is this, but for the high bishop of Rome to sit and reign in the  
temple of God, (that is, in man's conscience,) as God?"  
Brusierd. "Although this exposition seemeth unworthy for Christian ears, yet I would  
hear you further, how he showeth himself in signs and wonders deceitful."  
Bilney. "These wonders, which they call miracles, be wrought daily in the church, not by  
the power of God, as many think; but by the illusion of Satan rather, who, as the Scripture  
witnesseth, hath been loose now abroad five hundred years, according as it is written in the book  
of the Apocalypse, After a thousand years Satan shall be let loose, &c. Neither are they to be  
called miracles of true Christian men, but illusions rather, whereby to delude men's minds; to  
make them put their faith in our Lady, and in other saints, and not in God alone, to whom be  
honour and glory for ever."  
Brusierd. "But that I believe and know that God and all his saints will take everlasting  
revenge-meat upon thee, I would surely, with these nails of mine, be thy death, for this horrible  
and enormous injury against the precious blood of Christ. God saith, I will not the death of a  
sinner, but rather that he convert and live. And thou blasphemest him, as though he should lay  
privy snares of death for us secretly, that we should not espy them; which if it were true, we  
might well say with Hugh de Saint Victore in this manner: If it be an error, it is by thee, O God,  
that we are deceived; for these be confirmed with such signs and wonders, which cannot be done  
but by thee. But I am assured it is untrue and heretical, and therefore I will leave this matter, and  
will talk with you concerning the merits of saints; for once I remember, in a certain sermon of  
yours, you said, that no saint, though his suffering were never so great, and his life most pure,  
deserved any thing for us with God, either by his death or life: which is contrary to St.  
Augustine."  
Bilney. "Christ saith one thing, St. Augustine another: whether of these two shall we  
believe? for Christ, willing to deliver us out of this dark dungeon of ignorance, gave forth a  
certain parable of ten virgins, of which five were fools, and five were wise. By the five foolish  
virgins, wanting the oil of good works, he meant all us sinners: by the wisevirgins, he meant the  
company of all holy saints. Now let us hear what the five wise virgins answered to the five  
foolish, craving oil of them; No, say they, lest peradventure we have not sufficient for us and for  
you. Get you rather to them that sell, and buy of them to serve your turn. Wherefore, if they had  
not oil sufficient for themselves, and also for the others, where then be the merits of saints  
wherewith they can deserve both for themselves and for us, certes I cannot see."  
Brusierd. "You wrest the Scriptures from the right understanding to a reprobate sense,  
that I am scarce able to hold mine eyes from tears, hearing with mine ears these words of you.  
Fare ye well!"  
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The submission of Master Thomas Bilney.  
The fourth day of December, the bishop of London, with the other bishops, his assistants,  
assembled again in the chapter-house of Westminster; whither also Master Bilney was brought,  
and was exhorted and admonished to abjure and recant; who answered, that he would stand to his  
conscience. Then the bishop of London, with other bishops, did publish the depositions of the  
witnesses, with his articles and answers, commanding that they should be read. That done, the  
bishop exhorted him again to deliberate with himself, whether he would return to the church, and  
renounce his opinions, or no; and bade him to depart into a void place, and there to deliberate  
with himself. Which done, the bishop asked him again if he would return? who answered, Let  
justice and judgment be done in the name of the Lord. And being divers times admonished to  
abjure, he would make no other answer, but Fiat justitia, &c., and, This is the day God made; let  
us rejoice and be glad in it. Then the bishop, after deliberation, putting off his cap, said, In  
nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti, Amen: Exurgat Deus et dissipentur inimici ejus. And  
making a cross on his forehead and his breast, by the counsel of the other bishops he gave  
sentence against Master Bilney, being there present, in this manner: "I, by the consent and  
counsel of my brethren here present, do pronounce thee, Thomas Bilney, who hast been accused  
of divers articles, to be convicted of heresy; and for the rest of the sentence we take deliberation  
till to-morrow."  
The fifth day of December, the bishops assembled there again, before whom Bilney was  
brought; whom the bishop asked, if he would yet return to the unity of the church, and revoke his  
heresies which he had preached. Whereupon Bilney answered that he would not be a slander to  
the gospel, trusting that he was not separate from the church; and that if the multitude of  
witnesses might be credited, he might have thirty men of honest life on his part, against one to  
the contrary brought in against him. Which witnesses, the bishop said, came too late; for after  
publication they could not be received by the law. Then Bilney alleging the story of Susan and  
Daniel, the bishop of London still exhorted him to return to the unity of the church, and to abjure  
his heresies, and permitted him to go into some secret place, there to consult with his friends, till  
one o'clock in the afternoon of the same day.  
At afternoon, the bishop of London again asked him whether he would return to the  
church, and acknowledge his heresies. Bilney answered, that he trusted he was not separate from  
the church; and required time and place to bring in witnesses: which was refused. Then the  
bishop once again required of him, whether he would return to the catholic church: whereunto he  
answered, that if they could teach and prove sufficiently, that he was convicted, he would yield  
and submit himself: and he desired again to have time and space to bring in again his refused  
witnesses; and other answer he would give none.  
Then the bishop put Master Bilney aside, and took counsel with his fellows; and  
afterwards calling in Master Bilney, asked him again, whether he would abjure? But he would  
make no other answer than before. Then the bishop, with the consent of the rest, did decree and  
determine, that it was not lawful to hear a petition which was against the law: and inquiring  
again, whether he would abjure, he answered plainly, No; and desired to have time to consult  
with his friends, in whom his trust was. And being once again asked whether he would return,  
and instantly desired thereunto, or else the sentence must be read, he required the bishop to give  
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him licence to deliberate with himself until the next morrow, whether he might abjure the  
heresies wherewith he was defamed or no. The bishop granted him that he should have a little  
time to deliberate with Master Dancaster; but Bilney required space till the next morrow, to  
consult with Master Farmer and Master Dancaster, but the bishop would not grant him his  
request, for fear lest he should appeal. But at last the bishop, inclining unto him, granted him two  
nights' respite to deliberate; that is to say, till Saturday at nine o'clock in the forenoon: and then  
to give a plain determinate answer, what he would do in the premises.  
The seventh day of December, in the year and place aforesaid, the bishop of London with  
the other bishops being assembled, Bilney also personally appeared; whom the bishop of London  
asked, whether he would now return to the unity of the church, and revoke the errors and  
heresies whereof be stood accused, detected, and convicted. Who answered, that now he was  
persuaded by Master Dancaster and others his friends, he would submit himself, trusting that  
they would deal gently with him, both in his abjuration and penance. Then he desired that he  
might read his abjuration; which the bishop granted. When be had read the same secretly by  
himself, and was returned, being demanded what he would do in the premises, he answered, that  
he would abjure and submit himself; and there openly read his abjuration, and subscribed, and  
delivered it to the bishop, which then did absolve him, and, for his penance, enjoined him, that he  
should abide in a prison appointed by the cardinal, till he were by him released: and, moreover,  
the next day he should go before the procession, in the cathedral church of St. Paul, bareheaded,  
with a faggot on his shoulder; and should stand before the preacher at Paul's Cross all the sermon  
time.  
Here, forasmuch as mention is made before of five letters or epistles, which this good  
man wrote to Cuthbert Tonstal, bishop of London, and by the said bishop delivered unto the  
registrars, we thought good to insert certain thereof, such as could come to our hands: the copy  
of which letters, as they were written by him in Latin, because they are in the former edition to  
be seen and read in the same Latin wherein he wrote them, it shall suffice in this book to express  
the same only in English. Concerning the first epistle, which containeth the whole story of his  
conversion, and seemeth more effectual in the Latin than in the English; we have exhibited it in  
the second edition, and therefore here have only made mention of the same briefly. The same in  
English is as followeth  
"To the reverend father in Christ, Cuthbert, bishop of London, Thomas Bilney wisheth  
health in Christ, with all submission due unto such a prelate:  
"
In this behalf, most reverend father in Christ, I think myself most happy that it is my  
chance to be called to examination before your Reverence, for that you are of such wisdom and  
learning, of such integrity of life, which all men do confess to be in you, that even yourself  
cannot choose, (if you do not too lightly esteem God's gifts in you,) as often as you shall  
remember the great things which God hath done unto you, but straightways secretly in your  
heart, to his high praise, say, He that is mighty hath done great things unto me, and holy is his  
name. I rejoice that I have now happened upon such a judge, and with all my heart give thanks  
unto God, who ruleth all things.  
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"And albeit (God is my witness) I know not myself guilty of any error in my sermons,  
neither of any heresy or sedition, which divers do slander me of, seeking rather their own lucre  
and advantage than the health of souls: notwithstanding I do exceedingly rejoice, that it is so  
foreseen by God's divine providence, that I should be brought before the tribunal seat of Tonstal,  
who knoweth as well as any other, that there will never be wanting a Jannes and a Jambres, who  
will resist the truth; that there shall never be lacking some Elymas, who will go about to subvert  
the straight ways of the Lord; and finally, that some Demetriuses, Pithonises, Balaams,  
Nicolaitans, Cains, and Ishmaels, will be always at hand, which will greedily hunt and seek after  
that which pertaineth unto themselves, and not that which pertaineth to Jesus Christ. How can it  
then be, that they can suffer Christ to be truly and sincerely preached? for if the people begin  
wholly in every place once to put their confidence in Christ, which was for them crucified, then  
straight-ways that which they have hitherto embraced instead of Christ, shall utterly decay in the  
hearts of the faithful.  
"Then they shall understand that Christ is not in this place, or in that place, but the  
kingdom of God to be in themselves. Then shall they plainly see, that the Father is not to be  
worshipped, neither in the mount of Samaria, nor at Jerusalem, but in all places, in spirit and in  
truth: which thing if it come once to pass, the beasts of the field will think all their gain and lucre  
lost. In whom the saying of Ezekiel is fulfilled: My sheep are dispersed because they had no  
shepherd, and are devoured of the beast of the field, and strayed abroad: my flock hath erred and  
wandered in every mountain, and upon every high hill, and is dispersed throughout all the earth;  
and there is no man which hath sought to gather them together; no, there was no man which once  
sought after them. But if any man would seek to reduce those which were gone astray, into the  
fold of Christ, that is, the unity of faith, by and by there rise up certain against him, which are  
named pastors, but indeed are wolves; which seek no other thing of their flock, but the milk,  
wool, and flesh, leaving both their own souls, and the souls of their flock, unto the devil.  
"These men, I say, rise up like unto Demetrius, crying out, This heretic dissuadeth and  
seduceth much people every where, saying, that they are not gods which are made with hands.  
These are they, these I say, most reverend father! are they, which, under the pretence of  
persecuting heretics, follow their own licentious lives; enemies unto the cross of Christ, which  
can suffer and bear any thing rather than the sincere preaching of Christ crucified for our sins.  
These are they unto whom Christ threateneth eternal damnation, where he saith, Woe be unto  
you, scribes, Pharisees, and hypocrites! which shut up the kingdom of heaven before men, and  
you yourselves enter not in, neither suffer those which would enter, to come in. These are they  
that have come in another way to the charge of souls, as it appeareth; For if any man, saith  
Christ, come in by me, he shall be saved; and shall come in, and go out, and find pasture. These  
men do not find pasture, for they never teach and draw others after them, that they should enter  
by Christ, which alone is the door whereby we must come unto the Father; but set before the  
people another way, persuading them to come unto God through good works, oftentimes  
speaking nothing at all of Christ, thereby seeking rather their own gain and lucre, than the  
salvation of souls: in this point being worse than those which upon Christ (being the foundation)  
do build wood, hay, and straw. These men confess that they know Christ, but by their deeds they  
deny him.  
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"These are those physicians upon whom that woman that was twelve years vexed with  
the bloody flux had consumed all that she had, and felt no help, but was still worse and worse,  
until such time as she came at last unto Christ; and after she had once touched the hem of his  
vesture, through faith she was so healed, that by and by she felt the same in her body. O mighty  
power of the most Highest! which I also, miserable sinner, have often tasted and felt, which,  
before I could come unto Christ, had even likewise spent all that I had upon those ignorant  
physicians, that is to say, unlearned hearers of confession; so that there was but small force of  
strength left in me, (which of nature was but weak,) small store of money, and very little wit or  
understanding: for they appointed me fastings, watchings, buying of pardons, and masses; in all  
which things (as I now understand) they sought rather their own gain, than the salvation of my  
sick and languishing soul.  
"
But at the last I heard speak of Jesus, even then when the New Testament was first set  
forth by Erasmus; which understanding to be eloquently done by him, and being allured rather by  
the Latin than for the word of God, (for at that time I knew not what it meant,) I bought it even  
by the providence of God, as I do now well understand and perceive: and at the first reading (as I  
well remember) I chanced upon this sentence of St. Paul, (O most sweet and comfortable  
sentence to my soul!) in 1 Tim. i. 15, It is a true saying, and worthy of all men to be embraced,  
that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners; of whom I am the chief and principal. This  
one sentence, through God's instruction and inward working, which I did not then perceive, did  
so exhilarate my heart, being before wounded with the guilt of my sins, and being almost in  
despair, that immediately I felt a marvellous comfort and quietness, insomuch that my bruised  
bones leaped for joy.  
"After this, the Scripture began to be more pleasant unto me than the honey or the  
honeycomb; wherein I learned, that all my travails, all my fasting and watching, all the  
redemption of masses and pardons, being done without trust in Christ, who only saveth his  
people from their sins; these, I say, I learned to be nothing else but even (as St. Augustine saith)  
a hasty and swift running out of the right way; or else much like to the vesture made of fig  
leaves, wherewithal Adam and Eve went about in vain to cover themselves, and could never  
before obtain quietness and rest, until they believed in the promise of God, that Christ, the seed  
of the woman, should tread upon the serpent's head: neither could I be relieved or eased of the  
sharp stings and bitings of my sins, before I was taught of God that lesson which Christ speaketh  
of in John iii.: Even as Moses exalted the serpent in the desert, so shall the Son of man be  
exalted, that all which believe on him should not perish, but have life everlasting.  
"As soon as (according to the measure of grace given unto me of God) I began to taste  
and savour of this heavenly lesson, which no man can teach but only God, who revealed the  
same unto Peter, I desired the Lord to increase my faith; and at last I desired nothing more, than  
that I, being so comforted by him, might be strengthened by his Holy Spirit and grace from  
above, that I might teach the wicked his ways, which are mercy and truth; and that the wicked  
might be converted unto him by me, which sometime was also wicked; which thing, whilst with  
all my power I did endeavour before my lord cardinal and your fatherhood, Christ was  
blasphemed in me, (and this is my only comfort in these my afflictions,) whom with my whole  
power I do teach and set forth, being made for us by God his Father, our wisdom, righteousness,  
sanctification, and redemption, and finally our satisfaction; who was made sin for us, (that is to  
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say, a sacrifice for sin,) that we, through him, should be made the righteousness of God; who  
became accursed for us, to redeem us from the curse of the law; who also came not to call the  
righteous, but sinners to repentance. The righteous, I say, who falsely judge and think themselves  
so to be, (for all men have sinned, and lack the glory of God, whereby he freely forgiveth sins  
unto all believers, through the redemption which is in Christ Jesus,) because that all mankind  
was grievously wounded in him who fell amongst thieves, between Jerusalem and Jericho. And  
therefore, with all my whole power, I teach, that all men should first acknowledge their sins, and  
condemn them, and afterwards hunger and thirst for that righteousness whereof St. Paul  
speaketh, The righteousness of God, by faith in Jesus Christ, is upon all them which believe in  
him; for there is no difference: all have sinned, and lack the glory of God, and are justified freely  
through his grace, by the redemption which is in Jesus Christ: the which whosoever doth hunger  
or thirst for, without doubt they shall at length be so satisfied, that they shall not hunger and  
thirst for ever.  
"
But, forasmuch as this hunger and thirst was wont to be quenched with the fulness of  
man's righteousness, which is wrought through the faith of our own elect and chosen works; as  
pilgrimages, buying of pardons, offering of candles, elect and chosen fasts, and oftentimes  
superstitious; and finally all kind of voluntary devotions, (as they call them,) against which God's  
word speaketh plainly in Dent. iv. 2, saying, Thou shalt not do that which seemeth good unto  
thyself; but that which I command thee for to do, that do thou, neither adding to, neither  
diminishing any thing from it. Therefore, I say, oftentimes I have spoken of those works, not  
condemning them, (as I take God to be my witness,) but reproving their abuse; making the lawful  
use of them manifest even unto children; exhorting all men not so to cleave unto them, that they,  
being satisfied therewith, should loathe or wax weary of Christ, as many do: in whom I bid your  
fatherhood most prosperously well to fare.  
"And this is the whole sum. If you will appoint me to dilate more at large the things here  
touched, I will not refuse to do it, so that you will grant me time (for to do it out of hand I am not  
able for the weakness of my body); being ready always, if I have erred in any thing, to be better  
instructed."  
Another letter of Master Thomas Bilney, to Cuthbert Tonstal, bishop of London.  
"Albeit I do not remember, reverend father in Christ! whether I have either spoken or  
written that the gospel hath not been sincerely preached now of long time, which your Lordship  
seemeth to have gathered, either by some Momus and sinister hearers of my sermons, who (like  
Malchus, having their right ear cut off) only bring their left ear to sermons; or else by some  
words or writings of mine, which have rashly passed me, rather than upon any evil intent; yet,  
forasmuch as in this behalf your Reverence doth command me, and that of a good mind I trust,  
(for how can I think in Tonstal any craft or doubleness to dwell?) I will briefly declare unto you  
what I have learned of God, through Christ, in the Scriptures; and how that the doctors, even of  
great fame and renown, have not taught the same of late in their sermons; referring, or rather  
submitting, all things unto your fatherly judgment, which is more quick and sharp than that it can  
by any means be blinded; and so sincere, that it will not in any point seek slander or discord.  
Therefore I do confess, that I have often been afraid that Christ hath not been purely preached  
now a long time: for who hath been now, a long season, offended through him? Who hath now  
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these many years suffered any persecution for the gospel's sake? Where is the sword which he  
came to send upon the earth? And finally, where are the rest of the sincere and uncorrupt fruits of  
the gospel? which, because we have not a long time seen, is it not to be feared, that the tree  
which bringeth forth those fruits hath now a long time been wanting in our region or country?  
Much less is it to be believed, that it hath been nourished amongst us. Have we not seen all  
things quiet and peaceable a long time? But what saith the church? My grief most bitter is turned  
to peace, &c. But the malignant church saith, Peace, peace; and there is no peace, but only that  
whereof it is written, When the mighty armed man keepeth his gates, he possesseth all things in  
quiet; but when he seeth that he shall be vanquished of a stronger than he himself is, he spoileth  
and destroyeth all things.  
"What now-a-days beginneth again to be attempted, I dare not say. God grant us grace  
that we do not refuse and reject (if it be Christ) him that cometh unto us, lest that we do feel that  
terrible judgment against us: Because, saith he, they have not received the love of truth, that they  
might be saved; therefore God will send upon them the blindness of error, that they shall give  
credit unto lies. O terrible sentence, (which God knoweth whether a great number have not  
already incurred,) That all they might be judged which have not given credit unto the truth, but  
consented unto iniquity. The time shall come, saith he, when that they will not suffer the true  
doctrine to be preached."  
"And what shall we then say of that learning, which hath now so long time reigned and  
triumphed, so that no man hath once opened his mouth against it? shall we think it sound  
doctrine? Truly iniquity did never more abound, nor charity was ever so cold. And what should  
we say to be the cause thereof? Hath the cause been for lack of preaching against the vices of  
men, and exhorting to charity? That cannot be, for many learned and great clerks sufficiently can  
witness to the contrary. And yet, all these notwithstanding, we see the life and manners of men  
do greatly degenerate from true Christianity, and seem to cry out indeed, that it is fulfilled in us,  
which God in times past threatened by his prophet Amos, saying, Behold, the day shall come,  
saith the Lord, that I will send hunger upon the earth: not hunger of bread, neither thirst of water,  
but of hearing the word of God. And the people shall be moved from sea to sea, and from the  
west unto the east; and shall run about seeking for the word of God, but shall not find it. In those  
days the fair virgins and young men shall perish for thirst, &c.  
"
But now, to pass over many things whereby I am moved to fear that the word of God  
hath not been purely preached, this is not the least argument, that they which come, and are sent,  
and endeavour themselves to preach Christ truly, are evil spoken of for his name, which is the  
rock of offence, and stumbling-block unto them which stumble upon his word, and do not  
believe on him on whom they are builded.  
"
But you will ask, Who are those men, and what is their doctrine? Truly, I say,  
whosoever entereth in by the door, Christ, into the sheepfold: which thing all such men shall do,  
as seek nothing else but the glory of God, and salvation of souls. Of all such it may be truly said,  
that whom the Lord sendeth, he speaketh the word of God. And why so? Because he representeth  
the angel of the church of Philadelphia, unto whom St. John writeth, saying, This saith he which  
is holy and true; which hath the keys of David; which .openeth and no man shutteth; shutteth and  
no man openeth. Behold, saith he, (speaking in the name of Christ, which is the door and door-  
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keeper,) I have set before thee an open door, that is to say, of the Scriptures, opening thy senses,  
that thou shouldest understand the Scriptures; and that, because thou hast entered in by me which  
am the door: For whosoever entereth in by me, which am the door, shall be saved; ye shall go in  
and come out, and find pasture: for the door-keeper openeth the door unto him, and the sheep  
hear his voice. But contrariwise, they which have not entered in by the door, but have climbed in  
some other way, by ambition, avarice, or desire of rule, they shall even in a moment go down  
into hell, except they repent. And by them is the saying of Jeremy verified; All beauty is gone  
away from the daughter of Zion, because her princes are become like rams, not finding pasture.  
And why so? because like thieves and robbers they have climbed another way, not being called  
nor sent.  
"And what marvel is it if they do not preach, when they are not sent, but run for lucre;  
seeking their own glory, and not the glory of God, and salvation of souls? And this is the root of  
all mischief in the church, that they are not sent inwardly of God; for without this inward calling  
it helpeth nothing, before God, to be a hundred times elect, and consecrate by a thousand bulls,  
either by pope, king, or emperor. God beholdeth the heart, whose judgments are according to  
truth, howsoever we deceive the judgment of men for a time; which also at the last shall see their  
abomination. This, I say, is the original of all mischief in the church, that we thrust in ourselves  
into the charge of souls, whose salvation and the glory of God (which is, to enter in by the door)  
we do not thirst nor seek for, but altogether our own lucre and profit.  
"Hereupon it cometh, that we know not how to preach Christ purely; For how should they  
preach Christ, saith the apostle, except they be sent? for otherwise many thieves and robbers do  
preach him, but with their lips only, for their heart is far from him: neither yet do we suffer those  
which do know how to preach, but persecute them, and go about to oppress the Scriptures now  
springing, under the pretence of godliness; fearing, as I suppose, lest the Romans should come  
and take our place. Ah! thou wicked enemy Herod! why art thou afraid Christ should come? He  
taketh not away mortal and earthly kingdoms, which giveth heavenly kingdoms. O blindness! O  
our great blindness! yea, more than that of Egypt; of which if there be any that would admonish  
the people, by and by saith Pharaoh, Moses and Aaron! why do ye cause the people to cease  
from their labours? and truly called their labours. Get you to your burdens. Lay more work upon  
them, and cause them to do it, that they hearken not unto lies. Thus the people was dispersed  
throughout all the land of Egypt, to gather up chaff; I say, to gather up chaff. Who shall grant  
unto us, that God shall say, I have looked down, and beholden the affliction of my people which  
is in Egypt, and have heard their sighs, and am come down to deliver them? But whither hath this  
zeal carried me? whether after knowledge or not, I dare not say: it appertaineth to you, reverend  
father! to judge thereupon.  
"Now you do look that I should show unto you at large, (as you write,) how that they  
ought sincerely to preach, to the better edifying hereafter of your flock. Here, I confess, I was  
afraid that you had spoken in some derision, until that I well perceived that you had written it  
with your own hand.  
Then again I began to doubt, for what intent Tonstal should require that of Bilney: an old  
soldier, of a young beginner; the chief pastor of London, of a poor silly sheep. But for what  
intent soever you did it, I trust it was of a good mind; and albeit that I am weak of body, yet,  
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through the grace of Christ given unto me, I will attempt this matter, although it do far pass my  
power: under the which burden if I be oppressed, yet I will not deceive you, for that I have  
promised nothing but a prompt and ready will to do that which you have commanded.  
"As touching that pertaineth to preaching of the gospel, I would to God you would give  
me leave privately to talk with you, that I might speak freely that which I have learned in the  
Holy Scriptures for the consolation of my conscience; which if you will so do, I trust you shall  
not repent you. All things shall be submitted unto your judgment; who (except I be utterly  
deceived) will not break the reed that is bruised, and put out the flax that is smoking; but rather,  
if I shall be found in any error, (as indeed I am a man,) you, as spiritual, shall restore me through  
the spirit of gentleness, considering yourself, lest that you also be tempted: for every bishop,  
which is taken from among men, is ordained for men, not violently to assault those which are  
ignorant, and do err; for he himself is compassed in with infirmity, that he, being not void of  
evils, should learn to have compassion upon other miserable people.  
"
I desire you that you will remember me tomorrow, that by your aid I may be brought  
before the tribunal seat of my lord cardinal; before whom I had rather stand, than before any of  
his deputies.  
Yours, THOMAS BILNEY."  
A letter of Master Bilney, to Tonstal, bishop of London, fruitful and necessary for all ministers to  
read.  
"Most reverend father! salutations in Christ. You have required me to write unto you at  
large, wherein men have not preached as they ought, and how they should have preached better.  
This is a burden too heavy for my strength, under the which if I shall faint, it belongeth to you,  
which have laid this burden upon my shoulders, to ease me thereof. As touching the first part,  
they have not preached as they ought, which, leaving the word of God, have taught their own  
traditions; of the which sort there are not a few, as it is very evident, in that they do report those  
which preach the word of God sincerely, to teach new doctrine. This is also no small testimony  
thereof, that in all England you shall scarce find one or two that are mighty in the Scriptures; and  
what marvel is it, if all godly things do seem new unto them unto whom the gospel is new and  
strange, being nursed in men's traditions now a long time? Would to God these things were not  
true which I utter unto you! but alas, they are too true.  
"They have also preached evil, which either have wrested the Scriptures themselves, or  
have rashly gathered them out of old rotten papers, being wrested by others: and how should it be  
but that they should wrest them, or else how should they judge them, being falsely interpreted by  
others, when they have not once read over the Bible orderly? Of this sort there is truly a very  
great number, from which number many great rabbins or masters shall hardly excuse themselves;  
whom the people have hitherto reverenced instead of gods. And these are they that now serve  
their bellies, seeking their own glory, and not the true glory of God, which might be set forth  
even by Balaam's ass; much less then ought we to contemn such abjects, which preach the word  
of God. We have, saith St. Paul, this treasure in brickle vessels, that the glory of the power might  
be of God, and not of us. God hath chosen the foolish things of the world to confound the wise;  
and the weak things God hath chosen to confound the mighty; and vile things of the world, and  
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despised, hath he chosen, and things that are not, to bring to nought things that are, that no flesh  
should glory in his sight. But now all men in a manner will be wise, and therefore they are  
ashamed of the simple gospel; they are ashamed truly to say with Paul, and to perform it indeed,  
I brethren, when I came unto you, did not come with excellency of words, or of wisdom,  
preaching the testimony of Christ; for I esteemed not myself to know any thing amongst you, but  
only Jesus Christ, and him crucified. O voice of a true evangelist! But now we are ashamed of  
this foolish preaching, by the which it hath pleased God to save all those that believe in him; and  
being puffed up with our own fleshly mind, we choose rather proudly to walk in those things  
which we have not seen, preaching fables and lies, and not the law of God, which is undefiled,  
converting souls.  
"
But how should they teach the law of God, which they have not once read in the books,  
much less learned at the mouth of God? But in a pastor and a bishop this is required: Thou, son  
of man! saith God, lay up in thy heart all my words which I do speak unto thee, &c.: and shortly  
after he saith, Thou, son of man! I have ordained and given thee a watchman unto the house of  
Israel. I have given thee, saith he; not coming in by ambition, nor thrusting in thyself, nor  
climbing in anotherway, but I gave thee when thou lookedst not for it, that thou shouldst attend  
thereupon, and give warning from the top of the watch-tower, if any enemies should approach. I  
have given thee unto the house of Israel, and not the house of Israel unto thee, that thou shouldst  
acknowledge thyself to be the servant of the sheep, and not their Iord; for I have not given the  
sheep for the shepherd, but the shepherd for the sheep. He that sitteth down, is greater than he  
that doth minister and serve unto him: which thing was well known of him who truly said, We  
are your servants for Christ's cause.  
"
But for what purpose have I given thee unto the house of Israel? — that thou shouldst  
only minister the sacraments? consecrate wood, stones, and churchyards? (This, I take God to  
witness, with great sighs and groans I write unto you, pouring out before you the grief of my  
heart.) No, truly. What then? First followeth the office of the bishop, Thou shalt hear the word  
out of my mouth. This is but a short lesson, but such as all the world cannot comprehend,  
without they be inwardly taught of God.  
"And what else meaneth this, Out of my mouth thou shalt hear the word, but that thou  
shalt be taught of God? Therefore as many as are not taught of God, although they be ever so  
well exercised in the Scriptures by man's help, yet are they not watchmen given by God; and  
much less they that do not understand and know the Scriptures. And therefore such as these be,  
lest they should keep silence, and say nothing, are always harping upon the traditions and  
doctrines of men, that is, lies: for he that speaketh of himself, speaketh lies. Of these it is written,  
They would be doctors of the law, not understanding what they speak, neither of whom they  
speak. Such of necessity they must all be, who speak that with their mouth, which they do not  
believe, because they are not inwardly taught of God, neither are persuaded in their hearts that it  
is true: and therefore they are to be accounted as sheep, although they boast themselves to be  
shepherds. But contrariwise, touching the true and learned pastors given by God, it may be truly  
said, We speak that which we know, and that which we have seen (even with the infallible eyes  
of our faith) we do witness: and these are neither deceived, neither do deceive. Moreover, the  
deceivers proceed to worse and worse, erring themselves, and bringing others also to error; and  
because they are of the world, the world doth willingly hear them. They are of the world, saith  
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St. John, and therefore they speak those things which are of the world, and the world giveth ear  
unto them.  
"
Behold, reverend father! this is the touchstone of our daily preaching. Hath not the  
world given ear unto them now a long time with great pleasure and delight? But the flesh could  
never suffer the preaching of the cross, nor yet the wisdom of the flesh, which is an enemy unto  
God, neither is subject unto his law, nor can be. And why then are they accused to be heretics  
and schismatics, who will not seek to please men, but only to their edifying? being mindful of  
that place of Scripture, God hath dispersed the bones of them which please men, saying unto  
them, Speak unto us pleasant things. But now, letting these matters pass, we will come unto the  
second point, wherein you ask how a man should preach better? Forsooth, if we had heard Him  
of whom the Father spake, saying, This is my dearly beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased,  
hear him; who also, speaking of himself, said, It was meet that Christ should suffer, and rise  
again the third day from death, and that in his name repentance and remission of sins should be  
preached unto all people. What other thing is that, than the same which the other evangelists do  
write, Go ye into the whole world, and preach the gospel unto every creature: he that believeth  
and is baptized shall be saved? What can be more pleasant, sweet, or acceptable unto afflicted  
consciences, being almost in despair, than these most joyful tidings?  
"
But here, whether Christ have been a long time heard, I know not, for that I have not  
heard all the preachers of England, and if I had heard them, yet till it was within this year or two,  
I could not sufficiently judge of them. But this I dare be bold to affirm, that as many as I have  
heard of late preach, (I speak even of the most famous,) they have preached such repentance, that  
if I had heard such preachers of repentance in times past, I should utterly have been in despair.  
And to speak of one of those famous men, (not uttering his name,) after he had sharply inveighed  
against vice, (wherein he pleased every godly man, forasmuch as it could not be sufficiently  
cried out upon,) he concluded, "Behold," said he, "thou hast lien rotten in thine own lusts, by the  
space of these sixty years, even as a beast in his own dung, and wilt thou presume in one year to  
go forward toward heaven, and that in thine age, as much as thou wentest backward from heaven  
toward hell in sixty years?" Is not this, think you, a goodly argument? Is this the preaching of  
repentance in the name of Jesus? or rather to tread down Christ with antichrist's doctrine? For  
what other thing did he speak in effect, than that Christ died in vain for thee? He will not be thy  
Jesus or Saviour; thou must make satisfaction for thyself, or else thou shalt perish eternally!  
Then doth St. John lie, who saith, Behold the Lamb of God! which taketh away the sins of the  
world; and in another place, His blood hath cleansed us from all our sins; and again, He is the  
propitiation for the sins of the whole world: besides an infinite number of other places. What  
other thing is this, than that which was spoken by the Holy Ghost, by the mouth of Peter, saying,  
There shall be false teachers that shall deny the Lord Jesus, who hath redeemed them? And what  
followeth upon such doctrine of devils, speaking lies through hypocrisy? A conscience  
despairing, and without all hope, and so given over unto all wicked lusts, according to the saying  
of St. Paul, After that they be come to this point, that they sorrow no more, they give themselves  
over unto wantonness, to commit all kind of filthiness, even with a greedy desire. For seeing that  
it is impossible for them to make satisfaction to God, either they murmur against God, or else  
they do not believe him to be so cruel, as they do preach and declare him to be.  
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"The want of paper will not suffer me to write any more, and I had rather to speak it in  
private talk unto yourself; whereunto if you would admit me, I trust you shall not repent you  
thereof: and unto me (Christ I take to my witness) it would be a great comfort, in whom I wish  
you, with all your flock, heartily well to fare.  
"Your prisoner, and humble beadman unto God for you,  
THOMAS BILNEY."  
Thus have you the letters, the abjuration, and the articles of Thomas Bilney. After this  
abjuration, made about A.D. 1529, the said Bilney took such repentance and sorrow, that he was  
near the point of utter despair, as by the words of Master Latimer is credibly testified; whose  
words for my better discharge, I thought here to annex, written in his seventh sermon preached  
before King Edward, which be these: "I knew a man myself, Bilney, little Bilney, that blessed  
martyr of God, who, what time he had borne his faggot, and was come again to Cambridge, had  
such conflicts within himself, (beholding this image of death,) that his friends were afraid to let  
him be alone. They were fain to be with him day and night, and comfort him as they could, but  
no comforts would serve. And as for the comfortable places of Scripture, to bring them unto him,  
it was as though a man should run him through the heart with a sword. Yet for all this he was  
revived, and took his death patiently, and died well against the tyrannical see of Rome."  
Again, the said Master Latimer, speaking of Bilney in another of his sermons preached in  
Lincolnshire, hath these words following: "That same Master Bilney, which was burnt here in  
England for God's word's sake, was induced and persuaded by his friends to bear a faggot at the  
time when the cardinal was aloft, and bare the swinge. Now when the same Bilney came to  
Cambridge again, a whole year after, he was in such anguish and agony, that nothing did him  
good, neither eating nor drinking, nor even any other communication of God's word; for he  
thought that all the whole Scriptures were against him, and sounded to his condemnation: so that  
I many a time communed with him (for I was familiarly acquainted with him); but all things  
whatsoever any man could allege to his comfort, seemed to him to make against him. Yet for all  
that afterwards he came again. God endued him with such strength and perfectness of faith, that  
he not only confessed his faith in the gospel of our Saviour Jesus Christ, but also suffered his  
body to be burned for that same gospel's sake, which we now preach in England," &c.  
Furthermore, in the first sermon of the said Master Latimer before the duchess of Suffolk,  
he, yet speaking more of Bilney, inferreth as followeth "Here I have," said he, "occasion to tell  
you a story which happened at Cambridge. Master Bilney, or rather Saint Bilney, that suffered  
death for God's word's sake, the same Bilney was the instrument whereby God called me to  
knowledge. For I may thank him, next to God, for that knowledge that I have in the word of God;  
for I was as obstinate a papist as any was in England, insomuch that when I should he made  
bachelor of divinity, my whole oration went against Master Philip Melancthon, and against his  
opinions. Bilney heard me at that time, and perceived that I was zealous without knowledge, and  
came to me afterwards in my study, and desired me, for God's sake, to hear his confession. I did  
so, and to say the truth, by his confession I learned more than afore in many years. So from that  
time forward I began to smell the word of God, and forsake the school-doctors, and such  
fooleries," &c. And much more he hath of the same matter, which ye may see hereafter in the life  
of Master Latimer.  
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By this it appeareth how vehemently this good man was pierced with sorrow and remorse  
for his abjuration, the space almost of two years; that is, from the year 1529 to the year 1531. It  
followed then that he, by God's grace and good counsel, came at length to some quiet of  
conscience, being fully resolved to give over his life for the confession of that truth which before  
he had renounced. And thus, being fully determined in his mind, and setting his time, he took his  
leave in Trinity Hall, at ten o'clock at night, of certain of his friends, and said, that he would go  
to Jerusalem; alluding belike to the words and example of Christ in the Gospel, going up to  
Jerusalem, what time he was appointed to suffer his passion. And so Bilney, meaning to give  
over his life for the testimony of Christ's gospel, told his friends that he would go up to  
Jerusalem, and so would see them no more; and immediately departed to Norfolk, and there  
preached first privily in households, to confirm the brethren and sisters, and also to confirm the  
anchoress, whom he had converted to Christ. Then preached he openly in the fields, confessing  
his fact, and preaching publicly the doctrine which he before had abjured, to be the very truth,  
and willed all men to beware by him, and never to trust to their fleshly friends, in causes of  
religion. And so, setting forward on his journey toward the celestial Jerusalem, he departed from  
thence to the anchoress in Norwich, and there gave her a New Testament of Tyndale's  
translation, and the Obedience of a Christian Man; whereupon he was apprehended and carried  
to prison, there to remain till the blind bishop Nie sent up for a writ to burn him.  
In the mean season, the friars and religious men, with the residue of their doctors and  
civil canon, resorted to him, busily labouring to persuade him not to die in those opinions,  
saying, he should be damned body and soul if he so continued; among whom, first, were sent to  
him of the bishop, Dr. Call, minister (as they call him) or provincial of the Grey Friars; and Dr.  
Stokes, an Augustine friar, who lay with him in prison in disputation, till the writ came that he  
should be burned. Dr. Call, by the word of God, through the means of Bilney's doctrine and good  
life, whereof he had good experience, was somewhat reclaimed to the gospel's side. Dr. Stokes  
remained obdurate, and doth yet to this day; whose heart also the Lord (if it be his will) reform,  
and open the eyes of his old age, that he may forsake the former blindness of his youth. Another  
great doer against him was one Friar Bird with one eye, provincial of the White Friars. This Bird  
was a suffragan in Coventry, and afterwards bishop of Chester, and was he that brought apples to  
Bonner, mentioned in the story of Hawkes. Another was a Black Friar, called Hodgkins, who,  
after being under the archbishop of Canterbury, married, and afterwards, in Queen Mary's time,  
put away his wife. These four orders of friars were sent (as is said) to bait Bilney; who,  
notwithstanding, as he had planted himself upon the firm rock of God's word, was at a point; and  
so continued unto The end.  
But here now cometh in Sir Thomas More, trumping in our way with his painted card,  
and would needs take up this Thomas Bilney from us, and make him a convert after his sect.  
Thus these coated cards, though they could not by plain Scriptures convince him, being alive; yet  
now, after his death, by false play they will make him theirs, whether he will or no. This Sir  
Thomas More, in his railing preface before his book against Tyndale, doth challenge Bilney to  
his catholic church, and saith, that not only at the fire, but many days before, both in words and  
writing, he revoked, abhorred, and detested his heresies before holden. And how is this proved?  
By three or four mighty arguments, as big as mill-posts, fetched out of Utopia, from whence thou  
must know, reader, can come no fictions, but all fine poetry.  
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First, he saith, that certain Norwich men, writing to London, and denying that Bilney did  
recant, afterwards, being thereupon examined, were compelled to grant, that he, at his  
examination, read a bill; but what it was they could not tell, for they stood not so near to hear  
him. And albeit they stood not so near, yet some of them perceived certain things there spoken,  
whereby they thought that he did revoke. Some again added to those things spoken certain  
additions of their own, to excuse him from recantation.  
First, to answer hereunto, and to try out this matter somewhat roundly with Master More,  
let us see with what conveyance he proceedeth in this narration. "At his first examination," saith  
he, "he waxed stiff in his opinions, but yet God was so good a Lord unto him, that he was fully  
converted to the true catholic faith," &c. And when might this goodly conversion begin?" Many  
days," quoth he, "before his burning." Here is no certain day assigned, but many days left at  
large, that he might have the larger room to walk invisible. Well then, but how many days these  
could be, I would fain learn of Master More, when he was not many days in their hands; no  
longer than they could send up to London for a writ to burn him. Belike then shortly after his  
apprehension, at the first coming of the friars unto him, by and by he revolted. A strange matter,  
that he, which two years before had lain in such a burning hell of despair for his first abjuration,  
and could find no other comfort but only in returning to the same doctrine again which before be  
had denied, utterly resigning himself over to death, and taking his leave of his friends, and  
setting his face with Christ purposely to go to Jerusalem, voluntarily there to fall into the hands  
of the scribes and Pharisees for that doctrine's sake, should now so soon, even at the first brunt,  
give over to the contrary doctrine again. It is not likely. "God was so good a Lord unto him,"  
saith Master More. That God was a good Lord unto him, very true it is: but that God did so turn  
him indeed, to be a member of that Romish Church, that hath not Master More yet sufficiently  
proved. To affirm without proof or demonstration in matters of story, it is not sufficient. But  
what hath been done indeed, that must be proved by good evidence, and special demonstration of  
witnesses, that we may certainly know it so to be.  
It followeth moreover in Master More: "And there lacked not some," saith he, "that were  
sorry for it." No doubt but if our Bilney had so relented, some would have been very sorry  
therefore. But what one man in all this sum, in all Norwich, was sorry, that Master More must  
specify unto us before we believe him; so well are we acquainted with his poetical fictions. But  
how else should this narration of Master More seem to run with probability, if it were not  
watered with such additions? He addeth moreover, and saith, "And some wrote out of Norwich  
to London, that he had not revoked his heresies at all, but still did abide in them." This soundeth  
rather to come more near to a truth; and here is a knack of Simon's art, to interlard a tale of  
untruth with some parcel of truth now and then among it, that some things being found true, may  
win credit to the rest which is utterly false. And why then be not the letters of these Norwich men  
believed, for the not recanting of Bilney?" Because," saith he, L0 afterward they, being called to  
examination, it was there proved plainly to their faces, that Bilney revoked." By whom was it  
proved?" By those," saith he, "which at his execution stood by, and heard him read his  
revocation himself," &c. What men were these? or what were their names? or what was any one  
man's name in all the city of Norwich, that heard Bilney recant? There Master More will give us  
leave to seek them out if we can, for he can name us none. Well, and why could not the other  
part hear Bilney read his revocation as well as these?" Because," saith More, "he read so softly  
that they could not hear him."  
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Well, all this admitted, that Bilney read his revocation so softly that some could hear,  
some could not hear him, then this would be known, what was the cause why Bilney read his  
revocation so softly; which must needs be either for lack of good will to read, or good voice to  
utter. If good will were absent in reading that revocation, then it appeareth that he recanted  
against his own mind and conscience: if it were by imbecility of voice and utterance, then how  
followeth it, Master More! in this your narration, where you say, that the said persons which  
could not hear him read the bill, yet, not withstanding could hear him rehearse certain other  
things spoken by him the same time in the fire, whereby they could not but perceive well, that he  
revoked his errors, &c. Ah Master More! for all your powder of experience, do ye think to cast  
such a mist before men's eyes, that we cannot see how you juggle with truth, and take you tardy  
in your own narration? unless peradventure you will excuse yourself, per licentiam poeticam,  
after the privilege of poets and painters.  
Now if this vein of yours, which so extremely raileth and fareth against the poor martyrs  
and servants of Christ, be so copious, that you dare take in hand any false matter to prove, and to  
make men believe, that Bilney died a papist, yet the manner of handling hereof would have  
required some more artificial conveyance; that men, although they see the matter to be false, yet  
might commend the workmanship of the handler, which (to say the truth) neither hanged with  
itself, nor beareth any semblance of any truth. But because Master More is gone and dead, I will  
cease any further to insult upon him, lest I may seem to incur the same vice of his. Yet  
forasmuch as his books be not yet dead, but remain alive to the hurt of many, having therefore to  
do, not with him, but with his book-disciples, this would I know, how hangeth his gear together?  
Bilney was heard, and yet not heard; he spake softly, and yet not softly! Some said he did recant;  
some said he did not recant. Over and besides, how will this be answered, that forasmuch as the  
said Bilney (as he saith) revoked many days before his burning, and the same was known to him  
at London, then how chanced the same could not be as well known to them of Norwich? who (as  
his own story affirmeth) knew nothing thereof before the day of his execution; then, seeing a  
certain bill in his hand, which some said was a bill of his revocation, some other heard it not. All  
this would be made plain, especially in such a matter as this is, which he knew himself  
peradventure to be false: at least, he knew would be doubted, suspected, and coutraried of a great  
multitude.  
I pass now to his second reason, where he reporteth that the said Bilney, forthwith upon  
his judgment and degradation, kneeled down in the presence of all the people, and asked of the  
chancellor absolution from the sentence of excommunication; holding him well content with his  
death, which he confessed himself to have deserved, &c.  
As touching the patient receiving of his death, I do well assent, although I do not think  
that he had deserved any such for his doctrine. And as for his kneeling down in the presence of  
the people, upon his judgment and degradation, as I do not denythat he might so do, so I suppose  
again the cause of his kneeling not to be unto the chancellor, to ask absolution from his  
excommunication. And if he were assoiled from his excommunication, yet doth it not thereupon  
follow that he recanted, no more than before, when he came to Master Latimer in his study,  
humbly to be confessed and assoiled from his sins, as the blindness of that time then led him. But  
whether he kneeled down, and was assoiled or no, neither was I there to see him, nor yet Master  
More himself; and therefore, with the like authority as he affirmeth, I may deny the same, unless  
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he brought better demonstration for his assertion than he doth, having no more for himself, but  
only his own, aürõs l'qn. And yet nevertheless, admit he did so, being a man of a timorous  
conscience, of a humble spirit, and not fully resolved touching that matter of the church, yet it  
followeth not thereby, (as is said,) that he revoked his other articles and doctrine by him before  
professed.  
The like answer may also be shaped to his third reason, where he saith, that certain days  
after his judgment, he made great labour that he might receive the blessed body of Christ in form  
of bread, which the chancellor, after a great sticking awhile, at length did grant, perceiving his  
devotion thereto, &c. Whereunto I answer as before, that it is not impossible, but that Bilney  
might both hear mass, and desire to receive the sacrament: for in that matter it may be that he  
was not resolved otherwise than common custom then led both him and many others. Neither do  
I find in all the articles objected against Bilney, that ever he was charged with any such opinion,  
concerning either the mass or the sacrament; which maketh me think that he was yet ignorant,  
and also devout as others then were.  
Also fourthly, be it admitted, as Master More saith, that in receiving of the sacrament, he,  
holding up his hands, should say the collect, Domine Jesu Christe: and coming to these words,  
Ecclesiæ tuæ pacem et concordiam, he knocked upon his breast, divers times repeating the same  
words, &c.: all this being granted to Master More, yet it argueth no necessary alteration of his  
former doctrine, which he preached and taught before. And yet if I listen here to stand dallying  
with Master More, in the state inficial, and deny what he affirmeth, how will he make good that  
which he saith? He saith, that Bilney, kneeling before the chancellor, desired absolution: then,  
coming to mass fully devoutly, required to receive the body of Christ in form of bread, repeating  
divers times the words of the collect, Domine Jesu Christe, &c. By what argument proveth he all  
this to be so? Master More in his preface before the book against  
Tyndale so saith: ergo it is certain. If Master More had never made fictions in his writings  
beside, or had never broken the head of verity in so many places of his books as I could show  
him, then might this argument go for somewhat. But here I ask, Was this Master More present at  
the judgment of Bilney? No. Or else, what registers had he for his direction? None. Or else, by  
what witnesses will he avouch this to be certain? Go and seek these witnesses, good reader!  
where thou canst find them; for Master More nameth none. Only because Master More so saith,  
that is sufficient! Well, give this to Master More: although he hath cracked his credit so often,  
and may almost be bankrupt, yet let his word go for payment at this time, and let us imagine all  
to be oracles that he saith; yet nevertheless here must needs remain a scruple: for what will  
Master More, or (because he is gone) what will his disciples say to this; that if Bilney was before  
assoiled upon his judgment, (as they pretend,) how was he then afterwards degraded? what  
assoiling is this, to be forgiven first, and then to be punished after? Again, if he were (as they  
surmise) converted so fully to the catholic faith, and also assoiled, why then did the chancellor  
stick so greatly for a while, to housel him with the body of Christ in form of bread? I am sure  
that if Christ had been here himself in form of his own flesh, he would nothing have stuck to  
receive him, being so converted at the first. To be short: If Bilney was so graciously reduced to  
the holy mother the Catholic Church, repenting his errors, and detesting his heresies, and now  
being in no purgatory, but being a very saint in heaven, as ye say he is, why then did ye burn him  
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whom ye yourselves knew should be a saint? Thus if ye burn both God's enemies and God's  
saints too, what cruel men are you!  
But here you will allege perhaps your law of relapse, by the which the first fall is  
pardonable, but the second fall into heresy is in no case pardonable; for so standeth your law, I  
grant. But how this law standeth with the true church of Christ, and with his word, now let us  
reason. For this being a law not of politic or civil government, (where such laws be expedient for  
public necessity,) but only being a mere law ecclesiastical, what a cruel mother church is this,  
that will not and cannot forgive her children, rising and repenting the second fault or error  
committed, but needs must burn their bodies, that their souls may be saved from the painful  
passion of purgatory, whom nevertheless they know forthwith shall be blessed in heaven! If God  
do save them, why do you burn them? If God do pardon them, why do you condemn them? And  
if this be the law of your church, according to your doctrine, to burn them at the second time,  
though they be amended; how then doth this church agree with the word of Christ, and the nature  
of his true spouse, which only seeketh repentance and amendment of sinners? which once being  
had, she gladly openeth her bosom, and motherly receiveth them whensoever they return.  
Wherefore, if Bilney did return to your church, (as ye did say,) then was your church a cruel  
mother, and unnatural, which would not open her bosom unto him, but thrust him into the fire,  
when he had repented.  
Furthermore, how will you defend this law by the word of God, who, in express words,  
teaching all bishops and pastors, by the example of Christ the great bishop of our souls, (being  
compassed about with temptations, that he might have the more compassion of them that be  
infirm,) exhorteth. all other spiritual persons by the like example, saying, For every bishop which  
is taken from among men, is ordained for men in things pertaining to God, to offer gifts and  
sacrifice for sins, that he may be merciful to the ignorant, and to such as err; forasmuch as he  
himself is compassed about with infirmity, &c. Besides which scripture, add also, that some  
doctors of the canon law, if they be well scanned, will not deny, but that they which be fallen in  
relapse, whether it be vere, or ficte, yet if they earnestly return from their errors before the  
sentence be given, they may be sent to perpetual prison to some monastery, &c. Wherefore, if  
Bilney did so earnestly retract and detest his former opinions, so many days (as More saith)  
before his suffering, then needed not he to suffer that death as he did, but might have been sent to  
perpetual prison.  
Thus, although I need not to stand longer upon this matter, being so plain, and having  
said enough, yet (briefly to repeat that which before hath been said) this I say again: first, if  
Thomas Bilney was assoiled from excommunication, and after that heard his mass so devoutly,  
and at the end of the mass was confessed, and consequently after confession was houseled, and  
lastly, asked mercy for contemning of the church, as Master More doth bear us in hand, (to see  
now how this tale hangeth together,) why then did the chancellor stick so greatly to give him the  
sacrament of the altar, whom he himself had assoiled, and received to the sacrament of penance  
before; which is plain against the canon law? Again, the said Thomas Bilney, if he were now  
received to the mother church by the sacraments of penance and of the altar, why then was he  
afterward degraded, and cut from the church, since the canon permitteth no degradation, but to  
them only which be incorrigible? Furthermore, the said Bilney, if he, being converted so many  
days before (as More pretendeth) to the Catholic faith, was now no heretic, how then did the  
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sentence pronounce him for a heretic? or finally, how could they, or why would they, burn him  
being a Catholic, especially since the canon law would bear with him, to be judged rather to  
perpetual prison in some monastery, as is afore touched, if they had pleased?  
Wherefore, in three words to answer to Master More: first, All this tale of his may be  
doubted, because of the matter not hanging together: secondly, It may also well be denied, for  
the insufficiency of probation and testimony: thirdly, If all this were granted, yet neither hath  
Master More any great advantage against Bilney, to prove him to have recanted; nor yet Master  
Cope against me, which, by the authority of Master More, seeketh to bear me down, and  
disprove my former story. For be it granted that Bilney, at his death, did hold with the mass, with  
confession, and with the authority of the Romish Church, being a humble-spirited man, and yet  
no further brought; yet all this notwithstanding proveth not that he recanted. Forasmuch as he  
never held nor taught any thing before against the premises, therefore he could not recant that  
which he never did hold.  
For the better demonstration hereof I will recite out of the registers some part of his  
teaching and preaching, as was objected against him by one Richard Neal, priest; who, amongst  
other witnesses, deposed against him for preaching in the town of Wilsdon, these words  
following:  
"Put away your golden gods, your silver gods, your stony gods, and leave your offerings,  
and lift up your hearts to the sacrament of the altar." Also the said Master Bilney said in his  
sermon, "I know certain things have been offered in such places, which have been afterwards  
given to abandoned women; and I call them abandoned women, that be naught of their living,"  
&c.  
Item, By another witness, named William Cade, it was deposed against him, thus to  
preach, "Jews and Saracens would have become Christian men long ago, had not idolatry of  
Christian men been, by offering of candles, wax, or money to the stocks and stones of images,  
set and standing in the churches," &c.  
Item, By the said deponent against Bilney: that "the priests take away the offerings, and  
hang them about their women's necks: and after that, they take them again from the women if  
they please them not, and hang them upon the images; and is not that a great relic, when it is  
hanged there again?"  
Item, By the said deponent it was testified against Bilney: that "going on pilgrimage is  
naught, and that no man should use it, for it were better not, and rather to tarry at home, and give  
somewhat in alms, and offer your hearts, wills, and minds, to the sacrament, and leave your  
idolatry to saints."  
Item, By William Nelmis of Wilsdon, that Bilney should preach, "They gild their gods,  
and bear them about, and men say they do speak; and if they do speak, it is the devil that  
speaketh in them, and not God," &c.  
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Item, By Thomas Daly of Wilsdon, that Bilney thus preached: "You come hither on  
pilgrimage to stocks and stones. You do naught; keep you at home, and worship the sacrament at  
home," &c.  
Item, By friar John Huggen, that Bilney thus preached at Ipswich: "The coming of our  
Saviour Christ was long desired, and by divers and many prophets prophesied, that he should  
come. But John the Baptist, more than a prophet, did not only prophesy, but with his finger  
showed, Behold the Lamb of God, that taketh away the sins of the world! Then if this were the  
very Lamb, which John did demonstrate and show, which taketh away the sins of the world,  
what injury is this bull of the bishop of Rome to our Saviour Jesus Christ, that to be buried in the  
cowl of St. Francis should or may remit four parts of the penance! What is left to our Saviour  
Jesus Christ which taketh away the sins of the world? This will I justify to be a great blasphemy  
against the blood of Christ," &c.  
Item, By another friar, Julles, that Bilney thus preached: "I trust there shall and will come  
others beside me, the which shall show and preach to you the same faith and manner of living  
that I do, which is the very true gospel of our Saviour, whereby you shall be brought from your  
errors, wherein you have been so long seduced: for before this, there have been many that have  
slandered you and the gospel of our Saviour Christ; of whom speaketh our Saviour Christ, Matt.  
xviii."  
Add moreover to these the testimony of Richard Seman, that Bilney in Ipswich should  
preach these words: "Our Saviour Christ is our Mediator between us and the Father: what then  
should we need to seek for remedy to any saint inferior to Christ? Wherefore to make such  
petition to any, but to our Saviour Christ, trusting thereby to have remedy, doth great injury to  
the blood of Christ, and deformeth our Saviour Christ; like as if a man should take and strike off  
the head, and set it under the foot, and to set the foot above.  
Thus much, being partly touched before, I thought here to insinuate again out of the  
registers, touching the opinions of Thomas Bilney; whereby may appear the whole sum of his  
preaching and doctrine to proceed chiefly against idolatry, invocation of saints, vain worship of  
images, false trust to men's merits, and such other gross points of religion, as seemed prejudicial  
and derogatory to the blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ. As touching the mass, and sacrament of  
the altar, as he never varied from himself, so he never differed therein from the most gross  
catholics. And as concerning his opinion of the Church of Rome, how blind it was at that time,  
may sufficiently appear by his own hand in Latin, which I have to show, as followeth: "Credo  
plerasque leges pontificias utiles esse, necessarias, et ad pietatem quoque plurimum  
promoventes, nec sacris Scripturis repugnantes, imo ab omnibus plurimum observandas, &c. De  
omnibus non possum pronunciare, utpote quas non legi, et quas legi, nunquam in hoc legi, ut  
reprehenderem, sed ut discerem intelligere, ac pro virili facere, et docere. De multiplicitate  
legum questus est suo tempore St. Augustinus, et item Gearsonus, qui miratur quomodo non post  
lapsum inter tot laqueos constitutionum tuti esse possimus, quum primi parentes adhuc puri, et  
ante lapsum, et unicum præceptum non observarint," &c. Moreover, concerning the authority of  
the keys, thus he writeth, answering to his twelfth article, "Soli sacerdotes, ordinati rite per  
pontifices, habent claves, quarum virtute ligant et solvunt (clave non errante) quod et facere eos  
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non dubito, quamlibet sint peccatores. Nam sacramentorum efficatiam non minuit, nedum tollit  
ministrorum indignitas, quamdiu ab Ecclesia tolerantur," &c.  
By these words of Bilney, written by him in Latin, although it may be thought how  
ignorant and gross he was, after the rudeness of those days, yet by the same, notwithstanding, it  
may appear, how falsely he is noted and slandered by Master More, and Cope my friend, to have  
recanted the articles, which he did never hold or maintain otherwise in all his life. And therefore,  
(as I said,) though it be granted to Master More, or in his absence to my friend Cope, that Bilney  
was assoiled, was confessed, and houseled before his burning, yet all this argueth not that he  
recanted.  
Now that I have sufficiently, I trust, put off the reasons of Master More and others,  
whereby they pretend falsely to face us out, that Bilney the second time again recanted at his  
death, it remaineth, on the other part, that I likewise do infer my probations, whereby I have to  
argue and convince, that Bilney did not the second time recant, as he is untruly slandered. And  
first, I will begin even with the words and testimony of Master More's own mouth, who, being  
lord chancellor, when message was sent to him for a writ of discharge to burn Bilney, spake in  
this wise to the messengers that came, "Go your ways," saith he, "and burn him first; and then  
afterwards come to me for a bill of my hand." Which words may give us evidence enough, that  
Bilney was not thought then to have recanted, for then the lord chancellor would not have been  
so greedy and hasty, no doubt, to have him despatched. And how standeth this with Master  
More's words now, which beareth us in hand, that he recanted many days before his burning?  
The like evidence we may also take by the verdict of the bishop himself that burned him,  
whose words were these, (after he had burned him, and then heard tell of Doctor Shaxton,)  
"Christ's mother!" said he, (that was his oath,) "I fear I have burnt Abel and let Cain go," &c.; as  
who would say, "I had thought before, that I had punished Cain, and let Abel go; but now I fear I  
have burnt Abel, and let Cain escape." Hereby it is plain to understand what the bishop's  
judgment of Bilney, before his burning; that is, that he was a Cain, and the other an Abel: but  
after the burning of Bilney, the bishop hearing now of Shaxton, turneth his judgment, and  
correcteth himself, swearing now the contrary; that is, lest he had burned Abel, and let Cain go.  
Furthermore, where the bishop feared, in burning Bilney, that he had burned Abel, what  
doth this fear of the bishop import, but a doubting of his mind uncertain? for who feareth that  
whereof he is sure? Wherefore the case is plain, that Bilney at his burning did not recant, as  
More reporteth. For then the bishop, knowing Bilney to die a catholic convert, and a true  
member of the church, would not have feared, nor doubted, but would have constantly affirmed  
Bilney to have died a true Abel indeed. And to conclude this matter, if Bilney died an Abel, then  
the bishop, by his own confession, must needs prove himself to be a Cain, which slew him. What  
more clear probation could we bring, if there were a thousand, or what need we any other, having  
this alone?  
Now, for testimony and witness of this matter to be produced, forasmuch as Master More  
allegeth none to prove that Bilney at his death did recant, I will assay what testimony I have on  
the contrary side, to avouch and prove that Bilney did not recant.  
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And forasmuch as Bilney was a Cambridge man, and the first framer of that university in  
the knowledge of Christ, and was burned at Norwich, being not very far distant from Cambridge;  
there is no doubt but that amongst so many friends as he had in that university, some went thither  
to hear and see him. Of these one was Thomas Allen, then fellow of Pembroke-hall, who,  
returning the same time from Bilney's burning, declared to Doctor Turner, dean of Wells, being  
yet alive, (a man whose authority neither is to be neglected, nor credit to be distrusted,) that the  
said Bilney took his death most patiently, and suffered most constantly, without any recantation  
for the doctrine which he before had professed.  
In the city of Norwich, Necton and many others be now departed, who were then present  
at the burning of Bilney: nevertheless some be yet alive, whose witnesses, if need were, I could  
fetch with a little labour, and will (God willing) as time shall require. In the mean time, at the  
writing hereof here was one Thomas Russel, a right honest occupier, and a citizen of Norwich,  
who likewise, being there present on horseback at the execution of this godly man, beholding all  
things that were done, did neither hear him recant any word, nor yet heard of his recantation.  
I could also add hereunto the testimony of another, being brother to the archbishop of  
Canterbury, named Master Baker, a man yet alive, who, being the same time present at the  
examination of Bilney, both heard him and saw him, when a certain friar called him heretic;  
whereunto Bilney, replying again, made answer, "If I be a heretic," said he, "then are you an  
antichrist, who of late have buried a certain gentlewoman with you, in St. Francis's cowl,  
assuring her to have salvation thereby." Which fact, although the friar the same time did deny,  
yet this cannot be denied but Bilney spake these words, whereby he may easily be judged to be  
far from the mind of any recantation; according as by the said gentleman it is also testified, that  
after that, he never heard of any recantation that Bilney either meant or made.  
If I should recite all that here might be brought, I might sooner lack room in my book to  
contain them, than names enough to fill up a grand jury. But what need I to spend time about  
witness, when one Master Latimer may stand for a thousand, one martyr to bear witness to  
another? And though my friend Cope, pressing me with the authority of Master More, saith, that  
he will believe him before me; yet I trust he will not refuse to credit this so ancient a seignior,  
Father Latimer, being both in Bilney's time, and also by Bilney converted, and familiarly with  
him acquainted; who being the same time at Cambridge, I suppose would inquire as much, and  
could know more of this matter than Master More.  
Touching the testimonial of which Latimer I have noted before, how he, in three sundry  
places of his sermons, hath testified of "good Bilney," of "thatblessed Bilney," of "Saint Bilney;"  
how he died patiently, "against the tyrannical see of Rome," &c. And in another sermon also,  
how the said Bilney "suffered his body to be burned for the gospel's sake," &c. Item, in another  
place, how "the said Bilney suffered death for God's word's sake."  
I may be thought perhaps of some to have stayed too long about the discourse of this  
matter; but the caused that moved, and half constrained, me thereunto, was Sir Thomas More,  
sometime lord chancellor of England, and now a great arch-pillar of all our English papists; a  
man otherwise of a pregnant wit, full of pleasant conceits; also for his learning above the  
common sort of his estate: esteemed industrious no less in his studies, than well exercised in his  
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pen; who, if he had kept himself in his own shop, and applied the faculty, being a layman,  
whereunto he was called, and had not overreached himself to prove masteries in such matters  
wherein he had little skill, less experience, and which pertained not to his profession, he had  
deserved not only much more commendation, but also longer life.  
But forasmuch as he, not contented with his own vocation, hath, with Uzzah, reached out  
his unmeet hand to meddle with God's ark-matters, wherein he had little cunning; and while he  
thinketh to help religion, destroyeth religion, and is an utter enemy to Christ, and to his spiritual  
doctrine, and his poor afflicted church: to the intent therefore that he, being taken for a special  
ringleader and a chief stay in the pope's church, might the better he known what he is, and that  
the ignorant and simple may see what little credit is to be given unto him, as well in his other  
false facing out of matters, as namely in this present history of Bilney's recantation, I have  
diligently searched out and procured the true certificate of Master Bilney's burning, with all the  
circumstances and points thereto belonging, testified not by somesays and by hearsays, (as  
Master More useth,) but truly witnessed, and faithfully recorded, by one, who, as in place and  
degree he surmounteth the estate of Master More, (though he were lord chancellor,) so being also  
both a spiritual person, and there present the same time, coming for the same purpose the day  
before to see his burning, was a present beholder of things there done, αυτοπτης και μαρτυς  
[
Greek:autoptes kai martys] of his martyrdom, whose credit I am sure will counterpoise with the  
credit of Master More. The order of which martyrdom was this as followeth:  
Thomas Bilney, after his examination and condemnation before Dr. Pelles, doctor of law,  
and chancellor, first was degraded by suffragan Underwood, according to the custom of their  
popish manner, by the assistance of all the friars and doctors of the same suit. Which done, he  
was immediately committed to the lay power, and to the two sheriffs of the city, of whom  
Thomas Necton was one. This Thomas Necton was Bilney's special good friend, and sorry to  
accept him to such execution as followed; but such was the tyranny of that time, and dread of the  
chancellor and friars, that he could no otherwise do, but needs must receive him: who  
notwithstanding, as he could not bear in his conscience himself to be present at his death, so, for  
the time that he was in custody, he caused him to be more friendly looked unto, and more  
wholesomely kept concerning his diet, than he was before.  
After this, the Friday following, at night, which was before the day of his execution,  
being St. Magnus' day, and on Saturday, the said Bilney had divers of his friends resorting unto  
him in the Guildhall, where he was kept. Amongst whom, one of the said friends, finding him  
eating of an ale-brew with such a cheerful heart and quiet mind as he did, said, that he was glad  
to see him at that time, so shortly before his heavy and painful departure, so heartily to refresh  
himself. Whereunto he answered, "O," said he, "I follow the example of the husbandmen of the  
country, who, having a ruinous house to dwell in, yet bestow cost as long as they may, to hold it  
up. And so do I now with this ruinous house of my body, and with God's creatures, in thanks to  
him, refresh the same as ye see." Then, sitting with his said friends in godly talk to their  
edification, some put him in mind, that though the fire, which he should suffer the next day,  
should be of great heat unto his body, yet the comfort of God's Spirit should cool it to his  
everlasting refreshing. At this word the said Thomas Bilney, putting his hand toward the flame of  
the candle burning before them, (as also he did divers times besides,) and feeling the heat  
thereof, "O," (said he,) "I feel by experience, and have known it long by philosophy, that fire, by  
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God's ordinance, is naturally hot: but yet I am persuaded by God's holy word, and by the  
experience of some, spoken of in the same, that in the flame they felt no heat, and in the fire they  
felt no consumption: and I constantly believe, that howsoever the stubble of this my body shall  
be wasted by it, yet my soul and spirit shall be purged thereby; a pain for the time, whereon  
notwithstanding followeth joy unspeakable." And here he much treated of this place of Scripture,  
"Fear not, for I have redeemed thee, and called thee by thy name; thou art mine own. When thou  
goest through the water I will be with thee, and the strong floods shall not overflow thee. When  
thou walkest in the fire, it shall not burn thee, and the flame shall not kindle upon thee, for I am  
the Lord thy God, the Holy One of Israel." This he did most comfortably treat of, as well in  
respect of himself, as applying it to the particular use of his friends there present; of whom some  
took such sweet fruit therein, that they caused the whole said sentence to be fairly written in  
tables, and some in their books; the comfort whereof, in divers of them, was never taken from  
them to their dying day.  
The Saturday next following, when the officers of execution (as the manner is) with their  
glaves and halberts were ready to receive him, and to lead him to the place of execution without  
the city gate, called Bishop's Gate, in a low valley, commonly called The Lollards' Pit, under St.  
Leonard's hill, environed about with great hills, (which place was chosen for the people's quiet,  
sitting to see the execution,) at the coming forth of the said Thomas Bilney out of the prison-  
door, one of his friends came to him, and with few words, as he durst, spake to him, and prayed  
him in God's behalf to be constant, and to take his death as patiently as he could. Whereunto the  
said Bilney answered, with a quiet and mild countenance, "Ye see when the mariner is entered  
his ship to sail on the troublous sea, how he for a while is tossed in the billows of the same, but  
yet, in hope that he shall once come to the quiet haven, be beareth in better comfort the perils  
which he feeleth: so am I now toward this sailing; and whatsoever storms I shall feel, yet shortly  
after shall my ship be in the haven, as I doubt not thereof, by the grace of God, desiring you to  
help me with your prayers to the same effect."  
And so he, going forth in the streets, giving much alms by the way by the hands of one of  
his friends, and accompanied by one Dr. Warner, doctor of divinity, and parson of Winterton,  
whom he did choose, as his old acquaintance, to be with him for his ghostly comfort, came at the  
last to the place of execution, and descended down from the hill to the same, apparelled in a  
layman's gown, with his sleeves hanging down and his arms out, his hair being piteously  
mangled at his degradation (a little single body in person, but always of a good upright  
countenance,) and drew near to the stake prepared; and somewhat tarrying the preparation of the  
fire, he desired that he might speak some words to the people, and there standing, thus he said:  
"Good people! I am come hither to die, and born I was to live under that condition, naturally to  
die again; and that ye may testify that I depart out of this present life as a true Christian man, in a  
right belief towards Almighty God, I will rehearse unto you in a fast faith the articles of my  
creed." And then he began to rehearse them in order, as they be in the common Creed, with oft  
elevating his eyes and hands to Almighty God; and at the article of Christ's incarnation, having a  
little meditation in himself, and coming to the word "crucified," he humbly bowed himself, and  
made great reverence; and then proceeding in the articles, and coming to these words, "I believe  
the catholic church," there he paused, and spake these words: "Good people! I must here confess  
to have offended the church, in preaching once against the prohibition of the same, at a poor cure  
belonging to Trinity-hall, in Cambridge, where I was fellow; earnestly entreated thereunto by the  
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curate and other good people of the parish, showing that they had no sermon there of long time  
before: and so in my conscience moved, I did make a poor collation unto them, and thereby ran  
into the disobedience of certain authority in the church, by whom I was prohibited; howbeit I  
trust at the general day, charity, that moved me to this act, shall bear me out at the judgment-seat  
of God:" and so he proceeded on, without any manner of words of recantation, or charging any  
man for procuring him to his death.  
This once done, he put off his gown, and went to the stake, and kneeling upon a little  
ledge coming out of the stake, whereon he should afterward stand to be better seen, he made his  
private prayer with such earnest elevation of his eyes and hands to heaven, and in so good and  
quiet behaviour, that he seemed not much to consider the terror of his death; and ended at last his  
private prayers with the Psalm, beginning, Hear my prayer, O Lord! consider my desire. And the  
next verse he repeated in deep meditation thrice: And enter not into judgment with thy servant,  
for in thy sight shall no man living be justified: and so finishing that Psalm, he ended his private  
prayers.  
After that, he turned himself to the officers, asking them if they were ready, and they  
answered, Yea. Whereupon he put off his jacket and doublet, and stood in his hose and shirt, and  
went unto the stake, standing upon that ledge, and the chain was cast about him; and standing  
thereon, the said Dr. Warner came to him to bid him farewell, who spake but few words for  
weeping: upon whom the said Thomas Bilney did most gently smile, and inclined his body to  
speak to him a few words of thanks; and the last were these, "O Master Doctor! Feed your flock,  
feed your flock; that when the Lord cometh, he may find you so doing." And, "Farewell, good  
Master Doctor! and pray for me;" and so Warner departed without any answer, sobbing and  
weeping. And while Bilney thus stood upon the ledge at the stake, certain friars, doctors, and  
priors of their houses, being there present, (as they were uncharitably and maliciously present at  
his examination and degradation, &c.,) came to him and said, "O Master Bilney, the people be  
persuaded that we be the causers of your death, and that we have procured the same, and  
thereupon it is likely that they will withdraw their charitable alms from us all, except you declare  
your charity towards us, and discharge us of the matter:" whereupon the said Thomas Bilney  
spake with a loud voice to the people and said, "I pray you, good people! be never the worse to  
these men for my sake, as though they should be the authors of my death; it was not they:" and  
so he ended.  
Then the officers put reeds and faggots about his body, and set fire on the reeds, which  
made a very great flame, which sparkled and deformed the visor of his face; he holding up his  
hands, and knocking upon his breast, crying sometimes "Jesus!" sometimes, Credo! which flame  
was blown away from him by the violence of the wind, which was that day, and two or three  
days before, notably great; in which it was said, that the fields were marvellously plagued by the  
loss of corn; and so, for a little pause, he stood without flame, the flame departing and re-  
coursing thrice ere the wood took strength to be the sharper to consume him; and then he gave up  
the ghost, and his body, being withered, bowed downward upon the chain. Then one of the  
officers, with his halberd, smote out the staple in the stake behind him, and suffered his body to  
fall into the bottom of the fire, laying wood upon it; and so he was consumed.  
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Thus have ye, good readers! the true history and martyrdom of this good man; that is, of  
blessed Saint Bilney, (as Master Latimer doth call him,) without any recantation, testified and  
ratified by the authority abovesaid: • by which authority and party being there present and yet  
alive, it is furthermore constantly affirmed, that Bilney not only did never recant, but also that he  
never had any such bill, or scrip, or scroll, in his hand to read, either softly or apertly, as Master  
More would bear us down. Wherefore, even as ye see Master More deal in this, so ye may trust  
him in the residue of his other tales, if ye will.  
Master Stafford, of Cambridge.  
As the death of this godly Bilney did much good in Norfolk, where he was burned; so his  
diligent travail, in teaching and exhorting other, and example of life correspondent to his  
doctrine, left no small fruit behind him in Cambridge, being a great means of framing that  
university, and drawing divers unto Christ. By reason of whom, and partly also of another, called  
Master Stafford, the word of God began there most luckily to spread, and many toward wits to  
flourish; in the company of whom was Master Latimer, Dr. Barnes, Dr. Thistell of Pembroke-  
hall, Master Fooke of Benet-college, and Master Soude of the same college, Dr. Warner above-  
mentioned, with divers others more. This Master Stafford was then the public reader of the  
divinity lecture in that university; who, as he was an earnest professor of Christ's gospel, so was  
he as diligent a follower of that which he professed, as by this example here following may  
appear.  
For as the plague was then sore in Cambridge, and amongst other a certain priest, called  
Sir Henry Conjurer, lay sore sick of the said plague, Master Stafford, hearing thereof, and seeing  
the horrible danger that his soul was in, was so moved in conscience to help the dangerous case  
of the priest, that he, neglecting his own bodily death, to recover the other from eternal  
damnation, came unto him, exhorted, and so laboured him, that he would not leave him before he  
had converted him, and saw his conjuring books burned before his face. Which being done,  
Master Stafford went home, and immediately sickened, and, shortly after, most Christianly  
deceased.  
Concerning which Master Stafford, this moreover is to be noted, how that Master  
Latimer, being yet a fervent and a zealous papist, standing in the schools when Master Stafford  
read, bade the scholars not to hear him; and also, preaching against him, exhorted the people not  
to believe him: and yet the said Latimer confessed himself, that he gave thanks to God, that he  
asked him forgiveness before he departed. And thus much by the way of good Master Stafford,  
who, for his constant and godly adventure in such a cause, may seem not unworthy to go with  
blessed Bilney, in the fellowship of holy and blessed martyrs.  
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1
73. Books Banned by the Papists.  
Before the time of Master Bilney, and the fall of the cardinal, I should have placed the  
story of Simon Fish, with the book called The Supplication of Beggars; declaring how, and by  
what means, it came to the king' s hand, and what effect thereof followed after, in the  
reformation ,of many things, especially of the clergy. But the missing of a few years in this  
matter breaketh no great square in our story, though that be now entered here, which should have  
come in six years before. The manner and circumstance of the matter is this:  
After that the light of the gospel, working mightily in Germany, began to spread its  
beams here also in England, great stir and alteration followed in the hearts of many; so that  
coloured hypocrisy, and false doctrine, and painted holiness, began to be espied more and more  
by the reading of God's word. The authority of the bishop of Rome, and the glory of his  
cardinals, were not so high, but such as had fresh wits, sparkled with God's grace, began to espy  
Christ from antichrist; that is, true sincerity from counterfeit religion: in the number of whom  
was the said Master Simon Fish, a gentleman of Gray's Inn. It happened the first year that this  
gentleman came to London to dwell, which was about A.D. 1525, that there was a certain play or  
interlude made by one Master Roo, of the same inn, gentleman, in which play partly was matter  
against the Cardinal Wolsey; and when none durst take upon them to play that part which  
touched the said cardinal, this aforesaid Master Fish took upon him to do it. Thereupon great  
displeasure ensued against him upon the cardinal's part, insomuch as he, being pursued by the  
said cardinal the same night that this tragedy was played, was compelled by force to void his  
own house, and so fled over the sea to Tyndale: upon occasion whereof, the next year following,  
this book was made (being about the year 1527); and so, not long after, in the year, as I suppose,  
1
528, was sent over to the Lady Ann Bullen, who then lay at a place not far from the court.  
Which book her brother seeing in her hand, took it and read it, and gave it her again, willing her  
earnestly to give it to the king, which thing she so did. This was (as I gather) about A.D. 1528.  
The king, after he had received the book, demanded of her who made it: whereunto she  
answered and said, a certain subject of his, one Fish, who was fled out of the realm for fear of the  
cardinal. After the king had kept the book in his bosom three or four days, as is credibly  
reported, such knowledge was given by the king's servants to the wife of the said Simon Fish,  
that she might boldly send for her husband without all peril or danger: whereupon she, thereby  
being encouraged, came first and made suit to the king for the safe return of her husband; who,  
understanding whose wife she was, showed a marvellous gentle and cheerful countenance  
towards her, asking where her husband was. She answered, "If it like your Grace, not far off."  
"Then," saith he, "fetch him, and he shall come and go safe, without peril, and no man shall do  
him harm:" saying moreover, that he had much wrong that he was from her so long; who had  
been absent now the space of two years and a half. In the which mean time the cardinal was  
deposed, as is afore showed, and Master More set in his place of the chancellorship.  
Thus Fish's wife, being imboldened by the king's words, went immediately to her  
husband, (being lately come over, and lying privily within a mile of the court,) and brought him  
to the king; which appeareth to be about A.D. 1530. When the king saw him, and understood he  
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was the author of the book, he came and embraced him with loving countenance. Who after long  
talk for the space of three or four hours, as they were riding together in hunting, the king at  
length dismissed him, and bade him take home his wife, for she had taken great pains for him;  
who answered the king again, and said, he durst not so do, for fear of Sir Thomas More, then  
chancellor, and Stokesley, then bishop of London. This seemeth to be about A.D. 1530.  
The king, taking the signet off his finger, willed him to have him recommended to the  
lord chancellor, charging him not to be so hardy as to work him any harm. Master Fish, receiving  
the king's signet, went and declared his message to the lord chancellor, who took it as sufficient  
for his own discharge, but he asked him, if he had any thing for the discharge of his wife? For  
she, a little before, had by chance displeased the friars, for not suffering them to say their gospels  
in Latin in her house, as they did in others, unless they would say them in English. Whereupon  
the lord chancellor, though he had discharged the man, yet not leaving his grudge towards the  
wife, the next morning sent his man for her to appear before him; who, had it not been for her  
young daughter, which then lay sick of the plague, had been like to come to much trouble. Of the  
which plague, her husband (the said Master Fish) deceasing within half a year, she afterwards  
married one Master James Bainham, Sir Alexander Bainham's son, a worshipful knight of  
Gloucestershire; the which aforesaid Master James Bainham not long after was burned, as  
incontinently after, in the process of this story, shall appear.  
And thus much concerning Simon Fish, the author of the Book of Beggars, who also  
translated a book, called The Sum of the Scripture, out of the Dutch.  
Now cometh another note of one Edmund Moddis, the king's footman, touching the same  
matter.  
This Master Moddis, being with the king in talk of religion, and of the new books that  
were come from beyond the seas, said, if it might please his Grace to pardon him, and such as he  
would bring to his Grace, he should see such a book as it was a marvel to hear of. The king  
demanded what they were. He said, "Two of your merchants, George Elyot and George  
Robinson." The king appointed a time to speak with them. When they came before his presence  
in a privy closet, he demanded what they had to say, or to show him. One of them said, that there  
was a book come to theirhands, which they had there to show his Grace. When he saw it, he  
demanded if any of them could read it. "Yea," said George Elyot, "if it please your Grace to hear  
it." "I thought so," said the king, "for if need were thou canst say it without book."  
The whole book being read out, the king made a long pause, and then said, "If a man  
should pull down an old stone wall, and begin at the lower part, the upper part thereof might  
chance to fall upon his head." And then he took the book, and put it into his desk, and  
commanded them, upon their allegiance, that they should not tell to any man that he had seen the  
book, &c.  
Against this Book of the Beggars, being written in the time of the cardinal, another  
contrary book or supplication was devised and written shortly upon the same, by one Sir Thomas  
More, knight, chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, under the name and title of The poor silly  
Souls pulling out of Purgatory. In the which book, after the said Master More, the writer thereof,  
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had first divided the whole world into four parts, that is, into heaven, hell, middle earth, and  
purgatory; then he maketh the dead men's souls, by a rhetorical prosopopœia, to speak out of  
purgatory pin-fold, sometimes lamentably complaining of, sometimes pleasantly dallying and  
scoffing at, the author of the Beggars' Book; sometimes scolding and railing at him, calling him  
fool, witless, frantic, an ass, a goose, a mad dog, a heretic, and all that naught is. And no marvel,  
if these simple souls of purgatory seem so fumish and testy; for heat (ye know) is testy, and soon  
inflameth choler. But yet these purgatory souls must take good heed how they call a man a fool  
and heretic so often; for if the sentence of the gospel doth pronounce them guilty of hell-fire,  
who say, "Fool!" it may be doubted, lest those poor, simple, melancholy souls of purgatory,  
calling this man fool so oft as they have done, do bring themselves thereby out of purgatory-fire  
to the fire of hell, by that just sentence of the Gospel; so that neither the five wounds of St.  
Francis, nor all the merits of St. Dominic, nor yet of all the friars, can release those poor  
wretches! But yet, forasmuch as I do not, nor cannot think, that those departed souls either would  
so far overshoot themselves, if they were in purgatory, or else that there is any such fourth place  
of purgatory at all, (unless it be in Master More's Utopia,) as Master More's poetical vein doth  
imagine, I cease therefore to burden the souls departed, and lay all the wit on Master More, the  
author and contriver of this poetical book, for not keeping decorum personae, as a perfect poet  
should have done. They that give precepts of art, do note this, in all poetical fictions, as a special  
observation, to foresee and express what is convenient for every person, according to his degree  
and condition, to speak and utter. Wherefore if it be true that Master More saith, in the sequel of  
his book, that grace and charity increase in them that lie in the pains of purgatory, then is it not  
agreeable that such souls, lying so long in purgatory, should so soon forget their charity, and fall  
a railing in their supplication so fumishly, both against this man, with such opprobrious and  
unsuiting terms, and also against John Badby, Richard Hovedon, John Goose, Lord Cobham, and  
other martyrs of the Lord, burned for his word: also against Luther, William Tyndale, Richard  
Hun, and other more, falsely belying the doctrine by them taught and defended; which it is not  
like that such charitable souls of purgatory would ever do, neither were it convenient for them in  
that case; which indeed, though their doctrine were false, should redound to the more increase of  
their pain. Again, where the bishop of Rochester defineth the angels to be ministers to purgatory-  
souls, some will think, peradventure, Master More to have missed some part of his decorum, in  
making the evil spirit of the author and the devil to be messenger, between middle-earth and  
purgatory, in bringing tidings to the prisoned souls, both of the book, and of the name of the  
maker.  
Now, as touching the manner how this devil came into purgatory, laughing, grinning, and  
gnashing his teeth, in sooth it maketh me to laugh, to see the merry antics of Master More.  
Belike then this was some merry devil, or else had eaten with his teeth some nasturcium before;  
which, coming into purgatory, to show the name of this man, could not tell his tale without  
laughing. "But this was," saith he, "an enmious and an envious laughing, joined with grinning  
and gnashing of teeth." And immediately upon the same, was contrived this scoffing and railing  
supplication of the puling souls of purgatory, as he himself doth term them. So then, here was  
enmying, envying, laughing, grinning, gnashing of teeth, puling, scoffing, railing, and begging;  
and all together to make a very black sanctus in purgatory. Indeed we read in Scripture, that  
there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth in hell, where the souls and bodies of men shall be  
tormented. But who would ever have thought before, that the evil angel of this man that made the  
Book of Beggars, being a spiritual and no corporal substance, hath teeth to gnash, and a mouth to  
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grin?, But where then stood Master More, I marvel, all this mean while, to see the devil laugh  
with his mouth so wide, that the souls of purgatory might see all his teeth? Belike this was in  
Utopia, where Master More's purgatory is founded; but because Master More is hence departed, I  
leave him with his merry antics. And as touching his book of purgatory, which he hath left  
behind, because John Frith hath learnedly and effectuously overthrown the same, I will therefore  
refer the reader to him, while I repair again (the Lord willing) to the history.  
After the clergy of England, and especially the cardinal, understood these books of The  
Beggars' Supplication aforesaid, to be strewed abroad in the streets of London, and also before  
the king, the said cardinal caused not only his servants diligently to attend to gather them up, that  
they should not come into the king's hands, but also, when he understood that the king had  
received one or two of them, he came unto the king's Majesty, saying, "If it shall please your  
Grace, here are divers seditious persons which have scattered abroad books containing manifest  
errors and heresies;" desiring his Grace to beware of them. Whereupon the king, putting his hand  
in his bosom, took out one of the books, and delivered it unto the cardinal. Then the cardinal,  
together with his bishops, consulted how they might provide a speedy remedy for this mischief,  
and thereupon determined to give out a commission to forbid the reading of all English books,  
and namely, this Book of the Beggars, and the New Testament of Tyndale's translation; which  
was done out of hand by Cuthbert Tonstal, bishop of London, who sent out his prohibition unto  
his archdeacons with all speed, for the forbidding of that book and divers others; the tenor of  
which prohibition here followeth  
"Cuthbert, by the permission of God, bishop of London, unto our well-beloved in Christ,  
the archdeacon of London, or to his official, health, grace, benediction. By the duty of our  
pastoral office, we are bound diligently, with all our power, to foresee, provide for, root out, and  
put away, all those things, which seem to tend to the peril and danger of our subjects, and  
specially to the destruction of their souls. Wherefore we, having understanding, by the report of  
divers credible persons, and also by the evident appearance of the matter, that many children of  
iniquity, maintainers of Luther's sect, blinded through extreme wickedness, wandering from the  
way of truth and the catholic faith, craftily have translated the New Testament into our English  
tongue, intermeddling therewith many heretical articles, and erroneous opinions, pernicious and  
offensive, seducing the simple people; attempting, by their wicked and perverse interpretations,  
to profanate the majesty of the Scripture, which hitherto hath remained undefiled, and craftily to  
abuse the most holy word of God, and the true sense of the same, of the which translation there  
are many books imprinted, some with glosses, and some without, containing in the English  
tongue that pestiferous and most pernicious poison dispersed throughout all our diocese of  
London in great number; which truly, without it be speedily foreseen, without doubt will  
contaminate and infect the flock committed unto us, with most deadly poison and heresy; to the  
grievous peril and danger of the souls committed to our charge, and the offence of God's divine  
Majesty. Wherefore, we, Cuthbert, the bishop aforesaid, grievously sorrowing for the premises,  
willing to withstand the craft and subtlety of the ancient enemy and his ministers, who seek the  
destruction of our flock, and with a diligent care to take heed unto the flock committed to my  
charge, desiring to provide speedy remedies for the premises, do charge you jointly and  
severally, and by virtue of your obedience straitly enjoin and command you, that by our authority  
you warn, or cause to be warned, all and singular, as well exempt as not exempt, dwelling within  
your archdeaconries, that within thirty days' space, whereof ten days shall be for the first, ten for  
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the second, and ten for the third and peremptory term, under pain of excommunication, and  
incurring the suspicion of heresy, they do bring in, and really deliver unto our vicar-general, all  
and singular such books as contain the translation of the New Testament in the English tongue;  
and that you do certify us, or our said commissary, within two months after the day of the date of  
these presents, duly, personally, or by your letters, together with these presents, under your seals,  
what you have done in the premises, under pain of contempt.  
"Given under our seal, the three and twentieth of October, in the fifth year of our  
consecration, anno 1526."  
The like commission, in like manner and form, was sent to the other three archdeacons of  
Middlesex, Essex, and Colchester, for the execution of the same matter, under the bishop's seal.  
The names of the books that were forbidden at this time, together with the New Testament.  
The Supplication of Beggars; the Revelation of Antichrist, of Luther; the New Testament  
of Tyndale; the Wicked Mammon; the Obedience of a Christian Man; an Introduction to Paul's  
Epistle to the Romans; a Dialogue betwixt the Father and the Son; Christian Economics; The  
Union of Dissenters; Pious Prayers.; The Babylonish Captivity; John Huss on Hosea; Zwingle on  
the Anabaptists; On the Education of Children; Brentius on the Government of a State; Luther on  
the Galatians; On Christian Liberty; Luther's Exposition upon the Lord's Prayer.  
Besides these books here before-mentioned, within a short time after there were a great  
number more of other books in like manner prohibited by the king's proclamation; but yet by the  
bishop's procurement, A.D. 1529.  
The New Testament, in the catalogue above recited, began first to be translated by  
William Tyndale, and so came forth in print about A.D. 1529, wherewith Cuthbert Tonstal,  
bishop of London, with Sir Thomas More, being sore aggrieved, devised how to destroy that  
false, erroneous translation, as he called it. It happened that one Augustine Packington, a mercer,  
was then at Antwerp, where the bishop was. This man favoured Tyndale, but showed the  
contrary unto the bishop. The bishop, being desirous to bring his purpose to pass, communed  
how that he would gladly buy the New Testaments. Packington hearing him say so, said, "My  
lord! I can do more in this matter than most merchants that be here, if it be your pleasure; for I  
know the Dutchmen and strangers that have bought them of Tyndale, and have them here to sell;  
so that if it be your Lordship's pleasure, I must disburse money to pay for them, or else I cannot  
have them: and so I will assure you to have every book of them that is printed and unsold." The  
bishop, thinking he had God by the toe, said, "Do your diligence, gentle Master Packington! get  
them for me, and I will pay whatsoever they cost; for I intend to burn and destroy them all at  
Paul's Cross." This Augustine Packington went unto William Tyndale, and declared the whole  
matter, and so, upon compact made between them, the bishop of London had the books,  
Packington had the thanks, and Tyndale had the money. After this, Tyndale corrected the New  
Testaments again, and caused them to be newly imprinted, so that they came thick and threefold  
over into England. When the bishop perceived that, he sent for Packington, and said to him,  
"How cometh this, that there are so many New Testaments abroad? you promised me that you  
would buy them all." Then answered Packington, "Surely, I bought all that were to be had: but I  
perceive they have printed more since. I see it will never be better so long as they have letters  
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and stamps: wherefore you were best to buy the stamps too, and so you shall be sure:" at which  
answer the bishop smiled, and so the matter ended.  
In short space after, it fortuned that George Constantine was apprehended by Sir Thomas  
More, which was then chancellor of England, suspected of certain heresies during the time that  
he was in the custody of Master More, After divers communications, amongst other things,  
Master More asked of him, saying, "Constantine! I would have thee be plain with me in one  
thing that I will ask; and I promise thee, I will show thee favour in all other things, whereof thou  
art accused. There is beyond the sea, Tyndale, Joye, and a great many of you: I know they cannot  
live without help. There are some that help and succour them with money; and thou, being one of  
them, hadst thy part thereof, and therefore knowest from whence it came. I pray thee, tell me,  
who be they that help them thus?" "My lord," quoth Constantine, "I will tell you truly: it is the  
bishop of London that hath holpen us, for he hath bestowed among us a great deal of money  
upon New Testaments to burn them; and that hath been, and yet is, our only succour and  
comfort." "Now, by my troth," quoth More, "I think even the same; for so much I told the bishop  
before he went about it."  
Of this George Constantine, moreover, it is reported by Sir Thomas More, that he, being  
taken and in hold, seemed well content to renounce his former doctrine; and not only to disclose  
certain other of his fellows, but also studied and devised, how these books, which he himself, and  
other of his fellows, had brought and shipped, might come to the bishop's hands to he burned,  
and showed to the aforesaid Sir Thomas More, chancellor, the ship-man's name that had them,  
and the marks of the fardels, by which the books afterwards were taken and burned. Besides this,  
he is reported also to have disclosed divers of his companions, of whom some were abjured after,  
some had abjured before; as Richard Necton, who was committed to Newgate upon the same,  
and is thought there to have died in prison, or else he had not escaped their hands, but should  
have suffered burning, if the report of Master More be to be credited.  
Notwithstanding the same Constantine afterwards, by the help of some of his friends,  
escaped out of prison over the seas, and after that, in the time of King Edward, was one of them  
that troubled the good bishop of St. David's, which after, in Queen Mary's time, was burned. But  
of Constantine enough.  
Mention was made, how the bishops had procured of the king a proclamation to be set  
forth A.D. 1529, for the abolishing of divers books afore-named, and also for the withstanding of  
all such as taught or preached any thing against the dignity and ordinances of the Church of  
Rome. Upon this proclamation ensued great persecution and trouble against the poor innocent  
flock of Christ.  
The books which in this proclamation generally are restrained and forbidden, be  
afterwards in theregister, more specially named by the bishops; whereof the most part were in  
Latin, as are above recited, and some were in English, as these and others, partly also above  
expressed:  
A Disputation between the Father and the Son; a Book of the old God and new; Godly  
Prayers; the Christian state of Matrimony; the burying of the Mass; the Sum of the Scripture;  
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Mattens and Even-song, Seven Psalms, and other heavenly Psalms, with the Commendations, in  
English; an Exposition upon the seventh Chapter of the First Epistle to the Corinthians; the  
chapters of Moses called Genesis; the chapters of Moses called Deuteronomy; the Matrimony of  
Tyndale; David's. Psalter in English; the Practice of Prelates; Hortulus animæ, in English; A.B.C.  
against the Clergy; the Examination of William Thorpe, &c.  
Although these books, with all other of the like sort, by the virtue of this proclamation  
were inhibited to all Englishmen to use or to read; yet licence was granted before to Sir Thomas  
More, by Tonstal, bishop of London, A.D. 1527, that he, notwithstanding, might have and peruse  
them; with a letter also sent to him from the said bishop, or rather by the advice of other bishops,  
desiring him, that he would show his cunning, and play the pretty man, like a Demosthenes, in  
expugning the doctrine of these books and opinions: who, albeit he was no great divine, yet  
because he saw some towardness in him by his book of Utopia, and other fine poetry of his,  
therefore he thought him a meet man for their purpose, to withstand the proceedings of the  
gospel, either in making some appearance of reason against it, or at least to outface it, and dash it  
out of countenance. Wherein there lacked on his part neither good will nor labour to serve the  
bishop's turn, so far forth as all his rhetoric could reach; filling up with fineness of wit, and  
scoffing terms, where true knowledge and judgment of Scripture did fail; as by his works and  
writings against Bilney, Tyndale, Frith, Fish, Barnes, Luther, &c., may soon be discerned, if the  
reasons and manner of his handling be well weighed, and rightly examined with the touchstone  
of the Scriptures. But now to fall into our story again.  
Upon this fierce and terrible proclamation aforesaid, thus devised and set out in the king's  
name, A.D. 1529, the bishops, which were the procurers hereof, had that now which they would  
have; neither did there lack on their part any study unapplied, any stone unremoved, any corner  
unsearched, for the diligent execution of the same: whereupon ensued a grievous persecution,  
and slaughter of the faithful; of whom the first that went to rack was Thomas Bilney, of whom  
sufficiently afore hath been said; and the next was Richard Bayfield, as in the story shall shortly  
follow.  
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1
74. Richard Bayfield, Martyr.  
Following the order of years and of times, as the course of our history requireth, next  
after the consummation of Thomas Bilney, we have to treat of the martyrdom of Richard  
Bayfield, which in the month of November, the same year, which was A.D. 1531, was burned in  
Smithfield.  
This Richard Bayfield, sometime a monk of Bury, was converted by Dr. Barnes, and two  
godly men of London, brickmakers, Master Maxwell and Master Stacey, wardens of their  
company, who were grafted in the doctrine of Jesus Christ, and through their godly conversation  
of life, converted many men and women, both in London and in the country; and once a year, of  
their own cost, went about to visit the brethren and sisters scattered abroad. Dr. Barnes, at that  
time, much resorted to the abbey of Bury, where Bayfield was, to one Dr. Ruffam; who had been  
at Louvaine together students. At that time it happened that this Bayfield the monk was  
chamberlain of the house, to provide lodging for the strangers, and to see them well entertained;  
who delighted much in Dr. Barnes's talk, and in the other laymen's talk afore rehearsed; and at  
last, Dr. Barnes gave him a New Testament in Latin, and the other two gave him Tyndale's  
Testament in English, with a book called The Wicked Mammon, and The Obedience of a  
Christian Man: wherein he prospered so mightily in two years' space, that he was cast into the  
prison of his house, there sore whipped, with a gag in his mouth, and then stocked; and so  
continued in the same torment three quarters of a year before Dr. Barnes could get him out;  
which he brought to pass by the means of Dr. Ruffam aforesaid, and so he was committed to Dr.  
Barnes, to go to Cambridge with him. By that time he had been there a good while, he tasted so  
well of good letters, that he never returned home again to his abbey, but went to London, to  
Maxwell and Stacy, and they kept him secretly a while, and so conveyed him beyond the sea; Dr.  
Barnes being then in the Fleet for God's word. This Bayfield mightily prospered in the  
knowledge of God, and was beneficial to Master Tyndale, and Master Frith; for he brought  
substance with him, and was their own hand, and sold all their works, and the works of the  
Germans, both in France and in England; and at last, coming to London, to Master Smith's  
house, in Bucklersbury, there he was betrayed, and dogged from that house to his bookbinder's in  
Mark Lane, and there taken, and carried to Lollards' Tower, and from thence to the coal-house;  
by reason that one Parson Patmore, parson of Much Haddam in Essex, then lying in Lollards'  
Tower, was, in the doctrine and in the kingdom of Christ, there confirmed by him. This Parson  
Patmore, after long trouble, was abjured and condemned by the bishops to perpetual prison, and  
delivered afterwards by the king's pardon, as more appeareth in the sequel of his story among  
abjurers, &c. He was taken because he married his priest in those days. He had always corn in  
plenty, and when the markets were very dear, he would send plenty of his corn thither, to pluck  
down the prices thereof.  
This Richard Bayfield, being in the coal-house, was worse handled than he was before in  
the Lollards' Tower; for there he was tied both by the neck, middle, and legs, standing upright by  
the walls, divers times manacled, to accuse others that had bought his books. But he accused  
none, but stood to his religion and confession of his faith, unto the very end, and was, in the  
consistory of Paul's, thrice put to his trial, whether he would abjure or no? He said he would  
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dispute for his faith, and so did to their great shame; Stokesley then being his judge, with the  
assistance of Winchester, and other bishops, wherof here followeth now the circumstance in  
order to be seen.  
The articles laid to Richard Bayfield, by the aforesaid bishops, A.D. 1531, Nov. 10, were  
these:  
"
I. That he had been many years a monk professed, of the order of St. Beet, of St.  
Edmund's Bury, in the diocese of Norwich.  
"
II. That he was a priest, and had ministered, and continued in the same order the space  
of nine or ten years.  
"
III. That since the feast of Easter last, he, being beyond the sea, brought and procured to  
have divers and many books and treatises of sundry sorts, as well of Martin Luther's own works,  
as of divers other of his damnable sect, and of Œcolampadius the great heretic, and divers other  
heretics, both in Latin and English; the names of which books were contained in a little bill  
written with his own hand.  
"
IV. That in the year of our Lord 1528, he was detected and accused to Cuthbert, then  
bishop of London, for affirming and holding certain articles contrary to the holy church, and  
especially that all laud and praise should be given to God alone, and not to saints or creatures.  
"V. That every priest might preach the word of God by the authority of the gospel, and  
not to run to the pope or cardinals for licence; as it appeared (said they) by his confession before  
the said bishop.  
"VI. That he judicially abjured the said articles before the said bishop, and did renounce  
and forswear them, and all other articles contrary to the determination of holy church, promising  
that from thenceforth he would not fall into any of them, nor any other errors.  
"VII. That he made a solemn oath upon a book, and the holy evangelists, to fulfil such  
penance as should be enjoined him by the said bishop.  
"VIII. After his abjuration it was enjoined to him for penance, that he should go before  
the cross in procession, in the parish church of St. Botolph's at Billingsgate, and to bear a faggot  
of wood upon his shoulder.  
"
IX. It was enjoined him in penance, that he should provide a habit, requisite and meet  
for his order and profession, as shortly as he might; and that he should come or go no where  
without such a habit: the which he had not fulfilled.  
"X. That it was likewise enjoined him in penance, that, sometime before the feast of the  
Ascension then next ensuing his abjuration, he should go home unto the monastery of Bury, and  
there remain, according to the vow of his profession: which he had not fulfilled.  
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"XI. That he was appointed by the said bishop of London to appear before the said  
bishop, the twenty-fifth of April next after his abjuration, to receive the residue of his penance;  
and after his abjuration, he fled beyond the sea, and appeared not.  
"XII. That the twentieth day of June next following his abjuration, he did appear before  
the said bishop Tonstal, in the chapel of the bishop of Norwich's place, and there it was newly  
enjoined him in part of penance, that he should provide him a habit convenient for his order and  
profession, within eight days then next following: which he had not done.  
"XIII. That it was there again enjoined him, that he should depart from the city, diocese,  
and jurisdiction of London; and no more to come within it, without the special licence of the  
bishop of London, or his successor for the time being: which he had not fulfilled."  
The answer of Richard Bayfield to the articles prefixed.  
To the first article he confessed, that he was professed a monk in the monastery aforesaid,  
A.D. 1514. To the second article he answered, that he was a priest, and took orders, A.D. 1518.  
To the third article he confessed the bill and schedule to be written with his hand, which is  
annexed thereunto, and that he brought over the said books and works a year and a half past, and  
a great number of every sort.  
Being further demanded for what intent he brought them into the realm; he answered, "To  
the intent that the gospel of Christ might be set forward, and God the more glorified in this realm  
amongst Christian people;" and that he had sold and dispersed many of those books before  
named, to sundry persons within this realm, and to divers of the diocese of London. Being  
further demanded, whether Martin Luther were condemned as a heretic by the pope; he  
answered, that he heard say, that Martin Luther, with all his sect and adherents, were, and are,  
condemned as heretics by the pope. And being demanded, whether Zuinglius was of Luther's  
sect; he answered, that he never spake with him. Being asked whether Zuinglius was a catholic;  
he answered, that he could not tell. Being inquired whether the books contained in the schedules  
did contain any errors in them; he said, he could not tell, neither could he judge. Also he  
confessed, that the common fame hath been within these two or three years, that Œcolampadius  
and Zuinglius be heretics; also that such as lean to Martin Luther be heretics. Also he confessed,  
that being beyond the sea, he heard say, before he brought into this realm the books contained in  
the said bills, that the king had by proclamation prohibited, that no man should bring into this  
realm any of Martin Luther's books or of his sect: which confession thus ended, the bishop  
appointed him to appear the next day.  
Saturday, being the eleventh of November, Richard Bayfield appeared, and  
acknowledged the answers he made in the session the day before. This thing done, the official  
objected the fourth article unto him: whereunto he answered, that he could not tell whether there  
be any heresies in them; for he had read no heresies in them. And being demanded, whether he  
had read any of those books; he answered, that he had read the greater part of them here and  
there, but not throughout. He was demanded, whether he believed the aforenamed books to be  
good, and of the true faith? He answered, that he judged they were good, and of the true faith.  
Being inquired, what books he read in the realm? he said, that he had read the New Testament in  
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Latin, and other books mentioned in the bills; but he read none translated: notwithstanding he did  
confess that he had read a book called Thorp's, in the presence and audience of others, and also a  
book of John Frith's purgatory, which he had read to himself alone, as he said; and also had read  
to himself a book called The Practice of Prelates; and also said, that he had read a book called  
The Parable of the Wicked Mammon, but in the presence and hearing of others which he knew  
not. Also he confessed that he had read The Obedience of a Christian Man, and The Sum of  
Scripture, among company, and also The Dialogue betwixt the Ploughman and the Gentleman,  
among company, as he thought; also he had read a piece of the answer of Tyndale made to Sir  
Thomas More; likewise he had read the Dialogue of Frith, to himself: he had read also the  
prologues of the five books of Moses, contained in the long schedule, and in company, as he  
thought.  
All which books he had read in manner aforesaid within these two years last past, and as  
for the New Testament in English, he read it before he had these books specified in the schedule  
before rehearsed.  
To the third article, as touching Zuinglius and others, he supposed that they held the same  
doctrine that Luther did; but that he thought them to vary in some points.  
The sixteenth day of November, Richard Bayfield appeared again before the bishop; who  
inquired of him, of what sect Zuinglius was. He said, he thought that he held with Luther in some  
points, &c.  
Also he confessed, that first he brought books of the sorts abovenamed into this realm,  
about Midsummer was a twelvemonth, and landed them at Colchester; and afterwards brought  
part of them to this city; and some he dispersed and sold in this city. The second time that he  
brought books was about All-Hallowtide was a twelvemonth, and landed them at St. Catharine's;  
which books the lord chancellor took from him. Also that at Easter last was the third time that he  
brought over the books now showed unto him, and contained in these two bills, and landed with  
them in Norfolk, and from thence brought them to the city of London in a mail.  
To the fifth, sixth, and seventh articles, he answered and confessed them to be true.  
To the eighth he answered, that it was enjoined him as is contained in the article; the  
which injunction he fulfilled.  
To the ninth he answered, that he did not remember it.  
To the tenth he answered, that it was enjoined him that he should go to the abbey of Bury,  
and there continue; the which, he said, he did three times; but he did not wear his monk's cowl,  
as he was enjoined.  
The eleventh article he confessed.  
For the twelfth article, "That he did not wear his monk's habit according to the abjuration;  
"he referred himself to the acts, whether he were so enjoined or no.  
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To the thirteenth article he said, that he did not remember the contents thereof, but  
referred himself to the acts. Notwithstanding he confessed that he had no licence of the bishop of  
London to come to the city or diocese of London, nor to make any abode there.  
The sentence given against Richard Bayfield in a case of relapse.  
"
In the name of God, Amen. We, John, by the sufferance of God, bishop of London, in a  
case of inquisition of heresy, and relapse of the same, first begun before Master Richard Foxfard,  
doctor of both laws, our official, now depending before us undecided, against thee, Richard  
Bayfield, priest and monk, professed to the order and rule of St. Benedict, in the monastery of St.  
Edmund's Bury, in the diocese of Norwich, and by means of the causes within written under our  
jurisdiction, and with all favour rightly and lawfully proceeding, with all favour possible, the  
merits and circumstances of the cause of this inquisition heard, weighed, understood, and fully  
discussed by us, the said bishop, reserving unto ourselves that which by law ought to be  
reserved; have thought good to proceed in this manner, to the pronouncing of our definitive  
sentence.  
"Forasmuch as by the acts enacted, inquired, propounded, and alleged, and by thee  
judicially confessed, we do find that thou hast abjured certain, errors and heresies, and damnable  
opinions by thee confessed, as well particularly as generally, before our reverend fellow and  
brother, then thy ordinary, according to the form and order of the church: and that one Martin  
Luther, together with his adherents and complices, receivers and favourers, whatsoever they be,  
was condemned as a heretic by the authority of Pope Leo the Tenth, of most happy memory, and  
by the authority of the apostolic see, and the books, and all writings, schedules, and sermons of  
the said Master Luther, his adherents and complices, whether they be found in Latin, or in any  
other languages imprinted or translated, for the manifold heresies and errors, and damnable  
opinions that are in them, are condemned, reproved, and utterly rejected; and inhibition made, by  
the authority of the said see, to all faithful Christians, under the pain of excommunication, and  
other punishments in that behalf to be incurred by the law, that no man by any means presume to  
read, teach, hear, imprint, or publish, or by any means do defend, directly or indirectly, secretly  
or openly, in their houses, or in any other public or private places,any such manner of writings,  
books, errors, or articles, as are contained more at large in the apostolic letters, drawn out in form  
of a public instrument; whereunto, and to the contents thereof, we refer ourselves as far as is  
expedient, and no otherwise. And forasmuch as we doperceive that thou didst understand the  
premises, and yet these things notwithstanding, after thy abjuration made, (as is aforesaid,) thou  
hast brought in, divers and sundry times, many books of the said Martin Luther, and his  
adherents and complices, and of other heretics, the names, titles, and authors of which books  
here follow, and are these: Martin Luther, Of the Abrogating of the private Mass; the  
Declarations of Martin Luther upon the Epistles of St. Peter; Luther upon the Epistles of St. Paul  
and St. Jude; Luther upon Monastical Vows; Luther's Commentary upon the Epistle of St. Paul  
to the Galatians; Johannes Œcolampadius, upon the exposition of these words, This is my Body;  
the Annotations of Œcolampadius upon the Epistles of St. Paul unto the Romans;  
Œcolampadius's Commentary upon the three last Prophets, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi; the  
Sermons of Œcolampadius upon the Catholic Epistles of John; a Book of Annotations upon  
Genesis, gathered by Huldricus Zuinglius; the Commentaries of Pomeran, upon four Chapters of  
the First Epistle to the Corinthians; Annotations of Pomeran upon Deuteronomy and Samuel;  
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Pomeran upon the Psalms; the Commentaries of Francis Lambert of Avignon, upon the Gospel  
of St. Luke; A Congest of all matters of Divinity, by Francis Lambert; the Commentaries of  
Francis Lambert upon the Prophet Joel; also the Commentaries of Francis Lambert upon the  
Prophets Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, and  
Hosea; a new Gloss of Philip Melancthon upon the Proverbs of Solomon; the Commentaries of  
Philip Melancthon upon the Epistle of St. Paul to the Colossians; the Annotations of Philip  
Melancthon upon the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans, and upon the Epistle to the Colossians;  
Solomon's Sentences, translated according to the Hebrew, by Philip Melancthon; most  
wholesome Annotations upon the Gospel of St. Mark, by Christopher Hegendorphinus; the  
Commentaries of John Brentius upon Job; the Commentary of John Brentius upon the  
Ecclesiastes of Solomon; Homilies of Brentius upon the Gospel of St. John; the Annotations of  
Andrew Althomarus and Brentius upon the Epistle of St. James; the Commentaries of Bucer  
upon Zephaniah; Bucer upon the four Evangelists; the Process Consistorial of the Martyrdom of  
John Huss; a Brief Commendatory of Martin Luther, unto Otho Brunfelsius, as touching the Life,  
Doctrine, and Martyrdom of John Huss; Felinus upon the Psalter; his Exposition upon Isaiah; his  
Exposition upon Jeremiah; Capito upon Hosea; Capito upon Habakkuk; the Union of  
Dissentients; the Pandect of Otho; the Catalogue of famous Men; an Answer of Tyndale unto Sir  
Thomas More; a Disputation of Purgatory, made by John Frith in English; a Prologue to the Fifth  
Book of Moses, called Deuteronomy; the First Book of Moses, called Genesis; a Prologue to the  
Third Book of Moses, called Leviticus; a Prologue to the Fourth Book of Moses, called  
Numbers; a Prologue to the Second Book of Moses, called Exodus; the Practice of Prelates; the  
New Testament in English, with an Introduction to the Romans; the Parable of the Wicked  
Mammon; the Obedience of a Christian Man; A.B.C. of Thorpe's; the Sum of Scripture; the  
Primer in English; the Psalter in English; a Dialogue betwixt the Gentleman and the Ploughman.  
"Of all which kind of books, both in Latin and English, translated, set forth, and  
imprinted, containing not only Lutheran heresies, but also the damnable heresies of other heretics  
condemned, forasmuch as thou hast brought over, from the parties beyond the sea, a great  
number into this realm of England, and specially to our city and diocese of London, and hast  
procured them to be brought and conveyed over; also hast kept by thee and studied those books,  
and hast published and read them unto divers men, and many of those books also hast dispersed  
and given unto divers persons dwelling within our city and diocese of London, and hast  
confessed and affirmed before our official, that those books of Martin Luther and other heretics  
his complices and adherents, and all the contents in them, are good and agreeable to the true  
faith; saying thus, That they are good, and of the true faith; 'and by this means and pretence hast  
commended and praised Martin Luther, his adherents and complices, and hast favoured and  
believed their errors, heresies, and opinions: Therefore we, John, the bishop aforesaid, first  
calling upon the name of Christ, and setting God only before our eyes; by the counsel and  
consent of the divines and lawyers with whom in this behalf we have conferred, do declare and  
decree thee, the aforesaid Richard Bayfield, otherwise called Somersam, for the contempt of thy  
abjuration, as a favourer of the aforesaid Martin Luther, his adherents, complices, favourers, and  
other condemned heretics, and for commending and studying, reading, having, retaining,  
publishing, selling, giving, and dispersing the books and writings, as well of the said Martin  
Luther, his adherents and disciples, as of other heretics before named; and also for crediting and  
maintaining the errors, heresies, and damnable opinions contained in the said books and writings,  
worthily to be and have been a heretic; and that thou, by the pretence of the premises, art fallen  
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again most damnably into heresy; and we pronounce that thou art and hast been a relapsed  
heretic, and hast incurred, and oughtest to incur, the pain and punishment of relapse: and we so  
decree and declare, and also condemn thee thereunto; and that by the pretence of the premises,  
thou hast even by the law incurred the sentence of the greater excommunication: and thereby we  
pronounce and declare thee to have been and to be excommunicate, and clearly discharge,  
exonerate, and degrade thee from all privilege and prerogative of the ecclesiastical orders, and  
also deprive thee of all ecclesiastical office and benefice: also we pronounce and declare thee, by  
this our sentence or decree, the which we here promulgate and declare in these writings, that thou  
art actually to be degraded, deposed, and deprived, as followeth:  
"
In the name of God, Amen. We, John, by the permission of God, bishop of London,  
rightfully and lawfully proceeding in this behalf, do dismiss thee, Richard Bayfield, alias  
Somersam, being pronounced by us a relapsed heretic, and degraded by us from all ecclesiastical  
privilege, out of the ecclesiastical court, pronouncing that the secular power here present should  
receive thee under their jurisdiction; earnestly requiring and desiring, in the bowels of Jesus  
Christ, that the execution of this worthy punishment, to be done upon thee and against thee, in  
this behalf, may be so moderated, that there be neither overmuch cruelty, neither too much  
favourable gentleness; but that it may be to the health and salvation of thy soul, and to the  
extirpation, fear, terror, and conversion of all other heretics, unto the unity of the catholic faith.  
This our final decree, by this our sentence definitive, we have caused to be published in form  
aforesaid."  
On Monday, the twentieth of November, 1531, in the choir of the cathedral church of St.  
Paul, before the said John, bishop of London, judicially sitting, being assisted by John, abbot of  
Westminster; Robert, abbot of Waltham; and Nicholas, prior of Christ's Church, in London;  
these honourable lords being also present; Henry, earl of Essex; Richard Gray, brother to the  
marquis of Somerset; John Lambert, mayor of London; Richard Gresham, and Edward Altam,  
sheriffs (the which mayor and sheriffs were required to be there present by the bishop of  
London's letters hereafter written, and by virtue of a statute of King Henry the Fourth, king of  
England); also in the presence of divers canons, the chancellor, official, and the archdeacon of  
London, with the bishops' chaplains, and a great number both of the clergy and laity; Matthew  
Grefton, the registrar, being also there present: Master Richard Bayfield, alias Somersam, was  
brought forth by Thomas Turner the apparitor, his keeper, in whose presence the transumpt of  
the apostolic bull of Pope Leo the Tenth, upon the condemnation of Martin Luther and his  
adherents, was brought forth and showed, sealed with the seal of Thomas Wolsey, late legate de  
Latere, and subscribed with the sign and name of Master Robert Tunnes, public notary; and also  
the decree upon the condemnation of certain books brought in by him, sealed with the seals of  
the archbishop of Canterbury, and subscribed by three notaries.  
Then the bishop of London repeated in effect before him his abjuration which he had  
before made, and other his demerits committed and done, besides his abjuration; and the said  
Bayfield said, that he was not culpable in the articles that were objected against him; and desired  
that the heresies contained in the books which he brought over, might be declared in open  
audience. Then the bishop, after certain talk had with the said Bayfield, as touching the desert of  
his cause, asked him whether he could show any cause why he should not be delivered over unto  
the secular power, and be pronounced as a relapse, and suffer punishment as a relapse. The said  
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Bayfield declared or propounded no cause, but said that he brought over those books for lack of  
money, and not to sow any heresies. And incontinent the said Bayfield, with a vehement spirit,  
(as it appeared,) said unto the bishop of London, "The life of you of the spiritualty is so evil, that  
ye be heretics; and ye do not only live evil, but do maintain evil living, and also do let, that what  
true living is, may not be known;" and said that their living is against Christ's gospel, and that  
their belief was never taken of Christ's church. Then the said bishop, after long deliberation had,  
forasmuch as the said Bichard Bayfield, be said, could show no cause why he should not be  
declared a relapse, read the decree and sentence against him; by the which, amongst other things,  
he condemned him as a heretic, and pronounced him to be punished with the punishment due  
unto such as fall again into heresy; and by his words did degrade him, and also declared that he  
should be actually degraded, as is more at large contained in the long sentence.  
The aforesaid sentence being so read by the bishop of London, he proceeded immediately  
to the actual and solemn degrading of the said Richard Bayfield, alias Somersam, and there  
solemnly and actually degraded him before the people; the which thing being done, he dismissed  
him by the sentence aforesaid from the ecclesiastical court: whereupon the secular power, being  
there present, received him into their jurisdiction, without any writ in that behalf obtained, but  
only by virtue of the bishop's letters, by the statute of King Henry the Fourth, in that behalf  
provided and directed unto them under the bishop's seal. The tenor of which letters hereafter  
follow.  
"John, by the permission of God, bishop of London, unto our dearly beloved in Christ,  
the right honourable lord mayor of the city of London, and the sheriffs of the same, health, grace,  
and benediction. Whereas we have already, by our vicar-general, proceeded in a certain cause of  
heresy, and relapse into the same, against one Richard Bayfield, alias Somersam, and intend  
upon Monday next, being the twentieth day of this present month of November, to give a  
sentence definitive against the said Richard Bayfield, alias Somersam, and to leave and deliver  
him over unto the secular power; we require you, the lord mayor and sheriffs aforesaid, the  
king's Majesty's vicegerents, even in the bowels of Jesu Christ, that according to the form and  
effect of the statute of our most noble and famous prince in Christ our Lord the lord Henry the  
Fourth, by the grace of God, late king of England, you will be personally present in the choir of  
the cathedral church of St. Paul, with your favourable aid and assistance in this behalf, the day  
that the sentence shall he given, and to receive the said Richard Bayfield, alias Somersam, after  
his sentence so given, to discharge us and our officers; and to do further, according to the tenor  
and effect of the said statute, as far as shall be required of you, according to the canonical  
sanctions, and the laudable custom of the famous kingdom of England, in this behalf  
accustomed. In witness whereof we have set our seal unto this present.  
"Dated the 19th day of November, anno 1531, and in the first year of our consecration."  
On Monday, the 20th day of November, in the year aforesaid, in the choir of the cathedral  
church of St. Paul, the bishop of London calling unto him John, abbot of Westminster; Robert,  
abbot of Waltham; Nicholas, prior of Christ's Church of the city of London; Master John Cox,  
auditor and vicar-general to the archbishop of Canterbury; Peter Ligham, official of the court of  
Canterbury; Thomas Baghe, chancellor of the church of St. Paul's; William Cliefe, archdeacon of  
London; John Intent, canon residentiary of the same; William Briton, Robert Birch, and Hugh  
Aprice, doctors of both laws, in the presence of us, Matthew Grefton, registrar; Anthony Hussie,  
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Richard Martine, and Thomas Shadwell, public notaries and scribes appointed in this behalf;  
briefly rehearsed the answers of the same Bayfield in effect, and his abjuration, and other his  
demerits by him done besides his abjuration: which religious persons, and other ecclesiastical  
men abovesaid, thought it good, and agreed, that the said bishop should proceed against him in  
this case of relapse, and should pronounce and give forth the sentence against him in case  
aforesaid.  
And so he was delivered to the sheriffs to carry to Newgate, being commanded to bring  
him again upon Monday following into Paul's upper choir, there to give attendance upon the  
bishop of London with the residue, till they had done with him; and by and by the sheriffs were  
commanded to have him into the vestry, and then to bring him forth again in antichrist's apparel,  
to be degraded before them. When the bishop had degraded him, kneeling upon the highest step  
of the altar, he took his crosier-staff, and smote him on the breast, that he threw him down  
backwards, and brake his head, that he swooned; and when he came to himself again, he thanked  
God that he was delivered from the malignant church of antichrist, and that he was come into the  
true sincere church of Jesus Christ, militant here in earth. "And I trust anon," said he, "to be in  
heaven with Jesus Christ, and the church triumphant for ever." And so was he led forth through  
the choir to Newgate, and there rested about an hour in prayer, and so went to the fire in his  
apparel manfully and joyfully, and there, for lack of a speedy fire, was two quarters of an hour  
alive. And when the left arm was on fire and burned, he rubbed it with his right hand, and it fell  
from his body, and he continued in prayer to the end without moving.  
Sir Thomas More, after he had brought this good man to his end, ceased not to rave after  
his death in his ashes, to pry and spy out what sparks he could find of reproach and contumely,  
whereby to rase out all good memory of his name and fame. In searching whereof he hath found  
out two things to lay against him: the one is, that this Bayfield went about to assure himself of  
two wives at once, one in Brabant, another in England: the second, that after his taking, all the  
while that he was not in utter despair of his pardon, he was content to forswear his doctrine, and  
letted not to disclose his brethren. For the answer whereof, although there were no more to be  
said, yet this were enough to say, that Master More thus said of him; a man so blinded in the zeal  
of popery, so deadly set against the one side, and so partially affectionate unto the other, that in  
them whom he favoureth he can see nothing but all fair roses and sweet virtue; in the other which  
he hateth, there is never a thing can please his fantasy, but all is as black as pitch, vice,  
abomination, heresy, and folly, whatsoever they do, or intend to do. But as touching the defence  
of this Bayfield, as also of other more, I will defer the defence of them to a several apology by  
itself, hereafter, God willing, to be adjoined.  
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1
75. John Tewkesbury, Leatherseller, of London, Martyr.  
A Victim on the Rack  
JOHN Tewkesbury was converted by the reading of Tyndale's Testament, and The  
Wicked Mammon. He had the Bible written. In all points of religion he openly did dispute in the  
bishop's chapel in his palace. In the doctrine of justification and all other articles of his faith he  
was very expert and prompt in his answers, in such sort that Tonstal, and all his learned men  
were ashamed that a leatherseller should so dispute with them, with such power of the Scriptures  
and heavenly wisdom, that they were not able to resist him.  
This disputation continued a se'nnight.  
The process of whose examinations, articles, and answers, here follow, as they are out of  
the bishop's register extracted.  
"On Wednesday, the twenty-first day of April, A.D. 1529, John Tewkesbury was brought  
into the consistory at London, before Cuthbert, bishop of London, and his assistants, Henry,  
bishop of St. Asaph, and John, abbot of Westminster; unto whom the bishop of London declared,  
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that he had at divers times exhorted him to recant the errors and heresies which he held and  
defended, even as he did then again exhort him not to trust too much to his own wit and learning,  
but unto the doctrine of the holy mother the church: who made answer that in his judgment he  
did not err from the doctrine of the holy mother the church. And at the last, being examined upon  
errors, which, they said, were in the said book called The Wicked Mammon, he answered thus:  
'Take ye the book and read it over, and I think in my conscience, ye shall find no fault in it.' And  
being asked by the said bishop, whether he would rather give credit to his book, or to the gospel,  
he answered that the gospel is, and ever hath been, true. And moreover, being particularly  
examined what he thought of this article, 'That the Jews of good intent and zeal slew Christ,' he  
answered, 'Look ye the book through, before and after, as it lieth, and ye shall find a better tale in  
it than ye make of it;' and further thought, that whosoever translated the New Testament, and  
made the book, meaning The Wicked Mammon, he did it of good zeal, and by the Spirit of God.  
"Also being further asked by the said bishop of London, whether he would stand to the  
contents of his book, he answered, 'Look ye the book before and after, and I will be content to  
stand unto it.' Then being examined, whether that all good works must be done without respect  
of any thing, he answered, that a man should do good works for the love of God only, and for no  
hope of any reward higher or lower in heaven; for if he should, it were presumption. Also being  
demanded, whether that Christ, with all his works, did not deserve heaven, he answered and said,  
that it was plain enough. Which things being done, the bishop said further to John Tewkesbury  
thus: 'I tell thee, before God and those which are here present, in examination of my conscience,  
that the articles above named, and many others contained in the same book, are false, heretical,  
and condemned by the holy church: how thinkest thou?' And further, the said bishop of London  
said unto him again, 'I tell thee, before God and those which are here present,' &c.; and so asked  
him again, what he thought of those articles. And after many exhortations, he commanded him to  
answer determinately under pain of the law, saying further unto him, that if he refused to answer,  
he must declare him an open and obstinate heretic, according to the order of the law. These  
things so done, the bishop asked John Tewkesbury again, whether the said book, called The  
Wicked Mammon, were good?  
"To which interrogatory he answereth, that he thinketh in his conscience there is nothing  
in the book but that which is true. And to this article objected, that is, that faith only justifieth  
without works, he answereth, that it is well said. Whereunto the bishop inferred again, that the  
articles before objected, with divers others contained in the book called The Wicked Mammon,  
were false, erroneous, damnable, and heretical, and reproved and condemned by the church: and,  
before God, and all those that were present, for the discharge of his conscience, he had often, and  
very gently, exhorted the said John Tewkesbury, that he would revoke and renounce his errors:  
otherwise if he did intend to persevere in them, he must declare him a heretic; which he would be  
very sorry to do. These things thus done, the bishop oftentimes offered him, that he should  
choose what spiritual or temporal man he would, to be his counsellor; and gave him time, as  
before, to deliberate with himself until the next sitting."  
"Also in the same month of April, in the year of our Lord aforesaid, the bishop of  
London, Cuthbert Tonstal, sitting in the consistory, with Nicholas of Ely, John of Lincoln, and  
John of Bath and Wells, &c., this John Tewkesbury was brought before them. After certain  
articles being repeated unto him, the bishop of London brought before him a certain book, called  
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The Wicked Mammon, asking him whether the book was of the same impression and making as  
were his books that he had sold to others? who answered and said, it was the same. Whereupon  
the bishop of London asking him again, whether the book contained the same error or no? who  
answered again, saying, I pray God, that the condemnation of the gospel and translation of the  
Testament, be not to your shame, and that you be not in peril for it: for the condemnation of it  
and of the others is all one. Further he said, that he had studied the Holy Scripture by the space of  
these seventeen years, and as he may see the spots of his face through the glass, so in reading the  
New Testament he knoweth the faults of his soul. Further, he was examined upon certain points  
and articles, extracted out of the said book of The Wicked Mammon, as followeth  
"First, That antichrist is not an outward thing, that is to say, a man that should suddenly  
appear with wonders, as your forefathers talked of him; but antichrist is a spiritual thing. —  
Whereunto he answered and said, that he findeth no fault in it.  
"
Again, it was demanded of him touching the article whether faith only justifieth a man?  
To this he said, that if he should look to deserve heaven by works, he should do wickedly; for  
works follow faith, and Christ redeemed us all with the merits of his passion.  
"That the devil holdeth our hearts so hard, that it is impossible for us to consent unto  
God's law. — To that he answered, that he findeth no fault in it.  
"That the law of God suffereth no merits, neither any man to be justified in the sight of  
God. — To that he answered, that it is plain enough, considering what the law is; and he saith,  
that he findeth no ill in it.  
"That the law of God requireth of us things impossible. — To that he answered, that the  
law of God doth command, that thou shalt love God above all things, and thy neighbour as  
thyself, which never man could do; and in that he doth find no fault in his conscience.  
"That as the good tree bringeth forth fruit, so there is no law to him that believeth and is  
justified through faith. — To that he answered and said, he findeth no ill in it.  
"All good works must be done without respect of any thing, or any profit to be had  
thereof. — To that he answered, 'It is truth.'  
"Christ with all his works did not deserve heaven. — To that he answered, that the text is  
true as it lieth, and findeth no fault in it.  
"Peter and Paul, and saints that be dead, are not our friends, but their friends whom they  
did help when they were alive. — To that he said, he findeth no ill in it.  
"Alms deserve no reward of God. — To that he answered, that the text of the book is  
true.  
"The devil is not cast out by merits of fasting or prayer. — To that he answered, thinking  
it good enough.  
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"We cannot love except we see some benefit and kindness. As long as we live under the  
law of God only, where we see but sin and damnation, and the wrath of God upon us, yea, where  
we were damned before we were born, we cannot love God, and cannot but hate him as a tyrant,  
unrighteous and unjust; and flee from him, as did Cain. — To that he answered, and thinketh it  
good and plain enough.  
"We are damned by nature, as a toad is a toad by nature, and a serpent is a serpent by  
nature. — To that he answered, that it is true, as it is in the book.  
"
Item, As concerning the article of fasting. — To that he answered and said, 'The book  
declareth itself.'  
"Every one man is a lord of whatsoever another man hath. — To that he answered; 'What  
law can be better than that? for it is plainly meant there.'  
"
Love in Christ putteth no difference betwixt one and another. — To that he answered  
and said, It is plain enough of itself.'  
"As concerning the preaching of the word of God, and washing of dishes, there is no  
difference as concerning salvation, and as touching the pleasing of God. — To that he answered,  
saying, 'It is a plain text, and as for pleasing God, it is all one.'  
"That the Jews of good intent and zeal put Christ to death. To that he answered, that it is  
true, and the text is plain enough.  
"The sects of St. Francis, and St. Dominic, and others, be damnable. — To that he  
answered and said, 'St. Paul repugneth against them.'  
These articles being so objected, and answer made unto them by John Tewkesbury, the  
said bishop of London asked him whether he would continue in his heresies and errors above  
rehearsed, or renounce and forsake them? who answered thus: "I pray you reform yourself, and if  
there be any error in the book, let it be reformed; I think the book is good enough."  
Further, the bishop exhorted him to recant his errors. To this the said John Tewkesbury  
answered as is above written; to wit, "I pray you reform yourself, and if there be any error in the  
book, let it be reformed; I think it is good enough." This thing being done, the bishop appointed  
him to determine better with himself against the morrow, in the presence of Master John Cox,  
vicar-general to the archbishop of Canterbury, Master Galfride Warton, Rowland Philips,  
William Philow, and Robert Ridley, professors of divinity.  
On the thirteenth day of April, in the year of our Lord abovesaid, in the chapel within the  
palace of London, before Cuthbert, bishop of London, with his assistants, Nicholas, bishop of  
Ely, &c., Tewkesbury again appeared, and was examined upon the articles drawn out of the book  
called The Wicked Mammon, as followeth:  
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First, "Christ is thine, and all his deeds be thy deeds; Christ is in thee, and thou so knit to  
him inseparably, that neither canst thou be damned, except Christ be damned with thee; neither  
canst thou be saved, except Christ be saved with thee." — To this he answered, that he found no  
fault in it.  
Item, "We desire one another to pray for us. That done, we must put our neighbour in  
remembrance of his duty, and that he trust not in his holiness." — To this he answered, "Take ye  
it as ye will; I will take it well enough."  
Item, "Now seest thou what alms meaneth, and wherefore it serveth. He that seeketh with  
his alms more than to be merciful, to be a neighbour, to succour his brother's need, to do his duty  
to his brother, to give his brother that he owed him; the same is blind, and seeth not Christ's  
blood." Here he answereth, that he findeth no fault throughout all the book, but that all the book  
is good, and it hath given him great comfort and light to his conscience.  
Item, "That ye do do nothing to please God, but that he commanded." — To that he  
answereth, and thinketh it good, by his troth.  
Item, "So God is honoured on all sides, in that we count him righteous in all his laws and  
ordinances: and to worship him otherwise than so, it is idolatry." — To that he answered, that it  
pleaseth him well.  
The examination of these articles being done, the bishop of London did exhort the said  
John Tewkesbury to recant his errors abovesaid; and after some other communication had by the  
bishop with him, the said bishop did exhort him again to recant his errors, and appointed him to  
determine with himself against the next session what he would do.  
In the next session be submitted himself, and abjured his opinions, and was enjoined  
penance, as followeth: which was the eighth of May.  
Imprimis, That he should keep well his abjuration, under pain of relapse.  
Secondly, That the next Sunday following, in Paul's church, in the open procession, he  
should carry a faggot, and stand at Paul's Cross with the same.  
That the Wednesday following, he should carry the same faggot about Newgate Market  
and Cheap-side.  
That on Friday after, he should take the same faggot again at St. Peter's church in  
Cornhill, and carry it about the market of Leadenhall.  
That he should have two signs of faggots embroidered, one on his left sleeve, and the  
other on his right sleeve; which he should wear all his lifetime, unless he were otherwise  
dispensed withal.  
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That on Whitsunday-eve he should enter into the monastery of St. Bartholomew, in  
Smithfield, and there to abide; and not come out unless he were released by the bishop of  
London.  
That he should not depart out of the city or diocese of London, without the special licence  
of the bishop or his successors.  
John Tewkesbury carrying a faggot  
The which penance he entered into the eighth day of May, A.D. 1529. And thus much  
concerning his first examination, which was in the year 1529, at what time he was enforced  
through infirmity, as is before expressed, to retract and abjure his doctrine. Notwithstanding, the  
same John Tewkesbury, afterward confirmed by the grace of God, and moved by the example of  
Bayfield aforesaid, that was burned in Smithfield, did return, and constantly abide in the  
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testimony of the truth, and suffered for the same; who, recovering more grace and better strength  
at the hand of the Lord, two years after being apprehended again, was brought before Sir Thomas  
More, and the bishop of London; where certain articles were objected to him, the chief whereof  
we intend briefly to recite; for the matter is prolix.  
"
Imprimis, That he confessed that he was baptized, and intended to keep the catholic  
faith.  
"Secondly, That he affirmeth, that the abjuration oath and subscription that he made  
before Cuthbert, late bishop of London, was done by compulsion.  
"Thirdly, That he had the books of the Obedience of a Christian Man, and of The Wicked  
Mammon, in his custody, and hath read them since his abjuration.  
"Fourthly, That he affirmeth that he suffered the two faggots that were embroidered on  
his sleeve, to be taken from him, for that he deserved not to wear them.  
"Fifthly, He saith, that faith only justifieth, which lacketh not charity.  
"Sixthly, He saith, that Christ is a sufficient Mediator for us, and therefore no prayer is to  
be made unto saints. Whereupon they laid unto him this verse of the anthem: 'Hail Queen our  
advocate,' &c.; to which he answered, that he knew none other advocate but Christ alone.  
"Seventhly, He affirmeth that there is no purgatory after this life, but that Christ our  
Saviour is a sufficient purgation for us.  
"
Eighthly, He affirmeth, that the souls of the faithful, departing this life, rest with Christ.  
Ninthly, He affirmeth, that a priest, by receiving of orders, receiveth more grace, if his  
"
faith be increased; or else not.  
"Tenthly, and last of all, he believeth that the sacrament of the flesh and blood of Christ is  
not the very body of Christ, in flesh and blood, as it was born of the Virgin Mary.  
"Whereupon the bishop's chancellor asked the said Tewkesbury, if he could show any  
cause why he should not be taken for a heretic, falling into his heresy again, and receive the  
punishment of a heretic. Whereunto he answered that he had wrong before, and if he be  
condemned now, he reckoneth that he hath wrong again."  
Then the chancellor caused the articles to be read openly, with the answers unto the same;  
the which the said Tewkesbury confessed; and thereupon the bishop pronounced sentence against  
him, and delivered him unto the sheriffs of Loudon for the time being, who were Richard  
Gresham and Edward Altam, who burned him in Smithfield upon St. Thomas's eve, being the  
twentieth of December, in the year aforesaid; the tenor of whose sentence, pronounced against  
him by the bishop, doth here ensue, word for word.  
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"
In the name of God, Amen. The deservings and circumstances of a certain cause of  
heretical pravity, and falling again thereunto by thee John Tewkesbury, of the parish of St.  
Michael's in the Quern, of the city of London, and of our jurisdiction, appearing before us sitting  
in judgment, being heard, seen, and understood, and fully discussed by us John, by the sufferance  
of God, bishop of London; because we do find by inquisitions, manifestly enough, that thou didst  
abjure freely and voluntarily before Cuthbert, late bishop of London, thy ordinary, divers and  
sundry heresies, errors, and damnable opinions, contrary to the determination of our mother holy  
church, as well special as general, and that since and beside the aforesaid abjuration thou  
artagain fallen into the same damnable heresies, opinions, and errors, (which is greatly to be  
lamented,) and the same dost hold, affirm, and believe: we therefore, John, the bishop aforesaid,  
the name of God first being called upon, and the same only God set before our eyes; and with the  
counsel of learned men assisting us in this behalf, (with whom in this cause we have  
communicated of our definitive sentence and final decree, in this behalf to be done,) do intend to  
proceed and do proceed in this manner. Because, as it is aforesaid, we do find thee, the aforesaid  
John Tewkesbury, of our jurisdiction, to be a contemner of the first abjuration; and moreover,  
before and after the aforesaid first errors and other damnable opinions, to have fallen, and to be a  
heretic fallen, and to have incurred the pain of such fallen heretics: we do pronounce, determine,  
declare, and condemn thee of the premises, to have incurred the guilt of the great  
excommunication; and do pronounce thee to be excommunicated; and also do declare thee, the  
said Tewkesbury, so damnably fallen again into heresy, to be in the secular power and in their  
judgment (as the holy canons have decreed); and here we do leave thee to the aforesaid secular  
power, and to their judgment; beseeching them earnestly, in the bowels of Jesus Christ, that such  
severe punishment and execution as in this behalf is to be done against thee, may be so  
moderated, that no rigorous rigour be used, but to the health and salvation of thy soul, and to the  
terror, fear, and rooting out of heretics, and their conversion to the catholic faith and unity, by  
this our final decree which we declare by these our writings."  
This aforesaid sentence definitive against John Tewkesbury was read and pronounced by  
the bishop of London, the sixteenth day of the month of December, in the year aforesaid, in the  
house of Sir Thomas More, high chancellor of England, in the parish of Chelsea. After this  
sentence, the sheriffs received the aforesaid Tewkesbury into their custody, and carried him  
away with them, and afterwards burned him in Smithfield, as is aforesaid; having no writ of the  
king for their warrant.  
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1
76. John Randall and Edward Freese.  
Now also it cometh into my remembrance to speak of another, one John Randall my  
kinsman, who, through the privy malice of divers, had not a far unlike tragical end and death to  
that of Richard Hun, before mentioned.  
This John Randall being a young scholar in Christ's college, in Cambridge, about the year  
of our Lord 1531, had one Wyer for his tutor, unto whom, for the love of the Scriptures and  
sincere religion, he began not only to be suspected but also to be hated. And as this was unknown  
unto any man, so it is uncertain, whether he were afterwards hanged up by him or no; because as  
yet it is not come to light. But the matter happened in this sort: the young man, being studious  
and scarcely twenty-one years old, was long lacking among his companions; at last, after four  
days, through the stench of the corpse, his study door being broken open, he was found hanged  
with his own girdle within the study, in such sort and manner that he had his face looking upon  
his Bible, and his finger pointing to a place of Scripture, where predestination was treated of.  
Surely this matter lacked no singular and exquisite policy and craft of some old naughty and  
wicked man, whosoever he was that did the deed, that it should seem that the poor young man  
through fear of predestination was driven to despair; that other young men being feared through  
that example should be kept back from the study of the Scriptures as a thing most perilous. And  
albeit this brief history do not pertain to these times, yet I thought it by no means to be omitted,  
both for the profitable memory of the thing, as also for the similitude of the story that it seemeth  
not to be so fit in another place.  
The apprehension of one Edward Freese, a painter.  
Edward Freese was born in York, and was apprentice to a painter in the same city; and by  
the reason of working for his master in Bearsy abbey, or by some such occasion, was known  
unto the abbot of the same house; for he was a boy of a pregnant wit, and the abbot favoured him  
so much, that he bought his years of his master, and would have made him a monk. And the lad  
not liking that kind of living, and not knowing how to get out, because he was a novice, ran away  
after a long space, and came to Colchester, in Essex, and remaining there according to his former  
vocation, was married, and lived like an honest man. After he had been there a good time, he was  
hired to paint certain cloths for the new inn, in Colchester, which is in the middle of the market-  
place; and in the upper border of the cloths, he wrote certain sentences of the Scripture; and by  
that he was plainly known to be one of them that they call heretics.  
And on a time, he being at his work in the same inn, they of the town, when they had  
seen his work, went about to take him; and he, having some inkling thereof, thought to shift for  
himself, but yet was taken forcibly in the yard of the same inn; and after this he was brought to  
London, and so to Fulham, to the bishop's house, where he was cruelly imprisoned, with certain  
others of Essex, that is to wit, one Johnson and his wife; Wylie, and his wife and son; and Father  
Bate, of Rowshedge. They were fed with fine manchet made of saw-dust, or at least a great part  
thereof; and were so straitly kept, that their wives and their friends could not come to them. After  
the painter had been there a long space, by much suit he was removed to Lollard's Tower. His  
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wife, in the time of the suit, while he was yet at Fulham, being desirous to see her husband, and  
pressing to come in at the gate, being then great with child, the porter lifted up his foot and  
struck her on the body, that at length she died of the same; but the child was destroyed  
immediately. After that, they were all stocked for a long time, and then they were let loose into  
their prisons again. Some had horselocks on their legs, and some other irons. This painter would  
ever be writing on the walls with chalk or a coal, and in one place he wrote, "Doctor Dodipall  
would make me believe the moon were made of green cheese." And because he would be writing  
many things, he was manacled by the wrists so long that the flesh of his arms was grown higher  
than his irons. By means of his manacles he could not comb his head, and he remained so long  
manacled, that his hair was folded together.  
After the death of his wife, his brother sued to the king for him, and after a long suit he  
was brought out into the consistory at Paul's, and (as his brother did report) they kept him three  
days without meat before he came to his answer. Then, what by the long imprisonment and much  
evil handling, and for lack of sustenance, the man was in that case, that he could say nothing, but  
look and gaze upon the people like a wild man; and if they asked him a question, he could say  
nothing but "My lord is a good man." And thus, when they had spoiled his body, and destroyed  
his wits, they sent him back again to Bearsy abbey; but he came away from thence, and would  
not tarry amongst them: albeit he never came to his perfect mind, to his dying day. His brother,  
of whom I before spake, whose name was Valentine Freese, and his wife, gave their lives at one  
stake in York, for the testimony of Jesus Christ.  
Also the wife of the said Father Bate, while he was at Fulham, made many supplications  
to the king without redress, and at the last she delivered one into his own hands, and he read it  
himself, whereupon she was appointed to go to Chancery-lane, to one whose name (as is  
thought) was Master Selyard; and at last she got a letter of the said Selyard to the bishop; and  
when she had it, she thought all her suit well bestowed, hoping that some good should come to  
her husband thereby. And because the wicked officers in those days were crafty, and desirous of  
his blood, as some others had proved their practice, some of her friends would needs see the  
contents of her letter, and not suffer her to deliver it to the bishop: and as they thought, so they  
found indeed; for it was after this manner: — After commendations had, &c., Look, what you  
can gather against Father Bate, send me word by your trusty friend, Sir William Saxie, that I may  
certify the king's Majesty," &c. Thus the poor woman, when she thought her suit had been done,  
was in less hope of her husband's life than before. But within short space it pleased God to  
deliver him; for he got out in a dark night, and so he was caught no more, but died within a short  
time after.  
In this year also, as we do understand by divers notes of old registers and otherwise, Friar  
Roy was burned in Portugal; but what his examination, or articles, or order of his death was, we  
can have no understanding: but what his doctrine was, it may be easily judged by the testimonies  
which he left here in England.  
In the beginning of this year which we are now about, through the complaint of the clergy  
made to the king, the translation of the New Testament, with a great number of other books, were  
forbidden. For the bishops coming into the Star Chamber the twenty-fifth day of May, and  
communing with the king's counsel, after many pretences and long debating, alleged that the  
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translations of Tyndale and Joye were not truly translated; and moreover, that in them were  
prologues and prefaces that smelled of heresy, and railed against the bishops: wherefore all such  
books were prohibited, and commandment given by the king to the bishops, that they, calling to  
them the best learned men of the universities, should cause a new translation to be made, so that  
the people might not be ignorant in the law of God. Notwithstanding this commandment, the  
bishops did nothing at all to the setting forth of any new translation, which caused the people  
much to study Tyndale's translation, by reason whereof many things came to light, as ye shall  
hereafter hear.  
This year also, in the month of May, the bishop of London caused all the New  
Testaments of Tyndale's translation, and many other books which he had bought, to be brought  
unto Paul's Church-yard, and there openly to be burned.  
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1
77. James Bainham, Lawyer, and Martyr.  
James Bainham, gentleman, son to one Master Bainham, a knight of Gloucestershire,  
being virtuously brought up by his parents in the studies of good letters, had knowledge both of  
the Latin and the Greek tongue. After that he gave himself to the study of the law, being a man of  
virtuous disposition, and godly conversation, mightily addicted to prayer, an earnest reader of  
Scriptures, a great maintainer of the godly, a visitor of the prisoners, liberal to scholars, very  
merciful to his clients, using equity and justice to the poor, very diligent in giving counsel to all  
the needy, widows, fatherless, and afflicted, without money or reward; briefly, a singular  
example to all lawyers.  
This Master Bainham, as is above noted, married the wife of Simon Fish aforesaid, for  
the which he was the more suspected, and at last was accused to Sir Thomas More, chancellor of  
England, and arrested with a serjeant-at-arms, and carried out of the Middle Temple to the  
chancellor's house at Chelsea, where he continued in free prison awhile, till the time that Sir  
Thomas More saw he could not prevail in perverting him to his sect. Then he cast him into  
prison in his own house, and whipping him at the tree in his garden, called the tree of Troth, and  
after sent him to the Tower to be racked; and so he was, Sir Thomas More being present himself,  
till in a manner he had lamed him, because he would not accuse the gentlemen of the Temple of  
his acquaintance, nor would show where his books lay; and because his wife denied them to be at  
his house, she was sent to the Fleet, and their goods confiscated.  
After they had thus practised against him what they could by tortures and torments, then  
was he brought before John Stokesley, bishop of London, the fifteenth day of December, A.D.  
1
531, in the said town of Chelsea, and there examined upon these articles and interrogatories  
ensuing.  
I. Whether he believed there were any purgatory of souls hence departed? — Whereunto  
he made answer as followeth: "If we walk in light, even as he is in light, we have society  
together with him, and the blood of Jesus Christ his Son hath cleansed us from all sin. If we say  
we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us. If we confess our sins, he is  
faithful and just, and will forgive us our sins, and will purge us from all our iniquities.  
II. Whether that the saints hence departed are to be honoured and prayed unto, to pray for  
us? — To this he answered on this wise: "My little children, I write this unto you, that you sin  
not. If any man do sin, we have an advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the just, and he is the  
propitiation for our sins, and not only for our sins, but also for the sins of the whole world." And  
further, upon occasion of these words, Let all the saints of God pray for us; being demanded  
what he meant by these words, All the saints, he answered, that he meant by them, those that  
were alive, as St. Paul did by the Corinthians, and not those that be dead: for he prayed not to  
them, he said, because he thought that they which be dead cannot pray for him. Item, when the  
whole church is gathered together, they used to pray one for another, or desire one to pray for  
another, with one heart; and that the will of the Lord may be fulfilled, and not ours: "and I pray,"  
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said he, "as our Saviour Christ prayed at his last hour: Father, take this cup from me if it be  
possible; yet thy will be fulfilled."  
III. He was demanded whether he thought that any souls departed were yet in heaven or  
no? — To this he answered and said, that he believed that they be there as it pleased God to have  
them, that is to say, in the faith of Abraham; and that herein he would commit himself to the  
church.  
IV. It was demanded of him, whether he thought it necessary to salvation, for a man to  
confess his sins to a priest? — Whereunto his answer was this: that it was lawful for one to  
confess and acknowledge his sins to another: as for any other confession, he knew none. And  
further he said, that if he came to a sermon, or any where else, where the word of God is  
preached, and there took repentance for his sin, he believed his sins forthwith to be forgiven of  
God, and that he needed not to go to any confession.  
V. That he should say and affirm, that the truth of the Holy Scripture hath been hid, and  
appeared not these eight hundred years, neither was known before now. — To this he said, that  
he meant no otherwise, but that the truth of Holy Scripture was never, these eight hundred years  
past, so plainly and expressly declared unto the people, as it hath been within these six years.  
VI. He was demanded further, for what cause Holy Scripture hath been better declared  
within these six years, than it hath been these eight hundred years before? — Whereunto he  
answered, To say plainly, he knew no man to have preached the word of God sincerely and  
purely, and after the vein of Scripture, except Master Crome and Master Latimer. And he said,  
moreover, that the New Testament now translated into English, doth preach and teach the word  
of God, and that before that time men did preach but only that folks should believe as the church  
did believe; and then if the church erred, men should err too. Howbeit the church of Christ, said  
he, cannot err: and that there were two churches, that is, the church of Christ militant, and the  
church of antichrist; and that this church of antichrist may and doth err; but the church of Christ  
doth not.  
VII. Whether he knew any person that lived in the true faith of Christ, since the apostles'  
time? — He said he knew Bayfield, and thought that he died in the true faith of Christ.  
VIII. He was asked what he thought of purgatory and of vows? — He answered, if any  
such thing had been moved to St. Paul of purgatory after this life, he thought St. Paul would have  
condemned it for a heresy. And when he heard Master Crome preach and say, that he thought  
there was a purgatory after this life, he thought in his mind that the said Master Crome lied, and  
spake against his conscience; and that there were a hundred more who thought the same as he  
did: saying moreover, that he had seen the confession of Master Crome in print, God wot, a very  
foolish thing, as he judged.  
And as concerning vows, he granted that there were lawful vows, as Ananias vowed, for  
it was in his own power, whether he would have sold his possession or not, and therefore he did  
offend. But vows of chastity, and all godliness, is given of God by his abundant grace, the which  
no man of himself can keep, but it must be given him of God. And therefore, a monk, friar, or  
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nun, that hath vowed the vows of religion, if they think after their vows made, that they cannot  
keep their promises that they made at baptism, they may go forth and marry, so that they keep,  
after their marriage, the promise that they made at baptism. And finally he concluded, that he  
thought there were no other vows, but only the vow of baptism.  
IX. He was demanded, whether Luther, being a friar, and taking a nun out of religion, and  
afterwards marrying her, did well or no, and what he thought therein? — He answered, That he  
thought nothing. And when they asked him, whether it was lechery or no? he made answer he  
could not say so.  
As concerning the sacrament of anoiling, being willed to say his mind, he answered and  
said. "It was but a ceremony, neither did he wot what a man should be the better for such  
anoiling and anointing. The best was, that some good prayers, he saw, were said thereat.  
Likewise touching the sacrament of baptism, his words were these: "That as many as  
repent, and do on them Christ, shall be saved; that is, as many as die concerning sin, shall live by  
faith with Christ. Therefore it is not we that live after that, but Christ in us. And so, whether we  
live or die, we are God's by adoption, and not by the water only, but by water and faith: that is,  
by keeping the promise made. For ye are kept by grace and faith, saith St. Paul, and that not of  
yourselves, for it is the gift of God."  
He was asked moreover of matrimony, whether it was a sacrament or not, and whether it  
conferreth grace; being commanded in the old law, and not yet taken away? — His answer was,  
that matrimony is an order or law, that the church of Christ hath made and ordained, by the  
which men may take to them women, and not sin.  
Lastly, for his books of Scripture, and for his judgment of Tyndale, because he was urged  
to confess the truth, he said, that he had the New Testament translated into the English tongue by  
Tyndale within this month, and thought he offended not God in using and keeping the same,  
notwithstanding that he knew the king's proclamation to the contrary, and that it was prohibited  
in the name of the church, at Paul's Cross; but, for all that, he thought the word of God had not  
forbid it. Confessing moreover, that he had in his keeping within this month these books; the  
Wicked Mammon, the Obedience of a Christian Man, the Practice of Prelates, the Answer of  
Tyndale to Thomas More's Dialogue, the book of Frith against Purgatory; the Epistle of George  
Gee, alias George Clerk: adding furthermore, that in all these books he never saw any errors; and  
if there were any such in them, then, if they were corrected, it were good that the people had the  
said books. And as concerning the New Testament in English, he thought it utterly good, and that  
the people should have it as it is. Neither did he ever know (said he) that Tyndale was a naughty  
fellow.  
Also to these answers he subscribed his name. This examination, as is said, was the  
fifteenth of December. The next day following, namely, the sixteenth of December, the said  
James Bainham appeared again before the bishop of London, in the aforesaid place of Sir  
Thomas More at Chelsea; where, after the guise and form of their proceedings, first his former  
articles with his answers were again repeated, and his hand brought forth. This done, they asked  
him whether he would persist in that which he had said, or else would return to the catholic  
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church, from whence he was fallen, and to which he might be yet received, as they said: adding,  
moreover, many fair, enticing, and alluring words, that he would reconcile himself, saying, the  
time was yet that he might be received; the bosom of his mother was open for him: otherwise, if  
he would continue stubborn, there was no remedy. Now was the time either to save, or else  
utterly to cast himself away. Which of these ways he would take, the case present now required a  
present answer, for else the sentence definitive was there ready to be read, &c.  
To conclude long matter in few words, Bainham, wavering in a doubtful perplexity,  
between life on the one hand and death on the other, at length giving over to the adversaries,  
gave answer unto them, that he was contented to submit himself in those things wherein he had  
offended, excusing that he was deceived by ignorance.  
Then the bishop, requiring him to say his mind plainly of his answers above declared,  
demanded what he thought thereof, whether they were true or no. To this Bainham said, that it  
was too high for him to judge. And then asked of the bishop, whether there was any purgatory,  
he answered and said, he could not believe that there was any purgatory after this life. Upon  
other articles being examined and demanded, he granted as followeth:  
"That he could not judge whether Bayfield died in the true faith of Christ or no: that a  
man making a vow, cannot break it without deadly sin: that a priest, promising to live chaste,  
may not marry a wife: that he thinketh the apostles to be in heaven: that Luther did naught, in  
marrying a nun: that a child is the better for confirmation: that it is an offence to God, if any man  
keep books prohibited by the church, the pope, the bishop, or the king: and he said, that he  
pondered those points more now than he did before."  
Upon these answers, the bishop, thinking to keep him in safe custody to further trial,  
committed him to one of the compters.  
The time thus passing on, which bringeth all things to their end, in the month of February  
next following, A.D. 1532, the aforesaid James Bainham was called for again to the bishop's  
consistory, before his vicar-general and other his assistants; to whom Foxford, the bishop's  
chancellor, recited again his articles and answers above mentioned; protesting, that he intended  
not to receive him to the unity of the holy mother church, unless he knew the said Bainham to be  
returned again purely and unfeignedly to the catholic faith, and to submit himself penitently to  
the judgment of the church. To whom Bainham spake to this effect, saying, that he hath and doth  
believe the holy church, and holdeth the faith of the holy mother, the catholic church.  
Wherefore the chancellor, offering to him a bill of his abjuration, after the form of the  
pope's church conceived, required him to read it; who was contented, and read to the clause of  
the abjuration containing these words: "I voluntarily, as a true penitent person returned from my  
heresies, utterly abjure" — And there he stayed and would read no further, saying, that he knew  
not the articles contained in his abjuration to be heresy, therefore he could not see why he should  
refuse them. This done, the chancellor proceeded to the reading of the sentence definitive,  
coming to this place of the sentence, "the doctrine of the determination of the church," &c., and  
there paused, saying, he would reserve the rest till he saw his time: whom then Bainham desired  
to be good unto him, affirming that he did acknowledge that there was a purgatory; that the souls  
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of the apostles were in heaven, &c. Then began he again to read the sentence, but Bainham again  
desired him to be good unto him; whereupon he ceased the sentence, and said that he would  
accept this his confession for that time, as sufficient.  
So Bainham, for that present, was returned to his prison again; who then, the fifth day  
after, which was the eighth of February, appeared, as before, in the consistory; whom the  
aforesaid chancellor, repeating again his articles and answers, asked if he would abjure and  
submit himself. Who answered that he would submit himself, and as a good Christian man  
should. Again, the chancellor the second time asked if he would abjure. "I will," said he, "forsake  
all my articles, and will meddle no more with them;" and so being commanded to lay his hands  
upon the book, read his abjuration openly. After the reading whereof, he burst out into these  
words, saying, that because there were many words in the said abjuration which he thought  
obscure and difficile, he protested that by his oath he intended not to go from such defence,  
which he might have had before his oath. Which done, the chancellor asked him why he made  
that protestation. Bainham said, for fear lest any man of ill will do accuse me hereafter. Then the  
chancellor, taking the definitive sentence in his hand, posing himself (as appeared) to read the  
same, "Well, Master Bainham," said he, "take your oath, and kiss the book; or else I will do mine  
office against you:" and so immediately he took the book in his hand and kissed it, and  
subscribed the same with his hand.  
Which done, the chancellor, receiving the abjuration at his hand, put him to his fine, first  
to pay twenty pounds to the king. After that, he enjoined him penance, to go before the cross in  
procession at Paul's, and to stand before the preacher during the sermon at Paul's Cross, with a  
faggot upon his shoulder, the next Sunday; and so to return with the sumner to the prison again,  
there to abide the bishop's determination: and so, the seventeenth day of February, he was  
released and dismissed home; where he had scarce continued a month, but he bewailed his fact  
and abjuration; and was never quiet in mind and conscience until the time he had uttered his fall  
to all his acquaintance, and asked God and all the world forgiveness, before the congregation in  
those days, in a warehouse in Bow-lane. And immediately, the next Sunday after, he came to St.  
Austin's, with the New Testament in his hand in English, and the Obedience of a Christian Man  
in his bosom, and stood up there before the people in his pew, there declaring openly, with  
weeping tears, that he had denied God; and prayed all the people to forgive him, and to beware  
of his weakness, and not to do as he did: "for," said he, "if I should not return again unto the  
truth, (having the New Testament in his hand,) this word of God would damn me both body and  
soul at the day of judgment." And there he prayed every body rather to die by and by, than to do  
as he did: for he would not feel such a hell again as he did feel, for all the world's good. Besides  
this, he wrote also certain letters to the bishop, to his brother, and to others; so that shortly after  
he was apprehended, and so committed to the Tower of London.  
The process against James Bainham in case of relapse.  
The nineteenth day of April, 1532, Master Richard Foxford, vicar-general to the bishop  
of London, accompanied by certain divines, and Matthew Grefton the registrar, sitting judicially,  
James Bainham was brought before him by the lieutenant of the Tower; before whom the vicar-  
general rehearsed the articles contained in his abjuration before made, and showed him a bound  
book, which the said Bainham acknowledged to be his own writing, saying, that it was good.  
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Then he showed him more of a certain letter sent unto the bishop of London, the which also he  
acknowledged to be his; objecting also to the said Bainham, that he had made and read the  
abjuration which he had before recited: showing him moreover certain letters which he had  
written unto his brother, the which he confessed to be his own writing; saying moreover, that  
though he wrote it, yet there is one thing in the same that is naught, if it be as my lord chancellor  
saith. Then he asked of Bainham, how he understood this which followeth, which was in his  
letters: "Yet could they not see nor know him for God, when indeed he was both God and man;  
yea, he was three persons in one, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost." And Bainham said it  
was naught. Which things thus done, there was further objected unto him these words, that he  
had as leave pray to Joan his wife, as to our Lady. The which article Bainham denied. The said  
Bainham, amongst other talk, as touching the sacrament of the altar, said, "Christ's body is not  
chewed with teeth, but received by faith." Further it was objected against him, that  
notwithstanding his abjuration, he had said, that the sacrament of the altar was but a mystical or  
memorial body. The which article Bainham denied. It was further laid unto him, that he should  
say that St. Thomas of Canterbury was a thief, and a murderer, and a devil in hell: whereunto he  
answered thus: that St. Thomas of Canterbury was a murderer; and if he did not repent him of his  
murder, he was rather a devil in hell, than a saint in heaven.  
The twentieth day of April, in the year aforesaid, the said James Bainham was brought  
before the vicar-general, in the church of All Saints, of Barking, where he ministered these  
interrogatories unto him:  
First, That since the feast of Easter last past, he had said, affirmed, and believed, that the  
sacrament of the altar was but a mystical body of Christ; and afterwards he said, it was but a  
memorial. Which article Bainham denied. Then the vicar-general declared unto him, that our  
holy mother the catholic church determineth and teacheth in this manner: that in the sacrament of  
the altar, after the words of consecration, there remaineth no bread. The official asked Bainham,  
whether he did so believe or not? To this Bainham answered, saying, that St. Paul calleth it  
bread, rehearsing these words, As oft as ye eat this bread, and drink this cup, ye do show forth  
the Lord's death: and in that point he saith as St. Paul saith, and believeth as the church believeth.  
And being demanded twice afterwards, what he thought therein, he would give no other answer.  
Item, That since the feast of Easter aforesaid, he had affirmed and believed, that every  
man that would take upon him to preach the gospel of Christ clearly, had as much power as the  
pope. To this article he answered thus: "He that preacheth the word of God purely, whatsoever  
he be, and liveth thereafter, he hath the key that bindeth and looseth both in heaven and earth;  
which key is the same Scripture that is preached: and the pope hath no other power to bind and to  
loose, but by the key of the Scripture.  
Item, That he affirmed that St. Thomas of Canterbury was a thief and a murderer, and in  
hell. — To this he answered as before.  
Item, That he said, that he had as leave pray to Joan his wife, as to our Lady. This he  
denied as before.  
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Item, That he affirmed and believed, that Christ himself was but a man. — This article he  
also denied.  
The premises thus passed, the vicar-general received Francis Realms, John Edwards,  
Ralph Hilton, John Ridley, Francis Driland, and Ralph Noble, as witnesses to be sworn upon the  
articles aforesaid, and to speak the truth before the face of the said James Bainham, in the  
presence of Master John Nayler, vicar of Barking; Master John Rode, bachelor of divinity;  
William Smith, Richard Grivel, Thomas Wimple, and Richard Gill.  
The twenty-sixth day of April, in the year aforesaid, before Master John Foxford, vicar-  
general of the bishop of London, in the presence of Matthew Grefton, registrar; and Nicholas  
Wilson and William Philley, professors of divinity; John Oliver, William Middleton, and Hugh  
Aprice, doctors of the law: Master Richard Gresham, sheriff of London, and a great company of  
others: James Bainham, was brought forth by the lieutenant of the Tower, in whose presence the  
vicar-general rehearsed the merits of the cause of inquisition of heresy agsinst him, and  
proceeded to the reading of the abjuration. And when the judge read this article following,  
contained in the abjuration: "Item, That I have said, that I will not determine whether any souls  
departed be yet in heaven or no, but I believe that they be there as it pleaseth God to have them;  
that is to say, in the faith of Abraham; and I wot not whether the souls of the apostles or any  
others be in heaven or no:" to this James answered, "That I did abjure, and if that had not been, I  
would not have abjured at all."  
After all the articles were read contained in the abjuration, and certain talk had as  
touching the sacrament of baptism, the said James Bainham spake these words: "If a Turk, a,  
Jew, or a Saracen, do trust in God, and keep his law, he is a good Christian man." Then the  
official showed unto him the letters which he sent unto his brother, written with his own hand,  
and asked him what he thought as touching this clause following: "Yet could they not see and  
know him for God, when indeed he was both God and man, yea, he was three persons in one, the  
Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Whereunto Bainham said that it was naught, and that he did  
it by ignorance, and did not oversee his letters. Then Master Nicholas Wilson, among other talk,  
as touching the sacrament of the altar, declared unto him that the church did believe the very  
body of Christ to be in the sacrament of the altar. Bain-ham answered, "The bread is not Jesus  
Christ, for Christ's body is not chewed with teeth, therefore it is but bread." Being further  
demanded whether in the sacrament of the altar is the very body of Christ, God and man in flesh  
and blood; after divers doubtful answers, Bainham answered thus: "He is there very God and  
man, in form of bread."  
This done, the official declared unto him the depositions of the witnesses which were  
come in against him; and objected unto him that a little before Easter, he had abjured all heresies,  
as well particularly as generally. Then the said vicar-general, after he had taken deliberation and  
advice with the learned his assistants, did proceed to the reading of the definitive sentence  
against him, and also published the same in writing; whereby, amongst other things, besides his  
abjuration, he pronounced and condemned him as a relapsed heretic, damnably fallen into sundry  
heresies, and so to be left unto the secular power; that is to say, to one of the sheriffs being there  
present. After the pronouncing of this sentence, Master Nicholas Wilson counselled and  
admonished the said James, that he would conform himself unto the church; to whom he  
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answered, that he trusted that he is the very child of God: "which ye blind asses," said he, "do not  
perceive." And last of all, departing from his judgment, he spake these words: "Master Wilson,  
nor you, my lord chancellor, shall not prove by Scripture, that there is any purgatory."  
Then the sentence of condemnation was given against him, the which here to repeat word  
for word is not necessary, forasmuch as the tenor thereof is all one with that which passed before  
in the story of Bayfield, alias Somersam. Here also should ensue the letter of the bishop of  
London, directed unto the mayor and sheriffs of the same city, for the receiving of him into their  
power, and the putting of him to death, the tenor whereof is also of like effect to that before  
written in the story of Bayfield. After this sentence given, James Bainham was delivered into the  
hands of Sir Richard Gresham, sheriff, then being present, who caused him by his officers to be  
carried unto Newgate, and the said James Bainham was burned in Smithfield the last day of  
April, in the year aforesaid, at three of the clock at afternoon.  
This Master Bainham, during his imprisonment, was very cruelly handled; for almost the  
space of a fortnight, he lay in the bishop's coal-house in the stocks, with irons upon his legs.  
Then he was carried to the lord chancellor's, and there chained to a post two nights: then he was  
carried to Fulham, where he was cruelly handled by the space of a week; then to the Tower,  
where he lay a fortnight, scourged with whips, to make him revoke his opinions. From thence he  
was carried to Barking; then to Chelsea, and there condemned; and so to Newgate to be burned.  
James Bainham at the stake  
At whose burning, here is notoriously to be observed, that as he was at the stake, in the  
midst of the flaming fire, which fire had half consumed his arms and legs, he spake these words:  
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"O ye papists behold, ye look for miracles, and here now you may see a miracle; for in this fire I  
feel no more pain, than if I were in a bed of down: but it is to me as a bed of roses." These words  
spake he in the midst of the flaming fire, when his legs and arms, as I said, were half consumed.  
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78. John Bent and Others.  
John Bent, martyr.  
At the writing hereof, came to our hands a certain notice of one John Bent, who about  
this present time, or not long before, being a tailor, and dwelling in a village called Urchevant,  
was burned in the town of Devizes, in the county of Wiltshire, for denying the sacrament of the  
altar, as they term it.  
One Trapnel, martyr.  
Also much about the same time, was one Trapnel burned in a town called Bradford,  
within the same county.  
The history of three men hanged for the burning of the rood of Dover-court; collected out of a  
letter of Robert Gardner, who was one of the doers of the same.  
In the same year of our Lord 1532, there was an idol named the Rood of Dover-court,  
whereunto was much and great resort of people: for at that time there was a great rumour blown  
abroad amongst the ignorant sort, that the power of the idol of Dovercourt was so great, that no  
man had power to shut the church door where he stood; and therefore they let the church door,  
both night and day, continually stand open, for the more credit unto their blind rumour. Which  
once being conceived in the heads of the vulgar sort, seemed a great marvel unto many men; but  
to many again, whom God had blessed with his Spirit, it was greatly suspected, specially unto  
these, whose names here follow: as Robert King of Dedham, Robert Debnam of Eastbergholt,  
Nicholas Marsh of Dedham, and Robert Gardner of Dedham, whose consciences were sore  
burdened to see the honour and power of the Almighty living God so to be blasphemed by such  
an idol. Wherefore they were moved by the Spirit of God, to travel out of Dedham in a wondrous  
goodly night, both hard frost and fair moonshine, although the night before, and the night after,  
were exceeding foul and rainy. It was from the town of Dedham, to the place where the filthy  
Rood stood, ten miles. Notwithstanding, they were so willing in that their enterprise, that they  
went these ten miles without pain, and found the church door open, according to the blind talk of  
the ignorant people: for there durst no unfaithful body shut it. Which happened well for their  
purpose, for they found the idol, which had as much power to keep the door shut, as to keep it  
open; and for proof thereof, they took the idol from his shrine, and carried him a quarter of a  
mile from the place where he stood, without any resistance of the said idol. Whereupon they  
struck fire with a flint-stone, and suddenly set him on fire, who burned out so brim, that he  
lighted them homeward one good mile of the ten.  
This done, there went a great talk abroad that they should have great riches in that place:  
but it was very untrue; for it was not their thought or enterprise, as they themselves afterward  
confessed, for there was nothing taken away but his coat, his shoes, and the tapers. The tapers  
did help to burn him, the shoes they had again, and the coat one Sir Thomas Rose did burn; but  
they had neither penny, halfpenny, gold, groat, nor jewel.  
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Notwithstanding, three of them were afterwards indicted of felony, and hanged in chains  
within half a year after, or thereabout. Robert King was hanged in Dedham at Burchet; Robert  
Debnam was hanged at Cataway-Causey; Nicholas Marsh was hanged at Dover-court: which  
three persons, through the Spirit of God, at their death, did more edify the people in godly  
learning, than all the sermons that had been preached there a long time before.  
The fourth man of this company, named Robert Gardner, escaped their hands and fled;  
albeit he was cruelly sought for to have had the like death. But the living Lord preserved him; to  
whom be all honour and glory, world without end!  
The same year, and the year before, there were many images cast down and destroyed in  
many places: as the image of the crucifix in the highway by Coggeshall, the image of St.  
Petronal in the church of Great Horksleigh, the image of St. Christopher by Sudbury, and another  
image of St. Petronal in a chapel of Ipswich.  
Also John Seward of Dedham overthrew a cross in Stoke park, and took two images out  
of a chapel in the same park, and cast them into the water.  
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79. John Frith and Andrew Hewet.  
The story, examination, death, and martyrdom of John Frith.  
MONGST all other chances lamentable,:there hath been none a  
great time which seemed unto me more grievous, than the  
lamentable death and cruel handling of John Frith, so learned and  
excellent a young man; which had so profited in all kind of  
learning and knowledge, that scarcely there was his equal amongst  
all his companions; and besides, withal, had such a godliness of  
life joined with his doctrine, that it was hard to judge in whether of  
them he was more commendable, being greatly praiseworthy in  
them both: but as touching his doctrine, by the grace of Christ we  
will speak hereafter.  
Of the great godliness which was in him, this may serve for experiment sufficient, for  
that notwithstanding his other manifold and singular gifts and ornaments of the mind, in him  
most pregnant, wherewithal he might have opened an easy way unto honour and dignity,  
notwithstanding he chose rather wholly to consecrate himself unto the church of Christ,  
excellently showing forth, and practising in himself, the precept so highly commended of the  
philosophers, touching the life of man: which life, they say, is given unto us in such sort, that  
how much the better the man is, so much the less he should live unto himself, but unto other,  
serving for the common utility; and that we should think a great part of our birth to be due unto  
our parents, a greater part unto our country, and the greatest part of all to be bestowed upon the  
church, if we will be counted good men. First of all he began his study at Cambridge; in whom  
nature had planted, being but a child, marvellous instinctions and love unto learning, whereunto  
he was addicted. He had also a wonderful promptness of wit, and a ready capacity to receive and  
understand any thing, insomuch that he seemed not to be sent unto learning, but also born for the  
same purpose. Neither was there any diligence wanting in him, equal unto that towardness, or  
worthy of his disposition; whereby it came to pass, that he was not only a lover of learning, but  
also became an exquisite learned man; in the which exercise when he had diligently laboured  
certain years, not without great profit both of Latin and Greek, at the last he fell into knowledge  
and acquaintance with William Tyndale, through whose instructions he first received into his  
heart the seed of the gospel and sincere godliness.  
At that time Thomas Wolsey, cardinal of York, prepared to build a college in Oxford,  
marvellously sumptuous, which had the name and title of Frideswide, but now named Christ's-  
church, not so much (as it is thought) for the love and zeal that he bare unto learning, as for an  
ambitious desire of glory and renown, and to leave a perpetual name unto posterity. But that  
building, he being cut off by the stroke of death, (for he was sent for unto the king, accused of  
certain crimes, and in the way, by immoderate purgations, killed himself,) was left partly begun,  
partly half ended and imperfect, and nothing else save only the kitchen was fully finished.  
Whereupon Rodulph Gualter, a learned man, being then in Oxford, and beholding the college,  
said these words in Latin: Egregium opus, cardinalis iste instituit collegium, et absolvit popinam.  
How large and ample those buildings should have been, what sumptuous cost should have been  
bestowed upon the same, may easily be perceived by that which is already builded, as the  
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kitchen, the hall, and certain chambers, where there is such curious graving and workmanship of  
stone-cutters, that all things on every side did glister for the excellency of the workmanship, for  
the fineness of the matter, with the gilt antics and embossings; insomuch that if all the rest had  
been finished to that determinate end as it was begun, it might well have excelled not only all  
colleges of students, but also palaces of princes. This ambitious cardinal gathered together into  
that college whatsoever excellent thing there was in the whole realm, either vestments, vessels,  
or other ornaments, beside provision of all kind of precious things. Besides that, he also  
appointed unto that company all such men as were found to excel in any kind of learning and  
knowledge; whose names to recite all in order would be too long. The chief of them which were  
called from Cambridge were these: Master Clerk, master of arts, of thirty-four years of age;  
Master Frier, afterwards doctor of physic, and after that a strong papist; Master Sumner, master  
of arts; Master Harman, master of arts, afterwards fellow of Eton college, and after that a papist;  
Master Bettes, master of arts, a good man and zealous, and so remained; Master Cox, master of  
arts, who conveyed himself away toward the north, and after was schoolmaster of Eton, and then  
chaplain to Doctor Goodrich, bishop of Ely, and by him preferred to King Henry, and, of late,  
bishop of Ely; John Frith, bachelor of arts; Bayly, bachelor of arts; Goodman, who being sick in  
the prison with the others, was had out, and died in the town; Drumme, who afterwards fell away  
and forsook the truth; Thomas Lawney, chaplain of the house, prisoner with John Frith.  
To these join also Taverner of Boston, the good musician, besides many other called also  
out of other places, most picked young men, of grave judgment and sharp wits; who, conferring  
together upon the abuses of religion, being at that time crept into the church, were therefore  
accused of heresy unto the cardinal, and cast into a prison, within a deep cave under the ground  
of the same college, where their salt-fish was laid; so that, through the filthy stench thereof, they  
were all infected, and certain of them, taking their death in the same prison, shortly upon the  
same being taken out of the prison into their chambers, there deceased.  
The troublers and examiners of these good men, were these: Dr. London; Dr. Higdon,  
dean of the said college; and Dr. Cottesford, commissary.  
Master Clerk, Master Sumner, and Sir Bayly, eating nothing but salt-fish from February  
to the midst of August, died all three together within the compass of one week.  
Master Bettes, a witty man, having no books found in his chamber, through entreaty and  
surety got out of prison, and so remaining a space in the college, at last slipped away to  
Cambridge, and afterwards was chaplain to Queen Anne, and in great favour with her.  
Taverner, although he was accused and suspected for hiding of Clerk's books under the  
boards in his school, yet the cardinal, for his music, excused him, saying that he was but a  
musician: and so he escaped.  
After the death of these men, John Frith with others, by the cardinal's letter, which sent  
word that he would not have them so straitly handled, were dismissed out of prison, upon  
condition not to pass above ten miles out of Oxford; which Frith, after hearing of the  
examination of Dalaber and Garret, which bare then faggots, went over the sea, and after two  
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years he came over for exhibition of the prior of Reading, (as is thought,) and had the prior over  
with him.  
Being at Reading, it happened that he was there taken for a vagabond, and brought to  
examination; where the simple man, which could not craftily enough colour himself, was set in  
the stocks. After he had sitten a long time, and was almost pined with hunger, and would not, for  
all that, declare what he was, at the last he desired that the schoolmaster of the town might be  
brought to him, who at that time was one Leonard Cox, a man very well learned. As soon as he  
came unto him, Frith, by and by, began in the Latin tongue to bewail his captivity.  
The schoolmaster, by and by, being overcome with his eloquence, did not only take pity  
and compassion upon him, but also began to love and embrace such an excellent wit and  
disposition unlooked for, especially in such a state and misery. Afterwards, conferring more  
together upon many things, as touching the universities, schools, and tongues, they fell from the  
Latin into the Greek, wherein Frith did so inflame the love of that schoolmaster towards him, that  
he brought him into a marvellous admiration, especially when the schoolmaster heard him so  
promptly by heart rehearse Homer's verses out of his first book of the Iliad; whereupon the  
schoolmaster went with all speed unto the magistrates, grievously complaining of the injury  
which they did show unto so excellent and innocent a young man.  
Thus Frith, through the help of the schoolmaster, was freely dismissed out of the stocks,  
and set at liberty without punishment. Albeit this his safety continued not long, through the great  
hatred and deadly pursuit of Sir Thomas More, who, at that time being chancellor of England,  
persecuted him both by land and sea, besetting all the ways and havens, yea, and promising great  
rewards, if any man could bring him any news or tidings of him.  
Thus Frith, being on every part beset with troubles, not knowing which way to turn,  
seeketh for some place to hide him in. Thus fleeting from one place to another, and often  
changing both his garments and place, yet could he be in safety in no place; no, not long amongst  
his friends; so that at the last, being traitorously taken, (as ye shall after hear,) he was sent unto  
the Tower of London, where he had many conflicts with the bishops, but especially in writing  
with Sir Thomas More.  
What dexterity of wit was in him, and excellency of doctrine, it may appear not only by  
his books which he wrote of the sacrament, but also in them which he entitled Of Purgatory. In  
the which quarrel he withstood the violence of three most obstinate enemies; that is to say, of  
Rochester, More, and Rastal, whereof the one by the help of the doctors, the other by wresting of  
the Scripture, and the third by the help of natural philosophy, had conspired against him. But he,  
as a Hercules, fighting not against two only, but even with them all three at once, did so  
overthrow and confound them, that he converted Rastal to his part.  
Besides all these commendations of this young man, there was also in him a friendly and  
prudent moderation in uttering of the truth, joined with a learned godliness; which virtue hath  
always so much prevailed in the church of Christ, that, without it, all other good gifts of  
knowledge, be they ever so great, cannot greatly profit, but oftentimes do very much hurt. And  
would God that all things, in all places, were so free from all kinds of dissension, there were no  
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mention made amongst Christians of Zuinglians and Lutherans, when neither Zuinglius nor  
Luther died for us; but that we might be all one in Christ. Neither do I think that any thing more  
grievous could happen unto these worthy men, than their names so to be abused to sects and  
factions, which so greatly withstood and strove against all factions. Neither do I here discourse  
which part came nearest unto the truth, neither so rashly intermeddle in this matter, that I will  
detract any thing from either part, but rather wish of God I might join either part unto the other.  
But now, forasmuch as we treat of the story of John Frith, I cannot choose, but must  
needs earnestly and heartily embrace the prudent and godly moderation which was in that man,  
who, maintaining this quarrel of the sacrament of the Lord's supper, no less godly than learnedly,  
(and so as no man in a manner had done it more learnedly and pithily,) yet he did it so  
moderately, without any contention, that he would never seem to strive against the papists,  
except he had been driven to it even of necessity. In all other matters; where necessity did not  
move him to contend, he was ready to grant all things for quietness' sake, as his most modest  
reason and answers did declare. For when More, disputing in a certain place upon the sacrament,  
laid against him the authority of Doctor Barnes, for the presence of the body and blood in the  
sacrament, he answered unto More and his companions, that he would promise under this  
condition, that if the sentence of Luther and Barnes might be holden as ratified, he would never  
speak more words of it: for in that point they did both agree with him, that the sacrament was not  
to be worshipped; and that idolatry being taken away, he was content to permit every man to  
judge of the sacrament, as God should put into their hearts: for then there remained no more  
poison, that any man ought or might be afraid of. Wherefore, if they did agree in that which was  
the chief point of the sacrament, they should easily accord and agree in the rest.  
Thus much he wrote, in the treatise entitled The Exile, of Barnes against More; which  
words of this most meek martyr of Christ, if they would take place in the seditious divisions and  
factions of these our days, with great ease and little labour men might be brought to a unity in  
this controversy; and much more concord and love should be in the church, and much less  
offence given abroad than there is.  
But to our story again of John Frith. After he had now sufficiently contended in his  
writings with More, Rochester, and Rastal, More's son-in-Iaw, he was at last carried to Lambeth,  
first before the bishop of Canterbury, and afterward unto Croydon, before the bishop of  
Winchester, to plead his cause. Last of all, he was called before the bishops, in a common  
assembly at London, where he constantly defended himself, if he might have been heard.  
The order of his judgment, with the manner of his examination and the articles which  
were objected against him, are comprised and set forth by himself in a letter written and sent  
unto his friends, whilst he was prisoner in the Tower.  
A letter of John Frith to his friends, concerning his troubles; wherein, after he had first with a  
brief preface saluted them, entering then into the matter, thus he writeth:-  
"
I doubt not, dear brethren, but that it doth some deal vex you, to see the one part have all  
the words, and freely to speak what they list, and the others to be put to silence, and not be heard  
indifferently.  
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But refer your matters unto God, who shortly shall judge after another fashion. In the  
mean time I have written unto you, as briefly as I may, what articles were objected against me,  
and what were the principal points of my condemnation, that ye might understand the matter  
certainly.  
"The whole matter of this my examination was comprehended in two special articles, that  
is to say, Of Purgatory, and Of the Substance of the Sacrament.  
"And first of all, as touching purgatory, they inquired of me whether I did believe there  
was any place to purge the spots and filth of the soul after this life? But I said, that I thought  
there was no such place: for man (said I) doth consist and is made of two parts, that is to say, of  
the body and the soul, whereof the one is purged here in this world, by the cross of Christ, which  
he layeth upon every child that he receiveth; as affliction, worldly oppression, persecution,  
imprisonment, &c. The last of all, the reward of sin, which is death, is laid upon us: but the soul  
is purged with the word of God, which we receive through faith, to the salvation both of body  
and soul. Now if ye can show me a third part of a man besides the body and the soul, I will also  
grant unto you the third place, which ye do call purgatory. But because ye cannot do this, I must  
also of necessity deny unto you the bishop of Rome's purgatory. Nevertheless I count neither part  
a necessary article of our faith, to be believed under pain of damnation, whether there be such a  
purgatory or no?  
"Secondly, They examined me touching the sacrament of the altar, whether it was the  
body of Christ or no?  
"
I answered, that I thought it was both Christ's body, and also our body, as St. Paul  
teacheth us in 1 Cor. x.16. For in that it is made one bread of many corns, it is called our body,  
which, being divers and many members, are associate and gathered together into one fellowship  
or body. Likewise of the wine, which is gathered of many clusters of grapes, and is made into  
one liquor. But the same bread again, in that it is broken, is the body Christ; declaring his body to  
be broken and delivered unto death, to redeem us from our iniquities.  
"Furthermore, in that the sacrament is distributed, it is Christ's body, signifying that as  
verily as the sacrament is distributed unto us, so verily are Christ's body and the fruit of his  
passion distributed unto all faithful people.  
"
In that it is received, it is Christ's body, signifying that as verily as the outward man  
receiveth the sacrament with his teeth and mouth, so verily doth the inward man, through faith,  
receive Christ's body and the fruit of his passion, and is as sure of it as of the bread which he  
eateth.  
"Well (said they) dost thou not think that his very natural body, flesh, blood, and bone, is  
really contained under the sacrament, and there present without all figure or similitude? No, (said  
I,) I do not so think: notwithstanding I would not that any should count, that I make my saying  
(which is the negative) any article of faith. For even as I say, that you ought not to make any  
necessary article of the faith of your part, (which is the affirmative,) so I say again, that we make  
no necessary article of the faith of our part, but leave it indifferent for all men to judge therein, as  
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God shall open their hearts, and no side to condemn or despise the other, but to nourish in all  
things brotherly love; and one to bear another's infirmity.  
"After this they alleged the place of St. Augustine, where he saith, 'He was carried in his  
own hands.'  
"Whereunto I answered, that St. Augustine was a plain interpreter of himself; for he hath  
in another place, 'He was carried on as it were in his own hands:' which is a phrase of speech not  
of one that doth simply affirm, but only of one expressing a thing by a similitude. And albeit that  
St. Augustine had not thus expounded himself, yet he, writing unto Boniface, doth plainly  
admonish all men, that the sacraments do represent and signify those things whereof they are  
sacraments, and many times even of the similitudes of the things themselves they do take their  
names. And therefore, according to this rule it may be said, he was borne in his own hands, when  
he bare in his hands the sacrament of his body and blood.  
"Then they alleged a place of Chrysostom, which, at the first blush, may seem to make  
much for them, who, in a certain Homily upon the supper, writeth thus: 'Dost thou see bread and  
wine? Do they depart from thee into the draught, as other meats do? No, God forbid; for as in  
wax, when it cometh to the fire, nothing of the substance remaineth or abideth; so likewise think  
that the mysteries are consumed by the substance of the body,' &c.  
"These words I expounded by the words of the same doctor, who, in another Homily,  
saith on this manner; 'The inward eyes,' saith he, 'as soon as they see the bread, they flee over all  
creatures, and do not think of the bread that is baked by the baker, but of the bread of everlasting  
life, which is signified by the mystical bread.' Now confer these places together, and you shall  
perceive that the last expoundeth the first plainly. For he saith, Dost thou see the bread and wine?  
I answer by the second, Nay. For the inward eyes, as soon as they see the bread, do pass over all  
creatures, and do not any longer think upon the bread, but upon him which is signified by the  
bread. And after this manner he seeth it, and again he seeth it not: for as he seeth it with his  
outward and carnal eyes, so with his inward eyes he seeth it not; that is to say, regardeth not the  
bread, or thinketh not upon it, but is otherwise occupied. Even as when we play or do any thing  
else negligently, we commonly are wont to say, we see not what we do; not that indeed we do  
not see that which we go about, but because our mind is fixed on some other thing, and doth not  
attend unto that which the eyes do see.  
"
In like manner may it be answered unto that which followeth; 'Do they avoid from thee,'  
saith he, 'into the draught as other meats do?' I will not so say, for other meats, passing through  
the bowels, after they have of themselves given nourishment unto the body, be voided into the  
draught: but this is a spiritual meat, which is received by faith, and nourisheth both body and  
soul unto everlasting life, neither is it at any time avoided as other meats are.  
"And as before I said that the external eyes do behold the bread, which the inward eyes,  
being otherwise occupied, do not behold or think upon, even so our outward man doth digest the  
bread, and void it into the draught; but the inward man doth neither regard nor think upon it, but  
thinketh upon the thing itself that is signified by that bread. And therefore Chrysostom, a little  
before the words which they alleged, saith, 'Lift up your minds and hearts:' whereby he  
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admonisheth us to look upon and consider those heavenly things which are represented and  
signified by the bread and wine, and not to mark the bread and wine itself.  
"Here they said, that was not Chrysostom's mind; but that by this example he declared  
that there remained no bread nor wine. I answered, that was false: for the example that he taketh  
tendeth to no other purpose, but to call away our spiritual eyes from the beholding of visible  
things, and to transport them another way, as if the things that are seen were of no force.  
Therefore he draweth away our mind from the consideration of these things, and fixeth it upon  
him which is signified unto us by the. same. The very words which follow, sufficiently declare  
this to be the true meaning of the author, where he commandeth us to consider all things with our  
inward eyes; that is to say, spiritually.  
"
But whether Chrysostom's words do tend either to this or that sense, yet do they  
indifferently make on our part against our adversaries, which way so-ever we do understand  
them. For if he thought that the bread and wine do remain, we have no further to travel: but if he  
meant contrariwise, that they do not remain, but that the natures of the bread and wine are  
altered, then are the bread and wine falsely named sacraments and mysteries, which can be said  
in no place to be in the nature of things: for that which is in no place, how can it be a sacrament,  
or supply the room of a mystery? Finally, if he speak only of the outward forms and shapes, (as  
we call them,) it is most certain that they do continually remain, and that they by the substance of  
the body are not consumed in any place: wherefore it must necessarily follow the words of  
Chrysostom to be understood in such sense as I have declared.  
"Here peradventure many would marvel, that forasmuch as the matter touching the  
substance of the sacrament is separate from the articles of faith, and bindeth no man of necessity  
either unto salvation or damnation, whether he believe it or not, but rather may be left  
indifferently unto all men, freely to judge either on the one part or on the other, according to his  
own mind, so that neither part do contemn or despise the other, but that all love and charity be  
still holden and kept in this dissension of opinions; what then is the cause, why I would therefore  
so willingly suffer death? The cause why I die is this: for that I cannot agree with the divines and  
other head prelates, that it should be necessarily determined to be an article of faith, and that we  
should believe, under pain of damnation, the substance of the bread and wine to be changed into  
the body and blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ, the form and shape only not being changed.  
Which thing if it were most true, (as they shall never be able to prove it by any authority of the  
Scripture or doctors,) yet shall they not so bring to pass, that that doctrine, were it ever so true,  
should be holden for a necessary article of faith. For there are many things, both in the Scriptures  
and other places, which we are not bound of necessity to believe as an article of faith. So it is  
true, that I was a prisoner and in bonds when I wrote these things, and yet, for all that, I will not  
hold it as an article of faith, but that you may, without danger of damnation, either believe it, or  
think the contrary.  
"
But as touching the cause why I cannot affirm the doctrine of transubstantiation, divers  
reasons do lead me thereunto: first, for that I do plainly see it to be false and vain, and not to be  
grounded upon any reason, either of the Scriptures, or of approved doctors. Secondly, for that by  
my example I would not be an author unto Christians to admit any thing as a matter of faith,  
more than the necessary points of their creed, wherein the whole sum of our salvation doth  
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consist, especially such things, the belief whereof have no certain argument of authority or  
reason. I added moreover, that their church (as they call it) hath no such power and authority,  
that it either ought or may bind us, under the peril of our souls, to the believing of any such  
articles. Thirdly, because I will not, for the favour of our divines or priests, be prejudicial in this  
point unto so many nations, of Germans, Helvetians, and others, which, altogether rejecting the  
transubstantiation of the bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ, are all of the same  
opinion as I am, as well those that take Luther's part, as those that hold with Œcolampadius.  
Which things standing in this case, I suppose there is no man of any upright conscience, which  
will not allow the reason of my death, which I am put unto for this only cause, that I do not think  
transubstantiation, although it were true indeed, to be established for an article of faith."  
And thus much hitherto as touching the articles and whole disputation of John Frith,  
which was done with all moderation and uprightness. But when no reason would prevail against  
the force and cruelty of these furious foes, on the twentieth day of June, A.D. 1533, he was  
brought before the bishops of London, Winchester, and Lincoln, who, sitting in St. Paul's, on  
Friday the twentieth day of June, ministered certain interrogatories upon the sacrament of the  
supper, and purgatory, Unto the said Frith, as is above declared; to the which when he had  
answered, and showed his mind in form and effect, as by his own words above doth appear, he  
afterwards subscribed to his answers with his own hand, in these words: "I, Frith, thus do think;  
and as I think, so have I said, written, taught, and affirmed, and in my books have published."  
But when Frith by no means could be persuaded to recant these articles aforesaid, neither  
be brought to believe that the sacrament is an article of faith, but said, Fiat judicium et justitia; he  
was condemned by the bishop of London to be burned, and sentence given against him.  
This sentence read, the bishop of London directed his letter to Sir Stephen Peacock,  
mayor of London, and the sheriffs of the same city, for the receiving of the aforesaid John Frith  
into their charge; who, being so delivered over unto them the fourth day of July, in the year  
aforesaid, was by them carried into Smithfield to be burned. And when he was tied unto the  
stake, there it sufficiently appeared with what constancy and courage he suffered death; for when  
the faggots and fire were put unto him, he willingly embraced the same; thereby declaring with  
what uprightness of mind he suffered his death for Christ's sake, and the true doctrine, whereof  
that day he gave, with his blood, a perfect and firm testimony. The wind made his death  
somewhat the longer, which bare away the flame from him unto his fellow that was tied to his  
back: but he had established his mind with such patience, God giving him strength, that even as  
though he had felt no pain in that long torment, he seemed rather to rejoice for his fellow than to  
be careful for himself.  
This truly is the power and strength of Christ, striving and vanquishing in his saints; who  
sanctify us together with them, and direct us in all things to the glory of his holy name! Amen.  
The day before the burning of these worthy men of God, the bishop of London certified  
King Henry the Eighth of his worthy, yea, rather wolfish, proceeding against these men.  
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Frith and Hewet at the stake  
Andrew Hemet burned with Master Frith.  
Andrew Hewet, born in Feversham, in the county of Kent, a young man of the age of four  
and twenty years, was apprentice with one Master Warren, a tailor in Watling Street. And as it  
happened that he went upon a holyday into Fleet Street, towards St. Dunstan's, he met with one  
William Holt, which was foreman with the king's tailor, at that present called Master Malte; and  
being suspected by the same Holt, which was a dissembling wretch, to be one that favoured the  
gospel, after a little talk had with him, he went into an honest house about Fleet Bridge, which  
was a bookseller's house. Then Holt, thinking he had found good occasion to show forth some  
fruit of his wickedness, sent for certain officers, and searched the house, and finding the said  
Andrew, apprehended him, and carried him to the bishop's house, where he was cast into irons;  
and being there a good space, by the means of a certain honest man, he had a file conveyed unto  
him, wherewith he filed off his irons, and when he spied his time, he got out of the gate. But  
being a man unskilful to hide himself, for lack of good acquaintance, he went into Smithfield,  
and there met with one Withers, which was a hypocrite, as Holt was. Which Withers,  
understanding how he had escaped, and that he knew not whither to go, pretending a fair  
countenance unto him, willed him to go with him, promising that he should be provided for; and  
so kept him in the country where he had to do, from Low Sunday till Whitsuntide, and then  
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broughthim to London, to the house of one John Chapman in Hosier Lane beside Smithfield, and  
there left him by the space of two days.  
Then he came to the said Chapman's house again, and brought Holt with him. And when  
they met with the said Andrew, they seemed as though they meant to do him very much good;  
and Holt, for his part, said that if he should bring any man in trouble, (as the voice was that he  
had done the said Andrew,) it were pity but that the earth should open and swallow him up:  
insomuch that they would needs sup there that night, and prepared meat of their own charges. At  
night they came, and brought certain guests with them, because they would have the matter to  
seem as though it had come out by others. When they had supped, they went their way, and Holt  
took out of his purse two groats, and gave them to the said Andrew, and embraced him in his  
arms. As they were gone out, there came in one John Tibauld, which was banished from his own  
house by an injunction, for he had been four times in prison for Christ's cause. And within an  
hour after that Holt and Withers were gone, the bishop's chancellor, and one called Sergeant  
Weaver, came, and brought with them the watch, and searched the house, where they found the  
said John Chapman and the before-named Andrew, and John Tibauld, whom they bound with  
ropes which Sergeant Weaver had brought with him, and so carried them to the bishop's house:  
but Andrew Hewet they sent unto the Lollard's Tower, and kept Chapman and Tibauld asunder,  
watched by two priests' servants. The next day Bishop Stokesley came from Fulham, and after  
they were examined with a few threatening words, Chapman was committed to the stocks, with  
this threat, that he should tell another tale, or else he should sit there till his heels did drop off,  
&c.: and Tibauld was shut up in a close chamber; but, by God's provision, he was well delivered  
out of prison, albeit he could not enjoy his house and land because of the bishop's injunction, but  
was fain to sell all that he had in Essex; for the tenor of his injunction was, that he should not  
come within seven miles of his own house. And the aforesaid Chapman, after five weeks'  
imprisonment, (whereof three weeks he sat in the stocks,) by much suit made unto the lord  
chancellor, which at that time was Lord Audley, after many threatenings, was delivered: but the  
said Andrew Hewet, after long and cruel imprisonment, was condemned to death, and burned  
with John Frith. The examination of Hewet here followeth.  
On the twentieth day of the month of April, Andrew Hewet was brought before the  
chancellor of the bishop of London, where was objected against him, that he believed the  
sacrament of the altar, after the consecration, to be but a signification of the body of Christ, and  
that the host consecrated was not the very body of Christ. Now, forasmuch as this article seemed  
heinous unto them, they would do nothing in it without the consent of learned counsel:  
whereupon the bishop of London, associated with the bishops of Lincoln and Winchester, called  
him again before them; where, it being demanded of him what he thought as touching the  
sacrament of the last supper; he answered, "Even as John Frith doth." Then said one of the  
bishops unto him, "Dost thou not believe that it is really the body of Christ, born of the Virgin  
Mary?"  
"So," saith he, "do not I believe." "Why not?" said the bishop. "Because," said he, "Christ  
commanded me not to give credit rashly unto all men, who say, Behold, here is Christ, and there  
is Christ; for many false prophets shall rise up, saith the Lord."  
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Then certain of the bishops smiled at him; and Stokesley, the bishop of London, said,  
"Why, Frith is a heretic, and already judged to be burned; and except thou revoke thine opinion,  
thou shalt be burned also with him." "Truly," saith he, "I am content therewithal." Then the  
bishop asked him if he would forsake his opinions; whereunto he answered, that he would do as  
Frith did: whereupon' he was sent unto the prison to Frith, and afterwards they were carried  
together to the fire. The bishops used many persuasions to allure this good man from the truth, to  
follow them; but he, manfully persisting in the truth, would not recant. Wherefore on the fourth  
day of July, in the afternoon, he was carried into Smithfield with Frith, and there burned.  
When they were at the stake, one Doctor Cook, a parson in London, openly admonished  
all the people, that they should in no wise pray for them, no more than they would do for a dog;  
at which words Frith, smiling, desired the Lord to forgive him. These his words did not a little  
move the people unto anger, and not without good cause. Thus these two blessed martyrs  
committed their souls into the hands of God.  
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1
80. Thomas Benet  
The history of the persecution and death of Thomas Benet, burned in Exeter: collected and  
testified by John Dowel, alias Hoker.  
This Thomas Benet was born in Cambridge, and, by order of degree, of the university  
there made master of arts, and, as some think, was also a priest; a man doubtless very well  
learned, and of a godly disposition, being of the acquaintance and familiarity of Thomas Bilney,  
the famous and glorious martyr of Christ. This man, the more he did grow and increase in the  
knowledge of God and his holy word, the more he did mislike and abhor the corrupt state of  
religion then used; and therefore, thinking his own country to be no safe place for him to remain  
in, and being desirous to live in more freedom of conscience, he did forsake the university, and  
went into Devonshire, A.D. 1524, and first dwelled in a market-town, named Torrington, both  
town and country being to him altogether unknown, as he was also unknown to all men there;  
where, for the better maintenance of himself and his wife, he did practise to teach young  
children, and kept a school for the same purpose. But that town not serving his expectation, after  
his abode one yearthere, he came to the city of Exeter; and there, hiring a house in a street called  
the Butcher Row, did exercise the teaching of children, and by that means sustained his wife and  
family. He was of a quiet behaviour, of a godly conversation, and of a very courteous nature,  
humble to all men, and offensive to nobody. His greatest delight was to be at all sermons and  
preachings, whereof he was a diligent and attentive hearer. The time which he had to spare from  
teaching, he gave wholly to his private study in the Scriptures, having no dealings nor  
conferences with any body, saving with such as he could learn and understand to be favourers of  
the gospel, and zealous of God's true religion: of such he would be inquisitive, and most desirous  
to join himself unto them. And therefore, understanding that one William Strowd, esquire, of  
Newnbam, in the county of Devonshire, was committed to the bishop's prison in Exeter, upon  
suspicion of heresy, although he were never before acquainted with him, yet did he send his  
letters of comfort and consolation unto him; wherein, to avoid all suspicion which might be  
conceived of him, he did disclose himself, and utter what he was, and the causes of his being in  
the country, writing among other things these words: "Because I would not be a whoremonger,  
or an unclean person, therefore I married a wife, with whom I have hidden myself in Devonshire,  
from the tyranny of the antichristians, these six years."  
But, as every tree and herb hath its due time to bring forth its fruit, so did it appear by this  
man. For he, daily seeing the glory of God to be so blasphemed, idolatrous religion so embraced  
and maintained, and that most false usurped power of the bishop of Rome so extolled, was so  
grieved in conscience, and troubled in spirit, that he could not be quiet till he did utter his mind  
therein. Wherefore, dealing privately with certain of his friends, he did plainly open and disclose  
how blasphemously and abominably God was dishonoured, his word contemned, and his people,  
whom he so dearly bought, were, by blind guides, carried headlong to everlasting damnation:  
and therefore he could no longer endure, but must needs, and would, utter their abominations;  
and for his own part, for the testimony of his conscience, and for the defence of God's true  
religion, would yield himself most patiently (as near as God would give him grace) to die and to  
shed his blood therein; alleging that his death should be more profitable to the church of God,  
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and for the edifying of his people, than his life should be. To whose persuasions when his friends  
had yielded, they promised to pray to God for him, that he might be strong in the cause, and  
continue a faithful soldier to the end: which done, he gave order for the bestowing of such books  
as he had, and very shortly after, in the month of October, he wrote his mind in certain scrolls of  
paper, which, in secret manner, he set upon the doors of the cathedral church of the city; in  
which was written, "The pope is antichrist; and we ought to worship God only, and no saints."  
These bills were found, there was no small ado, and no little search made for the inquiry  
of the heretic that should set up these bills: and the mayor and his officers were not so busy to  
make searches to find this heretic, but the bishop and all his doctors were as hot as coals, and  
enkindled as though they had been stung with a sort of wasps. Wherefore, to keep the people in  
their former blindness, order was taken that the doctors should in haste up to the pulpit every  
day, and confute this heresy. Nevertheless this Thomas Benet, keeping his own doings in secret,  
went the Sunday following to the cathedral church to the sermon, and by chance sat down by two  
men, who were the busiest in all the city in seeking and searching for this heretic; and they,  
beholding this Benet, said the one to the other, "Surely this fellow, by all likelihood, is the  
heretic that hath set up the bills, and it were good to examine him." Nevertheless, when they had  
well beheld him, and saw the quiet and sober behaviour of the man, his attentiveness to the  
preacher, his godliness in the church, being always occupied in his book, which was a Testament  
in the Latin tongue, they were astonied, and had no power to speak unto him, but departed, and  
left him reading in his book. As touching this point of Benet's behaviour in the church, I find the  
reports of some others a little to vary, and yet not much contrary one to the other. For in  
receiving the letters and writings of a certain minister, who at the same time was present at the  
doing hereof in Exeter, thus I find moreover added, concerning the behaviour of this Thomas  
Benet in the church:  
At that time, saith he, as I remember, Dr. Moreman, Crispin, Caseley, with such others,  
bare the swinge there. Besides these, were also preachers there, one Dr. Bascavild, an unlearned  
doctor, God knoweth: and one Dr. David, as well learned as he, both Grey Friars, and Doctor I-  
know-not-who, a Black Friar, not much inferior unto them. Moreover, there was one bachelor of  
divinity, a Grey Friar named Gregory Basset, more learned indeed than they all, but as blind and  
superstitious as he which was most; which Gregory, not long before, was revolted from the way  
of righteousness, to the way of Belial: for in Bristol, saith the author, he lay in prison long, and  
was almost famished, for having a book of Martin Luther, called his Questions, which he a long  
time privily had studied, and for the teaching of youth a certain catechism. To he short, the brains  
of the canons and priests, the officers and commons of that city, were very earnestly busied, how,  
or by what means, such an enormous heretic, who had pricked up those bills, might be espied  
and known: but it was long first. At last, the priests found out a toy to curse him, whatsoever he  
were, with a book, bell, and candle; which curse at that day seemed most fearful and terrible. The  
manner of the curse was after this sort:  
One of the priests, apparelled all in white, ascended up into the pulpit. The other  
rabblement, with certain of the two orders of friars, and certain superstitious monks of St.  
Nicholas' house standing round about, and the cross (as the custom was) being holden up with  
holy candles of wax fixed to the same, he began his sermon with this theme of Joshua, There is  
blasphemy in the army; and so made a long protestation, but not so long as tedious and  
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superstitious: and so concluded that that foul and abominable heretic who had put up such  
blasphemous bills, was, for that his blasphemy, damnably accursed; and besought God, our  
Lady, St. Peter, patron of that church, with all the holy company of martyrs, confessors, and  
virgins, that it might be known what heretic had put up such blasphemous bills, that God's people  
might avoid the vengeance.  
The manner of the cursing of the said Benet was marvellous to behold, forasmuch as at  
that time there were few or none, unless a shearman or two, whose houses, I well remember,  
were searched for bills at that time, and for books, that knew any thing of God's matters, or how  
God doth bless their curses in such cases. Then said the prelate thus:  
The pope's curse, with book, bell, and candle.  
"
By the authority of God the Father Almighty, and of the blessed Virgin Mary, of Saint  
Peter and Paul, and of the holy saints, we excommunicate, we utterly curse and ban, commit and  
deliver to the devil of hell, him or her, whatsoever he or she be, that have, — in spite of God and  
of St. Peter, whose church this is, in spite of all holy saints, and in spite of our most holy father  
the pope, God's vicar here in earth, and in spite of the reverend father in God, John, our diocesan,  
and the worshipful canons, masters, and priests, and clerks, who serve God daily in this cathedral  
church, — fixed up with wax such cursed and heretical bills, full of blasphemy, upon the doors  
of this and other holy churches within this city. Excommunicated plainly be he, or she, or they,  
plenarily, and delivered over to the devil, as perpetual malefactors and schismatics. Accursed  
may they be, and given body and soul to the devil. Cursed be they, he or she, in cities and towns,  
in fields, in ways, in paths, in houses, out of houses, and in all other places, standing, lying, or  
rising, walking, running, waking, sleeping, eating, drinking, and whatsoever thing they do  
besides. We separate them, him, or her, from the threshold, and from all the good prayers, of the  
church; from the participation of the holy mass; from all sacraments, chapels, and altars; from  
holy bread and holy water; from all the merits of God's priests and religious men, and from all  
their cloisters; from all their pardons, privileges, grants, and immunities, which all the holy  
fathers, popes of Rome, have granted to them; and we give them over utterly to the power of the  
fiend: and let us quench their souls, if they be dead, this night in the pains of hell-fire, as this  
candle is now quenched and put out (and with that he put out one of the candles): and let us pray  
to God, if they be alive, that their eyes may be put out, as this candle light is (so he put out the  
other candle); and let us pray to God and to our Lady, and to St. Peter and Paul, and all holy  
saints, that all the senses of their bodies may fail them, and that they may have no feeling, as now  
the light of this candle is gone, (and so he put out the third candle,) except they, he, or she, come  
openly now and confess their blasphemy, and by repentance, as much as in them shall lie, make  
satisfaction unto God, our Lady, St. Peter, and the worshipful company of this cathedral church:  
and as this holy cross-staff now falleth down, so may they, except they repent."  
[
Note: "So far is this horrible curse from being obsolete, that there are several yet snore instinct  
with cursing in the Pontificale Romanum; a book in the possession of every Romish bishop and  
priest, and embodying the formulas according to which they bless and curse at this day. Popery  
accommodates itself to circumstances, but never changes.]  
Now this fond foolish fantasy and mockery being done and played, which was to a  
Christian heart a thing ridiculous; Benet could no longer forbear, but fell to great laughter, and  
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within himself, and for a great space could not cease; by which thing the poor man was espied.  
For those that were next to him, wondering at that great curse, and believing that it could not but  
light on one or other, asked good Benet, for what cause he should so laugh. "My friends," said  
he, "who can forbear, seeing such merry conceits and interludes played by the priests?"  
Straightway a noise was made, Here is the heretic! here is the heretic! hold him fast, hold him  
fast! With that there was a great confusion of voices, and much clapping of hands, and yet they  
were uncertain whether he were the heretic or no. Some say, that upon the same he was taken  
and apprehended. Others report, that his enemies, being uncertain of him, departed, and so he  
went home to his house; where he, being not able to digest the lies there preached, renewed his  
former bills, and caused his boy, early in the morning following, to set the said bills upon the  
gates of the churchyard. As the boy was setting one of the said bills upon a gate, called The little  
Stile, it chanced that one W. S., going to the cathedral church to hear a mass, called Barton's  
Mass, which was then daily said about five o'clock in the morning, found the boy at the gate, and  
asking him whose boy he was, did charge him to be the heretic that had set up the bills upon the  
gates: wherefore, pulling down the bill, he brought the same, together with the boy, before the  
mayor of the city; and thereupon Benet, being known and taken, was violently committed to  
ward.  
On the morrow began both the canons and the heads of the city joined with them, to fall  
to examination; with whom, for that day, he had not much communication, but confessed and  
said to them, "It was even I that put up those bills; and if it were to do, I would yet do it again;  
for in them I have written nothing but that is very truth." "Couldst not thou," said they, "as well  
have declared thy mind by mouth, as by putting up bills of blasphemy?" "No," said he, "I put up  
the bills, that many should read and hear what abominable blasphemers ye are, and that they  
might the better know your antichrist, the pope, to be that boar out of the wood, which destroyeth  
and throweth down the hedges of God's church; for if I had been heard to speak but one word, I  
should have been clapped fast in prison, and the matter of God hidden. But now I trust more of  
your blasphemous doings will thereby be opened and come to light; for God will so have it, and  
no longer will suffer you."  
The next day after, he was sent unto the bishop, who first committed him to prison, called  
The Bishop's Prison, where he was kept in stocks and strong irons, with as much favour as a dog  
should find. Then the bishop, associating unto him one Dr. Brewer, his chancellor, and other of  
his lewd clergy and friars, began to examine him and burden him, that, contrary to the catholic  
faith, be denied praying to saints, and also denied the supremacy of the pope. Whereunto he  
answered in such sober manner, and so learnedly proved and defended his assertions, that he did  
not only confound and put to silence his adversaries, but also brought them in great admiration of  
him; the most part having pity and compassion on him. The friars took great pains with him to  
persuade him from his erroneous opinions, to recant and acknowledge his fault, touching the  
bills; but they did but dig after day; for God had appointed him to be a blessed witness of his  
holy name, and to be at defiance with all their false persuasions.  
To declare here with what cruelty the officers searched his house for bills and books, how  
cruelly and shamefully they handled his wife, charging her with divers enormities, it were too  
long to write. But she, like a good woman, took all things patiently that they did unto her; like as  
in other things she was contented to bear the cross with him, as to fare hardly with him at home,  
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and to live with coarse meat and drink, that they might be the more able somewhat to help the  
poor, as they did to the uttermost of their power.  
Amongst all other priests and friars, Gregory Basset was most busy with him. This  
Gregory Basset, as is partly touched before, was learned, and had a pleasant tongue, and not long  
before was fallen from the truth, for the which he was imprisoned in Bristol a long time; at  
whose examination was ordained a great pan of fire, where his holy brethren (as the report went  
abroad) menaced him to burn his hands off: whereupon he there before them recanted, and  
became afterwards a mortal enemy to the truth all his life. This Gregory, as it is said, was fervent  
with the poor man, to please the canons of that church, and marvellously tormented his brains,  
how to turn him from his opinions; yea, and he was so diligent and fervent with him, that he  
would not depart the prison, but lay there night and day, who notwithstanding lost his labour; for  
good Benet was at a point not to deny Christ before men. So Gregory, as well as the other holy  
fathers, lost his spurs, insomuch that he said in open audience, that there never was so obstinate a  
heretic.  
The matter between Gregory Basset and Thomas Benet.  
The principal point between Basset and Benet was touching the supremacy of the bishop  
of Rome, whom in his bills he named antichrist, the thief, the mercenary, and the murderer of  
Christ's flock: and these disputations lasted about eight days, where, at sundry times, repaired to  
him both the Black and Grey Friars, with priests and monks of that city. They that had some  
learning persuaded him to believe the church, and showed by what tokens she is known. The  
others unlearned railed, and said that the devil tempted him, and spat upon him, calling him  
heretic; who prayed God to give them a better mind, and to forgive them: "For," said he, "I will  
rather die, than worship such a beast, the very whore of Babylon, and a false usurper, as  
manifestly doth appear by his doings." They asked, What he did, that he had not power and  
authority to do, being God's vicar? "He doth," quoth he, "sell the sacraments of the church for  
money, he selleth remissions of sins daily for money, and so do you likewise: for there is no day  
but ye say divers masses for souls in feigned purgatory: yea, and ye spare not to make lying  
sermons to the people, to maintain your false traditions and foul gains. The whole world doth  
begin now to note your doings, to your utter confusion and shame." "The shame," said they,  
"shall be to thee, and such as thou art, thou foul heretic! Wilt thou allow nothing done in holy  
church? what a perverse heretic art thou!" "I am," said he, "no heretic, but a Christian man, I  
thank Christ; and with all my heart will allow all things done and used in the church to the glory  
of God, and edifying of my soul: but I see nothing in your church, but what maintaineth the  
devil." "What is our church?" said they. "It is not my church," quoth Benet, "God give me grace  
to be of a better church, for verily your church is the plain church of antichrist, the malignant  
church, the second church, a den of thieves, and an awmbry of poison, and as far wide from the  
true, universal, and apostolic church, as heaven is distant from the earth."  
"Dost not thou think," said they, "that we pertain to the universal church?" " Yes," quoth  
he, "but as dead members, unto whom the church is not beneficial; for your works are the  
devices of man, and your church a weak foundation: for ye say and preach that the pope's word is  
equal with God's word in every degree." "Why," said they, "did not Christ say to Peter, To thee I  
will give the keys of the kingdom of heaven?" "He said that," quoth he, "to all, as well as to  
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Peter; and Peter had no more authority given to him than they, or else the churches planted in  
every kingdom by their preaching are no churches. Doth not St. Paul say, Upon the foundations  
of the apostles and prophets? Therefore I say plainly, that the church that is built upon a man, is  
the devil's church or congregation, and not God's. And as every church this day is appointed to  
be ruled by a bishop or pastor, ordained by the word of God in preaching and administration of  
the sacraments under the princes the supreme governor under God, so, to say that all the  
churches with their princes and governors be subject unto one bishop, is detestable heresy; and  
the pope, your god, challenging this power to himself, is the greatest schismatic that ever was in  
the church, and the most foul whore; of whom John, in the Revelation, speaketh."  
"O thou blind and unlearned fool!" said they, "is not the confession and consent of all the  
world, as we confess and consent — That the pope's Holiness is the supreme head and vicar of  
Christ?" " That is," said Benet, "because they are blinded and know not the Scriptures: but if God  
would of his mercy open the eyes of princes to know their office, his false supremacy would  
soon decay." "We think," said they, "thou art so malicious, that thou wilt confess no church."  
"
Look!" said he, "where they are that confess the true name of Jesus Christ; and where only  
Christ is the Head, and under him the prince of the realm, to order all bishops, ministers, and  
preachers, and to see them do their duties in setting forth the only glory of God by preaching the  
word of God; and where it is preached that Christ is our only Advocate, Mediator, and Patron  
before God his Father, making intercession for us; and where the true faith and confidence in  
Christ's death and passion, and his only merits and deservings are extolled, and our own  
depressed; where the sacrament is duly, without superstition or idolatry, administered in  
remembrance of his blessed passion and only sacrifice upon the cross once for all, and where no  
superstition reigneth: — of that church will I be! "  
"Doth not the pope," said they, "confess the true gospel? do not we all the same?" " Yes,"  
said he, "but ye deny the fruits thereof in every point. Ye build upon the sands, not upon the  
rock." "And wilt thou not believe indeed," said they, "that the pope is God's vicar?" "No," said  
he, "indeed." "And why?" said they. "Because," quoth he, "he usurpeth a power not given to him  
by Christ, no more than to other apostles; and also because, by force of that usurped supremacy,  
he doth blind the whole world, and doth contrary to all that ever Christ ordained or commanded."  
"What," said they, "if he do all things after God's ordinance and commandment: should he then  
be his vicar?" "Then," said he, "would I believe him to be a good bishop at Rome over his own  
diocese, and to have no further power. And if it pleased God, I would every bishop did this in his  
diocese: then should we live a peaceable life in the church of Christ, and there should be no such  
seditious therein. If every bishop would seek no further power than over his own diocese, it were  
a goodly thing. Now, because all are subject to one, all must do and consent to all wickedness as  
he doth, or be none of his. This is the cause of great superstition in every kingdom. And what  
bishop soever he be that preacheth the gospel, and maintaineth the truth, is a true bishop of the  
church." "And doth not," said they, "our holy father the pope maintain the gospel?" "Yea," said  
he, "I think he doth read it, and peradventure believe it, and so do you also: but neither he nor  
you do fix the anchor of your salvation therein. Besides that, ye bear such a good will to it, that  
ye keep it close,that no man may read it but yourselves. And when you preach, God knoweth  
how you handle it; insomuch, that the people of Christ know no gospel well-near, but the pope's  
gospel; and so the blind lead the blind, and both fall into the pit. In the true gospel of Christ,  
confidence is none; but only in your popish traditions and fantastical inventions."  
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Then said a Black Friar unto him, (God knoweth, a blockhead,) "Do we not preach the  
gospel daily?" "Yes," said he, "but what preaching of the gospel is that, when therewith ye extol  
superstitious things, and make us believe that we have redemption through pardons and bulls of  
Rome, and by the merits of your orders ye make many brethren and sisters; ye take yearly money  
of them, ye bury them in your coats, and in shrift ye beguile them; yea, and do a thousand  
superstitious things more: a man may be weary to speak of them." "I see," said the friar, "that  
thou art a damned wretch; I will have no more talk with thee."  
Then stepped to him a Grey Friar, a doctor, (God knoweth of small intelligence,) and laid  
before him great and many dangers. "I take God to record," said Benet, "my life is not dear to  
me; I am content to depart from it, for I am weary of it, seeing your detestable doings, to the utter  
destruction of God's flock; and, for my part, I can no longer forbear; I had rather, by death,  
(
which I know is not far off,) depart this life, that I may no longer be partaker of your detestable  
idolatries and superstitions, or be subject unto antichrist, your pope." "Our pope," said the friar,  
is the vicar of God, and our ways are the ways of God." "I pray you," said Benet, "depart from  
"
me, and tell not me of your ways. He is only my way, who saith, I am the way, the truth, and the  
life. In his way will I walk, his doings shall be my example; not your's, nor your false pope's. His  
truth will I embrace; not the lies and falsehood of you and your pope. His everlasting life will I  
seek, the true reward of all faithful people. Away from me, I pray you. Vex my soul no longer;  
ye shall not prevail. There is no good example in you, no truth in you, no life to be hoped for at  
your hands. Ye are all more vain than vanity itself If I should hear and follow you this day,  
everlasting death should hang over me, a just reward for all them that love the life of this world.  
Away from me: your company liketh me not."  
Thus a whole week, night and day, was Benet plied by these and such other hypocrites. It  
were an infinite matter to declare all things done and said to him in the time of his imprisonment;  
and the hate of the people that time, by means of ignorance, was hot against him:  
notwithstanding they could never move his patience; he answered to every matter soberly, and  
that, more by the aid of God's Spirit, than by any worldly study. I think he was at the least fifty  
years old. Being in prison, his wife provided sustenance for him; and when she lamented, he  
comforted her, and gave her many good and godly exhortations, and prayed her to move him  
nothing to apply unto his adversaries.  
Thus when these godly canons and priests, with the monks and friars, had done what they  
could, and perceived that he would by no means relent, then they, proceeding unto judgment,  
drew out their bloody sentence against him, condemning him, as the manner is, to be burned.  
Which being done, and the writ which they had procured being brought from London, they  
delivered him on the fifteenth of January, 1531, unto Sir Thomas Denis, knight, sheriff of  
Devonshire, to be burned. The mild martyr, rejoicing that his end was approaching so near, as the  
sheep before the shearer, yielded himself with all humbleness to abide and suffer the cross of  
persecution. And being brought to his execution, in a place called Livery-dole, without Exeter,  
he made his most humble confession and prayer unto Almighty God, and requested all the people  
to do the like for him; whom he exhorted with such gravity and sobriety, and with such a pithy  
oration, to seek the true honouring of God, and the true knowledge of him; as also to leave the  
devices, fantasies, and imaginations of man's inventions, that all the hearers and beholders of him  
were astonied and in great admiration; insomuch that the most part of the people, as also the  
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scribe who wrote the sentence of condemnation against him, did pronounce and confess that he  
was God's servant, and a good man.  
Nevertheless two esquires, namely, Thomas Carew and John Barnehouse, standing at the  
stake by him, first with fair promises and goodly words, but at length through rough threatenings,  
willed him to revoke his errors, and to call to our Lady and the saints, and to say, I pray holy  
Mary, and all the saints of God, &c. To whom, with all meekness, he answered, saying, "No, no;  
it is God only upon whose name we must call; and we have no other advocate unto him, but only  
Jesus Christ, who died for us, and now sitteth at the right hand of his Father, to be an advocate  
for us; and by him must we offer and make our prayers to God, if we will have them to take  
place and to be heard." With which answer the aforesaid Barnehouse was so enkindled, that he  
took a furze-bush upon a pike, and having set it on fire, he thrust it unto his face, saying, "Ah!  
whoreson heretic! pray to our Lady, and say, Holy Mary, pray for us, or, by God's wounds, I will  
make thee do it." To whom the said Thomas Benet, with a humble and a meek spirit, most  
patiently answered, "Alas, sir! trouble me not. And holding up his hands, he said, "Father,  
forgive them." Whereupon the gentlemen caused the wood and furzes to be set on fire, and  
therewith this godly man lifted up his eyes and hands to heaven, saying, "O Lord, receive my  
spirit." And so, continuing in his prayers, did never stir nor strive, but most patiently abode the  
cruelty of the fire, until his life was ended. For this the Lord God be praised, and send us his  
grace and blessing, that at the latter day we may with him enjoy the bliss and joy provided and  
prepared for the elect children of God.  
This Benet was burned in a jerkin of neat's leather; at whose burning, such was the  
devilish rage of the blind people, that well was he or she that could catch a stick or furze to cast  
into the fire.  
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1
81. Persons Abjured in London  
Hitherto we have run over, good reader, the names and the acts and doings of them,  
which have sustained death, and the torment of burning, for Christ's cause, through the rigorous  
proclamation above specified, set out, as is said, in the name of King Henry, but indeed procured  
by the bishops. Which proclamation was so straitly looked upon, and executed so to the  
uttermost in every point, by the said popish prelates, that no good man that breathed, whereof  
Esdras speaketh, could peep out with his head ever so little, but he was caught by the back, and  
brought either to the fire, as were these above mentioned; or else compelled to abjure. Whereof  
there was a great multitude, as well men as women; whose names, if they were sought out  
through all registers in England, no doubt it would make too long a discourse. Nevertheless,  
omitting the rest, it shall content us at this present, briefly, as in a short table, to insinuate the  
names, with the special articles, of such as, in the diocese of London, under Bishop Stokesley,  
were molested and vexed, and, at the last, compelled to abjure, as here may appear.  
A table of certain persons, abjured within the diocese of London, under Bishop Stokesley, with  
the articles alleged against them.  
Jeffery Lome, A.D. 1528.  
Imprimis, for having and dispersing sundry books of Martin Luther's, as also for  
translating into the English tongue certain chapters of the work of Luther, De Bonis Operibus: as  
also, certain chapters of a certain book called Piæ Predicationes, wherein divers works of Luther  
be comprehended.  
Item, For affirming and believing that faith only, without good works, will bring a man to  
heaven.  
Item, That men be not bound to observe the constitutions made by the church.  
Item, That we should pray to God only, and to no saints.  
Item, That Christian men ought to worship God only, and no saints.  
Item, That pilgrimages be not profitable for man's soul, and should not be used.  
Item, That we should not offer to images in the church, nor set any lights before them.  
Item, That no man is bound to keep any manner of fasting days, instituted at the church.  
Item, That pardons granted by the pope or the bishop do not profit a man.  
For these articles Jeffery Lome was abjured before the bishops of London, Bath, and  
Lincoln; no mention being made of any penance enjoined him.  
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Sigar Nicholson, stationer, of Cambridge, A.D. 1528.  
His articles were like; and moreover for having in his house certain books of Luther, and  
other prohibited, and not presenting them to the ordinary. The handling of this man was too, too  
cruel, if the report be true, that he should be hanged up in such a manner as well suffereth not to  
be named.  
John Raimund, a Dutchman, A.D. 1528.  
For causing fifteen hundred of Tyndale's New Testaments to be printed at Antwerp, and  
for bringing five hundred into England.  
Paul Luther, Grey Friar, and warden of the house at Ware, A.D. 1529.  
His articles were for preaching and saying that it is pity that there be so many images  
suffered in so many places, where indiscreet and unlearned people be; for they make their  
prayers and oblations so entirely and heartily before the image, that they believe it to be the very  
self saint in heaven.  
Item, That if he knew his father and mother were in heaven, he would count them as good  
as St. Peter and Paul, but for the pain they suffered for Christ's sake.  
Item, That there is no need to go on pilgrimage.  
Item, That if a man were at the point of drowning, or any other danger, he should call  
only upon God, and no saint; for saints in heaven cannot help us, neither know any more what  
men do here in this world, than a man in the north country knoweth what is done in the south  
country.  
Roger Whaplod, merchant tailor, sent, by one Thomas Norfolk, unto Dr. Goderidge, this bill  
following, to be read at his sermon in the Spital. A.D. 1529.  
"
If there be any well-disposed person willing to do any cost upon the reparation of the  
conduit in Fleet Street, let him or them resort unto the administrators of the goods and chattels of  
one Richard Hun, late merchant tailor of London, which died intestate, or else to me, and they  
shall have toward the same six pounds thirteen shillings and four-pence, and a better penny, of  
the goods of the said Richard Hun; upon whose soul, and all Christian souls, Jesus have mercy!"  
For the which bill, both Whaplod and Norfolk were brought and troubled before the  
bishop; and also Dr. Goderidge, which took a groat for reading the said bill, was suspended for a  
time from saying mass, and also was forced to revoke the same at Paul's Cross; reading this bill  
as followeth.  
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The revocation of Dr. William Goderidge, read at Paul's Cross.  
"Masters! so it is, that where in my late sermon at St. Mary Spital, the Tuesday in Easter-  
week last past, I did pray specially for the soul of Richard Hun, late of London, merchant tailor, a  
heretic, by the laws of holy church justly condemned: by reason whereof I greatly offended God  
and his church, and the laws of the same, for which I have submitted me to my ordinary, and  
done penance there-for: forasmuch as, peradventure, the audience that was there offended by my  
said words, might take any occasion thereby to think that I did favour the said heretic, or any  
other, I desire you, at the instance of Almighty God, to forgive me, and not so to think of me, for  
I did it unadvisedly. Therefore, here before God and you, I declare myself that I have not  
favoured him or any other heretic, nor hereafter intend to do, but at all times shall defend the  
Catholic faith of holy church, according to my profession, to the best of my power.  
Robert West, priest, A.D. 1529.  
Abjured for books and opinions contrary to the proclamation.  
Nicholas White of Rye, A.D. 1529.  
His articles: — For speaking against the priests' saying of matins; against praying for  
them that be dead; against praying to God for small trifles, as for the cow calving, the hen  
hatching, &c.: for speaking against the relic of St. Peter's finger; against oblations to images;  
against vowing of pilgrimage; against priesthood; against holy bread and holy water, &c.  
Richard Kitchen, priest, A.D. 1529.  
His articles: — That pardons granted by the pope are naught, and that men should put no  
trust in them, but only in the passion of Christ: that he, being led by the words of the gospel, in  
Matt. vii., concerning the broad and narrow way, and also by the epistle of the mass, beginning,  
Vir fortissimus Judas, had erred in the way of the pope, and thought, that there were but two  
ways, and no purgatory: that men ought to worship no images, nor set up lights before them: that  
pilgrimage doth nothing avail: that the gospel was not truly preached for the space of three  
hundred years past, &c.  
William Wegen, priest at St. Mary Hill, A.D. 1529.  
His articles: — That he was not bound to say his matins nor other service, but to sing  
with the choir till they came to prime; and then, saying no more service, thought he might well  
go to mass: that he had said mass oftentimes, and had not said his matins and his divine service  
before: that he had gone to mass without confession made to a priest: that it was sufficient for a  
man, being in deadly sin, to ask only God mercy for his sin, without further confession made to a  
priest: that he held against pilgrimages, and called images, stocks, stones, and witches.  
Item, That he being sick, went to the Rood of St. Margaret Patens; and said before him  
twenty Pater-nosters; and when he saw himself never the better, then he said, "A foul evil take  
him, and all other images."  
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Item, That if a man keep a good tongue in his head, he fasteth well.  
Item, For commending Luther to be a good man, for preaching twice a day, &c.  
Item, For saying that the mass was but a ceremony, and made to the intent that men  
should pray only.  
Item, For saying, that if a man had a pair of beads or a book in his hand at the church, and  
were not disposed to pray, it was naught, &c.  
William Hale, holy water clerk of Tolenham, A.D. 1529.  
His articles: — That offering of money and candles to images did not avail, since we are  
justified by the blood of Christ.  
Item, For speaking against worshipping of saints, and against the pope's pardons. For  
saying, that since the sacraments that the priest doth minister be as good as they which the pope  
doth minister, he did not see but the priest hath as good authority as the pope.  
Item, That a man should confess himself to God only, and not to a priest, &c.  
William Blomfield, monk of Bury.  
Abjured for the like causes.  
John Tyndale, A.D. 1530.  
For sending five marks to his brother William Tyndale beyond the sea, and for receiving  
and keeping with him certain letters from his brother.  
William Worsley, priest and hermit, A.D. 1530.  
His articles: — Forpreaching at Halestede, having the curate's licence, but not the  
bishop's.  
Item, For preaching these words, "No man riding on pilgrimage, having under him a soft  
saddle, and an easy horse, should have any merit thereby, but the horse and the saddle," &c.  
Item, For saying that hearing of matins and mass is not the thing that shall save a man's  
soul, but only to hear the word of God.  
John Stacy, tiler, A.D. 1530.  
His articles were against purgatory, which, he said, to be but a device of the priests to get  
money: against fasting days by man's prescription, and choice of meats: against superfluous holy  
days: Item, against pilgrimage, &c.  
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Lawrence Maxwell, tailor, A.D. 1530.  
His articles: — That the sacrament of the altar was not the very body of Christ in flesh  
and blood; but that he received him by the word of God, and in remembrance of Christ's passion.  
Item, That the order of priesthood is no sacrament: that there is no purgatory, &c.  
Thomas Curson, monk of Eastacre, in Norfolk, A.D. 1530.  
His articles were these: — For going out of the monastery, and changing his weed, and  
letting his crown to grow; working abroad for his living, making copes and vestments. Also for  
having the New Testament of Tyndale's translation, and another book containing certain books  
of the Old Testament, translated into English, by certain whom the papists call Lutherans.  
Thomas Cornewell or Austy, A.D. 1530.  
His articles: — It was objected, that he, being enjoined afore, by Richard Fitzjames,  
bishop of London, for his penance to wear a faggot embroidered upon his sleeve under pain of  
relapse, he kept not the same; and therefore he was condemned to perpetual custody in the house  
of St. Bartholomew, from whence afterwards he escaped and fled away.  
Thomas Philip, A.D. 1530.  
Thomas Philip was delivered by Sir Thomas More, to Bishop Stokesley by indenture.  
Besides other articles of purgatory, images, the sacrament of the altar, holy-days, keeping of  
books, and such like, it was objected unto him, that he, being searched in the Tower, had found  
about him Tracy's Testament; and in his chamber in the Tower was found cheese and butter in  
Lent-time. Also, that he had a letter delivered unto him going to the Tower. Which letter, with  
the Testament also of Tracy, because they are both worthy to be seen, we mind (God willing) to  
annex also unto the story of this Thomas Philip. As he was oftentimes examined before Master  
More and the bishop, he always stood to his denial, neither could there any thing be proved  
clearly against him, but only Tracy's Testament, and his butter in Lent. One Stacy first bare  
witness against him, but after, in the court, openly he protested that he did it for fear. The bishop  
then willing him to submit himself, and to swear never to hold any opinion contrary to the  
determination of holy church, he said "he would:" and when the form of his abjuration was given  
him to read, he read it: but the bishop, not content with that, would have him to read it openly.  
But that he would not; and said, He would appeal to the king as supreme head of the church, and  
so did. Still the bishop called upon him to abjure. He answered, That he would be obedient as a  
Christian man should, and that he would swear never to hold any heresy during his life, nor to  
favour any heretics.  
But the bishop, not yet content, would have him to read the abjuration after the form of  
the church conceived, as it was given him. He answered again, that he would forswear all  
heresies, and that he would maintain no heresies, nor favour any heretics. The bishop with this  
would not be answered, but needs would drive him to the abjuration formed after the pope's  
church: to whom he said, If it were the same abjuration that he read, he would not read it, but  
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stand to his appeal made to the king, the supreme head of the church under God. Again the  
bishop asked him, if he would abjure or not. "Except," said he, "you will show me the cause why  
I should abjure, I will not say yea nor nay to it, but will stand to my appeal;" and he required the  
bishop to obey the same. Then the bishop, reading openly the bill of excommunication against  
him, denounced him for contumax, and an excommunicated person, charging all men to have no  
company, and nothing to do with him. After this excommunication, what became of him,  
whether he was holpen by his appeal, or whether he was burned, or whether he died in the  
Tower, or whether he abjured, I find no mention made in the registers.  
A letter directed to Thomas Philip in the name of the brethren, and given him by the way going to  
the Tower.  
"The favour of him that is able to keep you that you fall not, and to confess your name in  
the kingdom of glory, and to give you strength by his Spirit to confess him before all his  
adversaries, be with you ever. Amen.  
"Sir, the brethren think that there be divers false brethren craftily crept in among them, to  
seek out their freedom in the Lord, that they may accuse them to the Lord's adversaries, as they  
suppose they have done you. Wherefore, if so it be, that the Spirit of God move you thereunto,  
they, as counsellors, desire you above all things to be stedfast in the Lord's verity, without fear;  
for he shall and will be your help, according to his promise, so that they shall not minish the least  
hair of your head without his will; unto the which will, submit yourself and rejoice: for the Lord  
knoweth how to deliver the godly out of temptation, and how to reserve the unjust unto the day  
of judgment, to be punished: and therefore cast all your care on him, for he careth for you. And  
in that you suffer as a Christian man, be not ashamed, but rather glorify God on that behalf;  
Looking upon Christ the author and finisher of our faith, which, for the joy that was set before  
him, abode the cross and despised the shame. Notwithstanding, though we suffer the wrong after  
the example of our Master Christ, yet we be not bound to suffer the wrong cause, for Christ  
himself suffered it not, but reproved him that smote him wrongfully. And so likewise saith St.  
Paul also. So that we must not suffer the wrong, but boldly reprove them that sit as righteous  
judges, and do contrary to righteousness. Therefore, according both to God's law and man's, ye  
be not bound to make answer in any cause, till your accusers come before you; which if you  
require, and thereon do stick, the false brethren shall be known, to the great comfort of those that  
now stand in doubt whom they may trust; and also it shall be a mean that they shall not craftily,  
by questions, take you in snares. And that you may this do lawfully, in Acts xx. it is written, It is  
not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man that he should perish, before that he which is  
accused have his accusers before him, and have licence to answer for himself, as pertaining to  
the crime whereof he is accused. And also Christ willeth that in the mouth of two or three  
witnesses all things shall stand. And in 1 Tim. v. 19, it is written, Against a senior receive none  
accusation, but under two or three witnesses. A senior, in this place, is any man that hath a house  
to govern. And also their own law is agreeable to this. Wherefore, seeing it is agreeable to the  
word of God, that in accusations such witnesses should be, you may with good conscience  
require it. And thus the God of grace, which hath called you unto his eternal glory by Christ  
Jesus, shall his own self, after a little affliction, make you perfect; shall settle, strengthen, and  
stablish you, that to him may be glory and praise for ever. Amen."  
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Thus ye have heard the letter delivered to Thomas Philip. Now followeth the testament of  
William Tracy.  
A little before this time, William Tracy, a worshipful esquire in Gloucestershire, and then  
dwelling at Toddington, made, in his will, that he would have no funeral pomp at his burying,  
neither passed he upon mass; and he further said, that he trusted in God only, and hoped by him  
to be saved, and not by any saint. This gentleman died, and his son, as executor, brought the will  
to the bishop of Canterbury to prove: which he showed to the convocation, and there most  
cruelly they judged that he should be taken out of the ground, and be burned as a heretic, A.D.  
1
532. This commission was sent to Dr. Parker, chancellor of the diocese of Worcester, to execute  
their wicked sentence; which accomplished the same. The king, hearing his subject to be taken  
out of the ground and burned, without his knowledge or order of his law, sent for the chancellor,  
and laid high offence to his charge; who excused himself by the archbishop of Canterbury which  
was lately dead; but in conclusion it cost him three hundred pounds to have his pardon.  
The will and testament of this gentleman, thus condemned by the clergy, was as  
hereunder followeth:  
"
In the name of God, Amen. I, William Tracy of Toddington in the county of Gloucester,  
esquire, make my testament and last will as hereafter followeth: First, and before all other things,  
I commit myself to God and to his mercy, believing, without any doubt or mistrust, that by his  
grace, and the merits of Jesus Christ, and by the virtue of his passion and of his resurrection, I  
have and shall have remission of all my sins, and resurrection of body and soul, according as it is  
written, I believe that my Redeemer liveth, and that in the last day I shall rise out of the earth,  
and in my flesh shall see my Saviour: this my hope is laid up in my bosom.  
And touching the wealth of my soul, the faith that I have taken and rehearsed is  
sufficient, (as I suppose,) without any other man's works or merits. My ground and belief is, that  
there is but one God and one Mediator between God and man, which is Jesus Christ; so that I  
accept none in heaven or in earth to be mediator between me and God, but only Jesus Christ: all  
others to be but as petitioners in receiving of grace, but none able to give influence of grace: and  
therefore will I bestow no part of my goods for that intent that any man should say or do to help  
my soul; for therein I trust only to the promises of Christ: He that believeth and is baptized shall  
be saved, and he that believeth not shall be damned.  
"As touching the burying of my body, it availeth me not whatsoever be done thereto; for  
St. Augustine saith, concerning the respect due to the dead, that the funeral pomps are rather the  
solace of them that live, than the wealth and comfort of them that are dead: and therefore I remit  
it only to the discretion of mine executors.  
"As touching the distribution of my temporal goods, my purpose is, by the grace of God,  
to bestow them to be accepted as the fruits of faith; so that I do not suppose that my merit shall  
be by the good bestowing of them, but my merit is the faith of Jesus Christ only, by whom such  
works are good, according to the words of our Lord, I was hungry, and thou gavest me to eat,  
&c. And it followeth, That ye have done to the least of my brethren, ye have done it to me, &c.  
And ever we should consider that true saying, that a good work maketh not a good man, but a  
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good man maketh a good work; for faith maketh a man both good and righteous: for a righteous  
man liveth by faith, and whatsoever springeth not of faith is sin, &c.  
"And all my temporal goods that I have not given or delivered, or not given by writing of  
mine own hand, bearing the date of this present writing, I do leave and give to Margaret my wife,  
and Richard my son, whom I make mine executors. Witness hereof mine own hand the tenth of  
Octoher, in the twenty-second year of the reign of King Henry the Eighth."  
This is the true copy of his will, for which, (as you heard before,) after he was almost two  
years dead, they took him up and burned him.  
The table continued.  
John Perlman, skinner, A.D. 1531.  
His articles were much like unto the others before; adding, moreover, that all the  
preachers then at Paul's Cross preached nothing but lies and flatterings, and that there was never  
a true preacher but one; naming Edward Crome.  
Robert Goldstone, glazier, A.D. 1.531.  
His articles: — That men should pray to God only, and to no saints: that pilgrimage is not  
profitable: that men should give no worship to images. Item, for saying, that if he had as much  
power as any cardinal had, he would destroy all the images that were in all the churches in  
England.  
Lawrence Staple, serving-man, A.D. 1531.  
His articles: — For having the Testament in English, the five books of Moses, the  
Practice of Prelates, the Sum of Scripture, the A.B.C.  
Item, About the burning of Bainham, for saying, "I would I were with Bainham, seeing  
that every man hath forsaken him, that I might drink with him, and he might pray for me."  
Item, That he moved Henry Tomson to learn to read the New Testament, calling it The  
Blood of Christ.  
Item, In Lent past, when he had no fish, he did eat eggs, butter, and cheese. Also, about  
six weeks before Master Bilney was attached, the said Bilney delivered to him at Greenwich four  
New Testaments of Tyndale's translation, which he had in his sleeve, and a budget besides of  
books, which budget he, shortly after riding to Cambridge, delivered unto Bilney, &c.  
Item, On Fridays he used to eat eggs, and thought that it was no great offence before God,  
&c.  
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Henry Tomson, tailor, A.D. 1531.  
His articles: — That which the priest lifteth over his head at the sacring-time, is not the  
very body of Christ, nor is it God; but a thing that God hath ordained to be done.  
This poor Tomson, although at the first he submitted himself to the bishop, yet they with  
sentence condemned him to perpetual prison.  
Jasper Wetzell, of Cologne, A.D. 1531.  
His articles: — That he cared not for going to the church to hear mass, for he could say  
mass as well as the priest: That he would not pray to our Lady, for she could do us no good.  
Item, Being asked if he would go hear mass, he said, he had as lieve go to the gallows,  
where the thieves were hanged.  
Item, Being at St. Margaret Patens, and there holding his arms across, he said unto the  
people, that he could make as good a knave as he is, for he is made but of wood, &c.  
Robert Man, serving-man, A.D. 1531.  
His articles: — There is no purgatory: That the pope hath no more power to grant pardon  
than another simple priest: That God gave no more authority to St. Peter than to another priest:  
That the pope was a knave, and his priests knaves all, for suffering his pardons to go abroad to  
deceive the people: That St. Thomas of Canterbury is no saint: That St. Peter was never pope of  
Rome.  
Item, He used commonly to ask of priests where he came, whether a man were accursed,  
if he handled a chalice, or no? If the priest would say, Yea: then would he reply again thus; "If a  
man have a sheep-skin on his hands," meaning a pair of gloves, "he may handle it." The priests  
saying, Yea. "Well then," quoth he, "ye will make me believe, that God put more virtue in a  
sheep-skin, than he did in a Christian man's hand, for whom he died."  
Henry Feldon, A.D. 1531.  
His trouble was for having these books in English: A proper Dialogue between a  
Gentleman and a Husbandman, The Sum of Scripture, The Prologue of Mark, a written book  
containing the Pater Noster, Ave Maria, and the Creed, in English; The Ten Commandments, and  
The Sixteen Conditions of Charity.  
Robert Cooper, priest, A: D. 1531.  
His article was only this: — For saying that the blessing with a shoe-sole, is as good as  
the bishop's blessing, &c.  
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Thomas Roe, A.D. 1531.  
His articles were, for speaking against auricular confession and priestly penance, and  
against the preaching of the doctors.  
William Wallam, A.D. 1531.  
His opinion: That the sacrament of the altar is not the body of Christ in flesh and blood;  
and that there is a God, but not that God in flesh and blood, in the form of bread.  
Grace Palmer, A.D. 1531.  
Witness was brought against her by her neighbours, John Rouse, Agnes his wife, John  
Pole, of St. Osithe's, for saying, "Ye use to bear palms on Palm-Sunday: it skilleth not whether  
you bear any or not, it is but a thing used, and need not."  
Also, " Ye use to go on pilgrimage to our Lady of Grace, of Walsingham and other  
places: ye were better tarry at home, and give money to succour me and my children, and other  
of my poor neighbours, than to go thither; for there you shall find but a piece of timber painted:  
there is neither God nor Lady.  
Item, For repenting that she did ever light candles before images.  
Item. That the sacrament of the altar is not the body of Christ; it is but bread, which the  
priest there showeth for a token or remembrance of Christ's body.  
Philip Brasier, of Boxted, A.D. 1531.  
His articles: — That the sacrament holden up between the priest's hands is not the body  
of Christ, but bread, and is done for a signification: That confession to a priest needeth not: That  
images be but stocks and stones: That pilgrimage is vain: Also for saying, that when there is any  
miracle done, the priests do anoint the images, and make men believe that the images do sweat in  
labouring for them; and with the offerings the priests find their harlots.  
John Fairestede, of Colchester, A.D. 1531.  
His articles: — For words spoken against pilgrimage and images. Also for saying these  
words, "That the day should come that men should say, Cursed be they that make these false  
gods" (meaning images).  
George Bull, of Much Hadham, draper, A.D. 1531.  
His articles: — That there be three confessions; one principal to God; another to his  
neighbour whom he had offended; and the third to a priest; and that without the two first  
confessions, to God and to his neighbour, a man could not be saved. The third confession to a  
priest, is necessary for counsel to such as be ignorant and unlearned, to learn how to make their  
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confession with a contrite heart unto God, and how to hope for forgiveness; and also in what  
manner they should ask forgiveness of their neighbour whom they have offended, &c. Item, For  
saying that Luther was a good man. Item, That he reported, through the credence and report of  
Master Patmore, parson of Hadham, that where Wickliff's bones were burnt, sprang up a well or  
well-spring.  
John Haymond, millwright, A.D. 1531.  
His articles: — For speaking and holding against pilgrimage and images, and against  
prescribed fasting days.  
That priests and religious men, notwithstanding their vows made, may lawfully forsake  
their vows and marry.  
Item, For having books of Luther and Tyndale.  
Robert Lambe, a harper, A.D. 1531.  
His article: — For that he, standing accursed two years together, and not fearing the  
censures of the pope's church, went about with a song in commendation of Martin Luther.  
John Hewes, draper, A.D. 1531.  
His articles: — For speaking against purgatory, and Thomas Becket.  
Item, At the town of Farnham, he, seeing Edward Frensham kneeling in the street to a  
cross carried before a corse, asked, To whom he kneeled? He said, To his Maker. "Thou art a  
fool," said he, " it is not thy Maker; it is but a piece of copper or wood," &c.  
Item, For these words, "Masters! ye use to go on pilgrimage; it were better first that ye  
look upon your poor neighbours, who lack succour," &c.  
Also for saying, that he heard the vicar of Croydon thus preach openly, That there was  
much immorality kept up by going on pilgrimage to Wilsdon or Mouswell, &c.  
Thomas Patmore, draper, A.D. 1531.  
This Patmore was brother to Master Patmore, parson of Hadham, who was imprisoned in  
the Lollards' Tower for marrying a priest, and in the same prison continued three years.  
This Patmore was accused by divers witnesses, upon these articles:  
That he had as lieve pray to yonder hunter (pointing to a man painted there in a stained  
cloth) for a piece of flesh, as pray to stocks that stand in walls (meaning images).  
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Item, That men should not pray to saints, but to God only: "For why should we pray to  
saints?" said he, "they are but blocks and stocks."  
Item, That the truth of Scripture hath been kept from us a long time, and hath not  
appeared till now.  
Item, Coming by a tree wherein stood an image, he took away the wax which hanged  
there offered.  
Item, That he regarded not the place whether it was hallowed or no, where be should be  
buried after he was dead.  
Also in talk with the curate of St. Peter's, he defended that priests might marry.  
This Patmore had long hold with the bishop of London. First, he would not swear,  
Infamia non præcedente. Then he would appeal to the king: but all would not serve. He was so  
wrapt in the bishop's nets, that he could not get out: but at last he was forced to abjure, and was  
fined to the king a hundred pounds.  
Note in the communication between this Patmore and the priest of St. Peter's, that  
whereas the priest objected against him (as is in the register) that priests have lived unmarried  
and without wives these fifteen hundred years in the church; he, and all other such priests,  
therein say falsely, and deceive the people, as by story is proved in these volumes, that priests  
here in England had wives by law within these five hundred years and less.  
Simon Smith, master of arts, of Gunwell-hall, Cambridge, and Joan Bennore his wife, A.D. 1531.  
This Simon Smith, and Bennore his wife, were the parties whom Master Patmore, parson  
of Hadham, above mentioned, did marry, and was condemned for the same to perpetual prison.  
For the which marriage, both the said Simon, and Bennore his wife, were called to examination  
before the bishop, and he caused to make the whole discourse of all his doings, how and where  
he married; then, after his marriage, how long he tarried; whether he went beyond sea; where he  
was, and with whom; after his return whither he resorted; how he lived; what mercery-ware he  
occupied; what fairs he frequented; where he left his wife; how he carried her over, and brought  
her home again, and how she was found, &c. All this they made him confess, and put it in their  
register. And though they could fasten no other crime of heresy upon him, but only his marriage,  
yet, calling both him and her (being great with child) to examination, they caused them both to  
abjure and suffer penance.  
Thomas Patmore, parson of Hadham, A.D. 1530.  
This Thomas Patmore, being learned and godly, was preferred to the parsonage of  
Hadham, in Hertfordshire, by Richard Fitz-James, bishop of London, and there continued  
instructing and teaching his flock during the time of the said Fitz-James, and also of Tonstal his  
successor, by the space of sixteen years or more; behaving himself in life and conversation  
without any public blame or reproach; until John Stokesley was preferred unto the said bishopric,  
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who, not very long after his installing, either for malice not greatly liking of the said Patmore, or  
else desirous to prefer some other unto the benefice, (as it is supposed and alleged by his  
brethren in sundry supplications exhibited unto the king, as also unto Queen Anne, then  
marchioness of Pembroke,) caused him to be attached and brought before him; and then, keeping  
him prisoner in his own palace, a certain time afterwards committed him to Lollard's Tower,  
where he kept him most extremely above two years, without fire or candle, or any other relief,  
but such as his friends sent him; not suffering any of them, notwithstanding, to come unto him,  
no, not in his sickness. Howbeit sundry times in the mean while he called him judicially either  
before himself, or else his vicar-general Foxford, that great persecutor, charging him with these  
sundry articles, viz. first, whether he had been at Wittenberg; secondly, and had seen or talked  
with Luther; thirdly, or with any Englishman, abiding there; fourthly, who went with him or  
attended upon him thither; fifthly, also what books he bought there, either Latin or English;  
sixthly, and whether he had read or studied any works of Luther, Œcolampadius, Pomerane, or  
Melancthon.  
Besides these, he ministered also other articles unto him, touching the marriage of Master  
Simon Smith (before mentioned) with one Joan Bennore, charging him that he both knew of and  
also consented unto their marriage, the one being a priest and his curate, and the other his maid-  
servant; and that he had persuaded his maid-servant to marry with his said curate, alleging unto  
her, that though it were not lawful in England for priests to marry, yet it was, in other countries  
beyond seas. And that after their said marriage, he (knowing the same) did yet suffer the said  
Smith to minister in his cure all Easter-time, and fifteen days after; and that at their departure out  
of England, he supped with them at the Bell in New Fish Street; and again, at their return into  
England, did meet them at the said Bell, and there lent unto the said Smith a priest's gown.  
He objected, moreover, against him in the said articles, that he had affirmed at  
Cambridge, first, that he did not set a bottle of hay by the pope's or bishop's curse; secondly, and  
that God bindeth us to impossible things, that he may save us only by his mercy; also thirdly, that  
though young children he baptized, yet they cannot be saved except they have faith; fourthly and  
lastly, that it was against God's law to burn heretics.  
Unto these articles, after long imprisonment and great threats of the bishop and his vicar,  
he at last answered, making first his appeal unto the king, wherein he showed, that forasmuch as  
the bishop had most unjustly, and contrary to all due order of law, and the equity thereof,  
proceeded against him, as well in falsely defaming him with the crime of heresy, without having  
any just proof or public defamation thereof; as also, contrary to all justice, keeping him in most  
strait prison so long time (both to the great danger of his life, by grievous sickness taken thereby,  
as especially to his no small grief, that through his absence, his flock, whereof he had charge,  
were not fed with the word of God and his sacraments as he would); and then, to minister unto  
him such articles, mingled with interrogatories, as neither touched any heresy nor transgression  
of any law, but rather showing a mind to pick quarrels against him and other innocent people; he  
therefore, for the causes alleged, was compelled, and did, appeal from him and all his officers  
unto the king's Majesty, whom, under God, he had for his most just and lawful refuge, and  
defender against all injuries. From which appeal although he minded not at any time to depart,  
yet because he would not show himself obstinate against the bishop, being his ordinary,  
(although he had most just cause to suspect his unjust proceeding against him,) he was  
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nevertheless content to exhibit unto him this his answer: First, that howsoever the bishop was  
privately informed, yet because he was not publicly defamed among good and grave men,  
according to law, he was not, by the law, bound to answer to any of those articles.  
And as touching the first six articles, (as whether he was at Wittenberg, and spake with  
Luther, or any other, or bought or read any of their books, &c.,) because none of those things  
were forbidden him by any law, neither was he publicly accused of them, (for that it was  
permitted to many good men to have them,) he was not bound to answer, neither was he to be  
examined of them. But as touching the marriage of Master Simon Smith with Joan Bennore, he  
granted that he knew thereof by the declaration of Master Smith; but, that he gave his maid  
counsel thereunto, he utterly denied. And as concerning the contracting of the marriage between  
them, he thought it not at all against God's law, who at the first creation made marriage lawful  
for all men: neither thought he it unlawful for him, after their marriage, either to keep him as his  
curate, or else to lend or give him any thing needful (wherein he said he showed more charity  
than the bishop, who had taken all things from them); and therefore he desired to have it proved  
by the Scriptures, that priests' marriages were not lawful.  
Against whom, Foxford, the bishop's vicar, often alleged general councils, and  
determinations of the church, but no Scriptures, still urging him to abjure his articles; which  
Patmore long time refused, and sticking a great while to his former answers, at last was  
threatened by Foxford, to have the definitive sentence read against him. Whereupon he  
answered, that he believed the holy church as a Christian man ought to do; and because it passed  
his capacity, he desired to be instructed, and if the Scriptures did teach it, he would believe it; for  
he knew not the contrary by the Scriptures, but that a priest might marry a wife; howbeit, by the  
laws of the church, he thought that a priest might not marry. But the chancellor still so urged him  
to show whether a priest might marry without offence to God, that at length he granted that  
priests might not marry without offence to God, because the church had forbidden it, and  
therefore a priest could not marry without deadly sin.  
Now as touching the four last articles, he denied that he spake them as they were put  
against him; but he granted that he might perhaps jestingly say, That a bottle of hay were more  
profitable to him than the pope's curse, which he thought true. Also to the second, he affirmed  
that God had set before us, by his precepts and commandments, the way to righteousness, which  
way was not in man's power to go and keep; therefore Paul saith, Gal. iii. 19, that the law was  
ordained by angels in the hand of a mediator; but yet, to fulfil it, it was in the hand, that is,  
power, of the Mediator. That none that shall be saved shall account their salvation unto their own  
deeds, or thank their own justice in observing the law; for it was in no man's power to observe it:  
but shall give all thanks to the mercies and goodness of God; according to the psalm, Praise the  
Lord, all ye nations; and according to the saying of Paul, that he that glorieth may glory in the  
Lord; who hath sent his Son to do for us that which it was not in our own power to do. For if it  
had been in our power to fulfil the law, Christ had been sent to us without cause, to do for us that  
thing which we ourselves could have done, that is to say, fulfil the law. As for the third, he spake  
not, for he did never know that any may be baptized without faith; which faith, inasmuch as it is  
the gift of God, why may it not be given to infants? To the last he said, that if he spake it, ho  
meant it not of those that St. Bernard called heretics, (with more adulterers, thieves, murderers,  
and other open sinners, who blaspheme God by their mouths, calling good evil, and evil good,  
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making light darkness, and darkness light,) but he meant it of such as men call heretics,  
according to the testimony of St. Paul, Acts xxiv. 14, I live after the way, saith he, that men call  
heresy, whom Christ doth foretell that ye shall burn and persecute to death.  
After these answers thus made, the bishop, with his persecuting Foxford, dealt so hardly  
with this good man, partly by strait imprisonment, and partly by threats to proceed against him,  
that in the end he was fain, through human infirmity, to submit himself, and was abjured and  
condemned to perpetual prison; with loss, both of his benefice, as also of all his goods. Howbeit  
one of his brethren afterwards made such suit unto the king, (by means of the queen,) that after  
three years' imprisonment, he was both released out of prison, and also obtained of the king a  
commission unto the Lord Audley, being then lord chancellor, and to Cranmer, archbishop of  
Canterbury, and to Cromwell, then secretary, with others, to inquire of the injurious and unjust  
dealings of the bishop and his chancellor against the said Patmore, notwithstanding his appeal  
unto the king; and to determine thereof according to true equity and justice, and to restore the  
said Patmore again unto his said benefice. But what was the end and issue of this commission,  
we find not as yet.  
John Row, book-binder, a Frenchman, A.D. 1531.  
This man, for binding, buying, and dispersing of books inhibited, was enjoined, besides  
other penance, to go to Smithfield with his books tied about him, and to cast them into the fire,  
and there to abide till they were all burned to ashes.  
Christopher, a Dutchman of Antwerp, A.D. 1531.  
This man, for selling certain New Testaments in English, to John Row aforesaid, was put  
in prison at Westminster, and there died.  
W. Nelson, priest, A.D. 1531.  
His crime was, for having and buying of Periman certain books of Luther, Tyndale,  
Thorp, &c., and for reading and perusing the same, contrary to the king's proclamation, for  
which he was abjured. He was priest at Leith.  
Thomas Eve, weaver, A.D. 1531.  
His articles: — That the sacrament of the altar is but a memory of Christ's passion. That  
men were fools to go on pilgrimage, or to set any candle before images. Item, It is as good to set  
up staves before the sepulchre, as to set up tapers of wax. That priests might have wives.  
Robert Hudson of St. Sepulchre's, A.D. 1531.  
His article: — On Childermas-day (saith the register) he offered in Paul's church at  
offering-time, to the child bishop (called St. Nicholas) a dog for devotion, (as he said,) and meant  
no hurt; for he thought to have offered a halfpenny, or else the dog, and thought the dog to be  
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better than a halfpenny, and the dog should raise some profit to the child; and said moreover, that  
it was the tenth dog, &c.  
Edward Hewet, serving-man, A.D. 1531.  
His crime: — That after the king's proclamation, he had and read the New Testament in  
English; also the book of John Frith against purgatory, &c.  
Walter Kiry, servant, A.D. 1531.  
His article: — That he, after the king's proclamation, had and used these books; The  
Testament in English, The Sum of Scripture, a Primer and Psalter in English, hidden in his bed-  
straw at Worcester.  
Michael Lobley, A.D. 1531.  
His articles: — That he, being at Antwerp, bought certain books inhibited, as The  
Revelation of Antichrist, The Obedience of a Christian Man, The Wicked Mammon, Frith  
against Purgatory. Item, For speaking against images and purgatory. Item, For saying, that  
Bilney was a good man, and died a good man, because of a bill that one did send from Norwich,  
that specified that he took his death so patiently, and did not forsake to die with a good will.  
A boy of Colchester, A.D. 1531.  
A boy of Colchester, or Norfolk, brought to Richard Bayfield a budget of books, about  
four days before the said Bayfield was taken; for which the lad was taken, and laid in the  
Compter by Master More, chancellor, and there died.  
William Smith, tailor, A.D. 1531.  
His articles: — That he lodged oftentimes in his house Richard Bayfield, and other good  
men: that he received his books into his house, and used much reading in the New Testament: he  
had also the Testament of William Tracy: he believed that there was no purgatory.  
William Lincoln, prentice, A.D. 1532.  
His articles: — For having and receiving books from beyond the sea, of Tyndale, Frith,  
Thorp, and others. Item, He doubted, whether there were any purgatory; whether it were well  
done to set up candles to saints, to go on pilgrimage, &c.  
John Mel, of Boxted, A.D. 1532.  
His heresy was this: — For having and reading the New Testament in English, the Psalter  
in English, and the book called A B C.  
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John Medwel, servant to Master Carket, scrivener.  
This Medwel lay in prison twenty-four weeks, till he was almost lame. His heresies was  
these: — That he doubted whether there was any purgatory. He would not trust in pardons, but  
rather in the promises of Christ. He doubted whether the merits of any but only of Christ did help  
him. He doubted whether pilgrimages, and setting up of candles to images, were meritorious or  
not. He thought he should not put his trust in any saint. Item, he had in his custody, the New  
Testament in English, the Examination of Thorp, The Wicked Mammon, a book of Matrimony.  
Christopher Fulman, servant to a goldsmith, A.D. 1532.  
This young man was attached, for receiving certain books at Antwerp of George  
Constantine, and transporting them over into England, and selling them to sundry persons, being  
books prohibited by the proclamation. Item, He thought then those books to have been good, and  
that he had been in error in times past.  
Margaret Bowgas, A.D. 1532.  
Her heresies were these: — Being asked if she would go on pilgrimage. she said, " I  
believe in God, and he can do me more good than our Lady, or any other saint; and as for them,  
they shall come to me, if they will," &c. Then Richard Sharpies, parson of Milend, by  
Colchester, asked her if she said her Ave Maria. "I say," said she, "Hail Mary, but I will say no  
further." Then said he, if she left not those opinions, she would bear a faggot. "If I do, better,  
then, I shall," said she; adding moreover, "that she would not go from that, to die there-for:" to  
whom the priest answered and said, She would be burned. Hereunto Margaret, again replying,  
asked the priest, "Who made martyrs?" "Tyrants," quoth the priest, "make martyrs, for they put  
martyrs to death." "So they shall, or mar, me," quoth Margaret. At length. with much ado, and  
great persuasion, she gave over to Foxford, the chancellor, and submitted herself.  
John Tyrel, an Irishman, of Billerica, tailor.  
His articles were these: — That the sacrament of the altar was not the body of Christ, but  
only a cake of bread. Furthermore, the occasion being asked, how he fell into that heresy, he  
answered and said, that about three weeks before Midsummer last past, he heard Master Hugh  
Latimer preach at St. Mary, Abchurch, that men should leave going on pilgrimage abroad, and  
do their pilgrimage to their poor neighbours. Also the said Master Latimer in his sermon did set  
at little the sacrament of the altar.  
William Lancaster, tailor, A.D. 1532.  
The case laid to this man was, that he had in his keeping the book of Wickliff's Wicket.  
Item, That he believed the sacrament of the altar, after the words of consecration, not to be the  
body of Christ really, &c. Item, Upon the day of Assumption, he said, that if it were not for the  
speech of the people, he would not receive the sacrament of the altar.  
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Robert Topley, friar, A.D. 1532.  
His articles: — He being a Friar Augustine of Clare, forsook his habit, and going in a  
secular man's weed ten years, married a wife, called Margaret Nixon, having by her a child; and  
afterwards, being brought before the bishop, he was by him abjured, and condemned to be  
imprisoned in his former monastery; but at last he escaped out, and returned to his wife again.  
Thomas Topley, Augustine Friar, at Stoke-clare.  
By the occasion of this Robert Topley aforesaid, place is offered to speak something  
likewise of Thomas Topley, his brother belike, and also a friar of the same order and house of  
Stoke-clare. This Thomas Topley had been converted before by one Richard Foxe, priest of  
Bumstead, and Miles Coverdale, insomuch that he, being induced, partly by them, partly by  
reading certain books, cast off both his order and habit, and went like a secular priest.  
Whereupon he was espied, and brought to Cuthbert, bishop of London, A.D. 1528, before whom  
he made this confession as followeth:  
"All Christian men, beware of consenting to Erasmus's Fables, for by consenting to them,  
they have caused me to shrink in my faith, that I promised to God at my christening by my  
witnesses. First, as touching these Fables, I read in Colloquium, by the instruction of Sir Richard  
Foxe, of certain pilgrims, which, as the book doth say, made a vow to go to St. James, and as  
they went, one of them died, and he desired his fellows to salute St. James in his name; and  
another died homeward, and he desired that they would salute his wife and his children; and the  
third died at Florence, and his fellow said, he supposed that he was in heaven, and yet he said  
that he was a great liar. Thus I mused of these opinions so greatly, that my mind was almost  
withdrawn from devotion to saints. Notwithstanding, I consented that the divine service of them  
was very good, and is; though I have not had such sweetness in it as I should have had, because  
of such fables, and also because of other foolish pastimes; as dancing, tennis, and such other,  
which I think have been great occasions that the goodness of God hath been void in me, and vice  
in strength.  
Moreover, it fortuned thus, about half a year ago, that the said Sir Richard went forth, and  
desired me to serve his cure for him; and as I was in his chamber, I found a certain book called  
Wickliff's Wicket, whereby I felt in my conscience a great wavering for the time that I did read  
upon it, and afterwards, also, when I remembered it, it wounded my conscience very sore.  
Nevertheless, I consented not to it, until I had heard him preach, and that was upon St. Anthony's  
day. Yet my mind was still much troubled with the said book, (which did make the sacrament of  
Christ's body, in form of bread, but a remembrance of Christ's passion,) till I heard Sir Miles  
Coverdale preach, and then my mind was sore withdrawn from that blessed sacrament, insomuch  
that I took it then but for the remembrance of Christ's body. Thus I have wretchedly wrapped my  
soul with sin, for because I have not been stedfast in that holy order that God hath called me unto  
by baptism, neither in the holy order that God and St. Augustine have called me to by my  
religion," &c.  
Furthermore, he said and confessed, that in the Lent last past, as he was walking in the  
field at Bumstead, with Sir Miles Coverdale, late friar of the same order, going in the habit of a  
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secular priest, which had preached the fourth Sunday in Lent at Bumstead, they did commune  
together of Erasmus's works, and also upon confession. The which Sir Miles said, and did hold,  
that it was sufficient for a man to be contrite for his sins betwixt God and his conscience, without  
confession made to a priest; which opinion this respondent thought to be true, and did affirm and  
hold the same at that time. Also he saith, that at the said sermon, made by the said Sir Miles  
Coverdale at Bumstead, he heard him preach against worshipping of images in the church,  
saying and preaching, that men in no wise should honour or worship them; which likewise he  
thought to be true, because he had no learning to defend it.  
William Gardiner, Augustine Friar, of Clare.  
With this Topley I may also join William Gardiner, one of the same order and house of  
Clare, who likewise, by the motion of the said Richard Foxe, curate of Bumstead, and by  
showing him certain books to read, was brought likewise to the like learning and judgment, and  
was for the same abjured by Cuthbert, bishop, the same year, 1528.  
Richard Johnson, of Boxted, and Alice his wife.  
This Richard and his wife were favourers of God's word, and had been troubled for the  
same of long time. They came from Salisbury to Boxted by reason of persecution, where they  
continued a good space. At length, by resort of good men, they began to be suspected, and  
especially for a book of Wickliff's Wicket, which was in their house, theywere convented before  
Stokesley, bishop of London, and there abjured.  
So great was the trouble of those times, that it would overcharge any story to recite the  
names of all them which during those bitter days, before the coming in of Queen Anne, either  
were driven out of the realm, or were cast out from their goods and houses, or brought to open  
shame by abjuration. Such decrees and injunctions then were set forth by the bishops, such laws  
and proclamations were provided, such watch and narrow search was used, such ways were  
taken by force of oath to make one detect another so subtilly, that scarcely any good man could  
or did escape their hands, but either his name was known, or else his person was taken. Yet,  
nevertheless, so mightily the power of God's gospel did work in the hearts of good men, that the  
number of them did nothing lessen for all this violence or policy of the adversaries, but rather  
increased, in such sort as our story also almost suffereth not to recite the particular names of all  
and singular such as then groaned under the same cross of affliction and persecution of those  
days; of which number were these:  
Arthur and Gefferey Lome.  
John Tibauld, his mother, his wife, his two sons, and his two daughters.  
Edmund Tibauld, and his wife.  
Henry Butcher, and his wife.  
William Butcher, and his wife.  
George Preston, and his wife.  
Joan Smith, widow; also her sons Robert and Richard, and her daughters Margaret and  
Elizabeth.  
Robert Hempsteed, and his wife.  
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Thomas Hempsteed, and his wife.  
John Hempsteed, their son.  
Robert Faire.  
William Chatwals.  
Joan Smith, widow, otherwise called Agnes, widow; also her sons John, Thomas, and  
Christopher, and her daughters Joan and Alice. John Wiggen.  
Nicholas Holden's wife.  
Alice Shipwright.  
Henry Brown.  
John Craneford.  
All these were of the town of Bumstead, who being detected by Sir Richard Foxe, their  
curate, and partly by Tibauld, were brought up to the bishop of London, and all put together in  
one house, to the number of thirty-five, to be examined and abjured by the said bishop.  
Moreover, in other towns about Suffolk and Essex, others also were detected, as in the  
town of Byrbrook, these following:  
Isabel Choote, widow; also her sons John, William, Christopher, and Robert; her  
daughter Margaret, and Katharine her maid.  
Thomas Choote, and his wife.  
Harvie, and his wife.  
Thomas, his son.  
Agnes, his daughter.  
Bateman, and his wife.  
John Smith, and his wife.  
Thomas Butcher, and his wife.  
Robert Catlin, a spoon-maker.  
Christmas, and his wife.  
William Bechwith, his wife and his two sons. John Pickas, and his wife.  
William Pickas, his brother.  
Girling, his wife and his daughter.  
Matthew's wife.  
Johnson, his wife and his son.  
Thomas Hills.  
Roger Tanner.  
Christopher Raven, and his wife.  
John Chapman, his servant.  
Richard Chapman, his servant, and brother to John Chapman.  
Christopher remaineth yet alive, and hath been of a long time a great harbourer of many  
good men and women that were in trouble and distress, and received them to his house, as  
Thomas Bate, Simon Smith, the priest's wife, Roger Tanner, with a number more, which ye may  
see and read in our first edition.  
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Touching this Richard Chapman, this, by the way, is to be noted, that as he was in his  
coat and shirt enjoined, bare-head, bare-foot, and bare-leg, to go before the procession, and to  
kneel upon the cold steps in the church all the sermon time, a little lad, seeing him kneel upon  
the cold stone with his bare knees, and having pity on him, came to him, and having nothing else  
to give him, brought him his cap to kneel upon; for which the boy was immediately taken into  
the vestry, and there unmercifully beaten, for his mercy showed to the poor penitent.  
Beside these, divers others were about London, Colchester, and other places also,  
partakers of the same cross and affliction for the like cause of the gospel, in which number come  
in these which hereafter follow.  
Peter Fenne, priest. Robert Best.  
John Turke.  
William Raylond of Colchester.  
Henry Raylond, his son.  
Marion Matthew, or Westden.  
Dorothy Long.  
Thomas Parker.  
M. Forman, bachelor of divinity, parson of Honey Lane.  
Robert Necton.  
Katharine Swane.  
Mark Cowbridge of Colchester.  
Widow Denby.  
Robert Hedil of Colchester.  
Robert Wigge, William Bull, and George Cooper, of London.  
John Toy, of St. Faith's, London.  
Richard Foster of London.  
Sebastian Harris, curate of Kensington.  
Alice Gardener, John Tomson, and John Bradley and his wife, of Colchester.  
John Hubert, of Esdonland, and his wife.  
William Butcher, whose father's grandfather was burned for the same religion.  
Abraham Water of Colchester.  
All these in this table contained, were troubled and abjured, A.D. 1527, and A.D. 1528.  
John Wily the elder.  
Katharine Wily, his wife.  
John Wily, son of John Wily the elder. Christian Wily, his wife.  
William Wily, another son.  
Margaret Wily, his wife.  
Lucy Wily, and Agnes Wily, two young girls.  
These eight persons were accused A.D. 1532, for eating pottage and flesh-meat, five  
years before, upon St. James's even.  
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Also another time, upon St. Peter's even, as Katharine Wily did lie in childbed, the other  
wives, with the two girls, were found eating all together of a broth made with the fore-part of a  
rack of mutton.  
Item, The aforesaid John Wily the elder had a primer in English in his house, and other  
books.  
Also he had a young daughter of ten years old, which could render by heart the most part  
of the twenty-fourth chapter of St. Matthew. Also could rehearse without book, The Disputation  
between the Clerk and the Friar.  
Item, The said John Wily had in his house a treatise of William Thorp, and Sir John  
Oldcastle.  
A note of Richard Bayfield above mentioned.  
Mention was made before of Richard Bayfield, monk of Bury, who in these perilous  
days, amongst other good saints of God, suffered death, as ye have heard; but how, and by whom  
he was detected, hath not been showed; which now, as in searching out of registers we have  
found, so we thought good here to adjoin the same, with the words and confession of the same  
Edmund Peerson, which detected him in manner as followeth:  
The accusation of Edmund Peerson against Richard Bayfield.  
"The thirteenth day of September, at four o'clock in the afternoon, A.D. 1527, Sir Richard  
Bayfield said, that my lord of London's commissary was a plain Pharisee; wherefore he would  
speak with him, and by his wholesome doctrine, he trusted in God, he should make him a perfect  
Christian man, and me also, for I was a Pharisee as yet, he said.  
"Also he said that he cared not even if the commissary and the chancellor both heard him;  
for the chancellor, he said, was also a Pharisee, and he trusted to make him a Christian man.  
"Also he said he was entreated by his friends, and, in a manner, constrained to abide in  
the city against his will, to make the chancellor, and many more, perfect Christian men; for as yet  
many were Pharisees, and knew not the perfect declaration of the Scripture.  
"Also he said that Master Arthur and Bilney were, and be, more pure and more perfect in  
their living to God, than was, or is, the commissary, the chancellor, my lord of London, or my  
lord cardinal.  
"Also he said that if Arthur and Bilney suffer death in the quarrels and opinions that they  
be in or hold, they shall be martyrs before God in heaven.  
"Also he said, After Arthur and Bilney were put cruelly to death, yet should there be  
hundreds of men that should preach the same that they have preached.  
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"Also he said that he would favour Arthur and Bilney, he knew their living to be so good;  
for they did wear no shirts of linen cloth, but shirts of hair, and ever were fasting, praying, or  
doing some other good deeds. And as for one of them, whatsoever he have of money in his  
purse, he will distribute it, for the love of God, to poor people.  
"Also he said that no man should give laud or praise, in any manner of wise, to any  
creature, or to any saint in heaven, but only to God; To God alone be all honour and glory.  
"Also he said, 'Ah, good Sir Edmund! ye be far from the knowledge and understanding of  
the Scripture, for as yet ye be a Pharisee, with many others of your company: but I trust in God, I  
shall make you, and many other more, good and perfect Christian men, ere I depart from the city;  
for I purpose to read a common lecture every day at St. Foster's church, which lecture shall be to  
the edifying of your souls that be false Pharisees.'  
"Also he said that Bilney preached nothing at Wilsdon, but what was true.  
"Also he said that Bilney preached true at Wilsdon, if he said that our Lady's crown of  
Wilsdon, her rings and beads that were offered to her, were bestowed amongst harlots, by the  
ministers of Christ's church; 'for that I have seen myself,' he said, 'here in London, and that will I  
abide by.'  
"Also he said, He did not fear to commune and argue in Arthur's and Bilney's opinions  
and articles, even if it were with my lord cardinal.  
"Also he said that he would hold Arthur's and Bilney's opinions and articles, and abide by  
them, that they were true opinions, to suffer death therefor; 'I know them,' said he, 'for such  
noble and excellent men in learning.'  
"Also he said, If he were before my lord cardinal, he would not let to speak to him, and to  
tell him, that he hath done naughtily in imprisoning Arthur and Bilney, who were better disposed  
in their livings to God, than my lord cardinal, or my lord of London, as holy as they make  
themselves.  
"Also he said, My lord cardinal is no perfect nor good man to God, for he keepeth not the  
commandments of God; for Christ (he said) never taught him to follow riches, nor to seek for  
promotions or dignities of this world, nor did Christ ever teach him to wear shoes of silver and  
gilt, set with pearl and precious stones; nor bad Christ ever two crosses of silver, two axes, or a  
pillar of silver and gilt.  
"Also he said that every priest might preach the gospel without licence of the pope, my  
lord cardinal, my lord of London, or any other man; and that he would abide by: and thus he  
verified it, as it is written, Mark xvi., Christ commanded every priest to go forth throughout all  
the world, and preach the word of God by the authority of this gospel; and not to run to the pope,  
nor to any other man, for licence: and that he would abide by, he said.  
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"Also he said, 'Well, Sir Edmund! say you what you will, and every man, and my lord  
cardinal also, and yet will I say, and abide by it, my lord cardinal doth punish Arthur and Bilney  
unjustly, for there be no truer Christian men in all the world living, than they two be; and that  
punishment that my lord cardinal doth to them, he doth it by might and power, as one who would  
say, This may I do, and this will I do: who shall say nay? but he doth it of no justice.'  
"Also about the fourteenth day of October last past, at three o'clock at afternoon, Sir  
Richard Bayfield came to St. Edmund's in Lombard Street, where he found me, Sir Edmund  
Peerson, Sir James Smith, and Sir Miles Garnet, standing at the uttermost gate of the parsonage;  
and Sir Edmund said to Sir Richard Bayfield, 'How many Christian men have ye made, since ye  
came to the city?' Quoth Sir Richard Bayfield, 'I came even now to make thee a Christian man,  
and these two other gentlemen with thee; for well I know ye be all three Pharisees as yet.'  
"
Also he said to Sir Edmund, that Arthur and Bilney were better Christian men than he  
was, or any of them that did punish Arthur and Bilney.  
By me, EDMUND PEERSON."  
"
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1
82. King Henry's Breach with Rome  
And thus we have, as in a gross sum, compiled together the names and causes, though not  
of all, yet of a great, and too great, a number of good men and good women, which in those  
sorrowful days (from the year of our Lord 1527, to this present year 1533, that is, till the coming  
in of Queen Anne) were manifold ways vexed and persecuted under the tyranny of the bishop of  
Rome. Where again we have to note, that from this present year of our Lord 1533, during the  
time of the said Queen Anne, we read of no great persecution, nor any abjuration to have been in  
the church of England, save only that the registers of London make mention of certain Dutchmen  
counted for Anabaptists, of whom ten were put to death in sundry places of the realm, A.D.  
1
535; other ten repented and were saved. Where note again, that two also of the said company,  
albeit the definitive sentence was read, yet notwithstanding were pardoned by the king; which  
was contrary to the pope's law.  
Now to proceed forth in our matter; After that the bishops and heads of the clergy had  
thus a long time taken their pleasure, exercising their cruel authority against the poor wasted  
flock of the Lord, and began, furthermore, to stretch forth their rigour and austerity, to attach and  
molest also other great persons of the temporalty; so it fell, that in the beginning of the next or  
second year following, which was A.D. 1534, a parliament was called by the king about the  
fifteenth day of January: in which parliament, the commons, renewing their old griefs,  
complained of the cruelty of the prelates and ordinaries, for calling men before them ex officio.  
For such was then the usage of the ordinaries and their officials, that they would send for men,  
and lay accusations to them of heresy, only declaring to them that they were accused; and would  
minister articles to them, but no accuser should be brought forth: whereby the commons were  
grievously annoyed and oppressed;, for the Aparty so cited must either abjure or do worse: for  
purgation he might none make.  
As these matters were long debating in the commons' house, at last it was agreed that the  
temporal men should put their griefs in writing, and deliver them to the king. Whereupon, on the  
eighteenth day of March, the common speaker, accompanied with certain knights and burgesses  
of the commons' house, came to the king's presence, and there declared how the temporal men of  
his realm were sore aggrieved with the cruel demeanour of the prelates and ordinaries, which  
touched their bodies and goods so nearly, that they of necessity were enforced to make their  
humble suit, by their speaker, unto his Grace, to take such order and redress in the case, as to his  
high wisdom might seem most convenient, &c.  
Unto this request of the commons, although the king at that time gave no present grant,  
but suspended them with a delay, yet notwithstanding, this sufficiently declared the grudging  
minds of the temporal men against the spiritually, lacking nothing but God's helping hand to  
work in the king's heart for reformation of such things, which they all did see to be out of frame.  
Neither did the Lord's divine providence fail in time of need, but eftsoons ministered a ready  
remedy in time expedient. He saw the pride and cruelty of the spiritual clergy grown to such a  
height as was intolerable. He saw again, and heard the groaning hearts, the bitter afflictions, of  
his oppressed flock; his truth decayed, his religion profaned, the glory of his Son defaced, his  
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church lamentably wasted. Wherefore it was high time for his high majesty to look upon the  
matter (as he did indeed) by a strange and wondrous means, which was through the king's  
divorcement from Lady Katharine, dowager, and marrying with Lady Anne Bullen, in this  
present year; which was the first occasion and beginning of all this public reformation which  
hath followed since, in this church of England, and to this present day, according as ye shall  
hear.  
The marriage between King Henry and Queen Anne Bullen; and Queen Katharine divorced.  
N the first entry of this king's reign ye heard before, how, after the  
death of Prince Arthur, the Lady Katharine, princess dowager, and wife  
to Prince Arthur, by the consent both of her father and his, and also by  
the advice of the nobles of this realm, to the end her dowry might  
remain still within the realm, was espoused, after the decease of her  
husband, to his next brother, which was this King Henry.  
Thus then, after the declaration of these things gone before, next  
cometh to our hands (by the order and process of the time we are now  
about) to treat of the marvellous and most gracious work of the holy  
providence of God, beginning now to work, at this present time, here in  
England, that which neither durst be attempted before by any prince  
within this realm, nor yet could ever be hoped for by any subject; concerning the abolishing and  
overthrow of the pope's supremacy here in the English church: who through the false pretended  
title of his usurped authority, and through the vain fear of his keys, and cursed cursings and  
excommunications, did so deeply sit in the consciences of men; did keep all princes and kings so  
under him; briefly, did so plant himself in all churches, taking such deep root in the hearts of all  
Christian people so long time, that it seemed not only hard, but also impossible, for man's power  
to abolish the same. But that which passeth man's strength, God here beginneth to take in hand,  
to supplant the old tyranny, and subtle supremacy of the Romish bishop. The occasion hereof  
began thus, (through the secret providence of God,) by a certain unlawful marriage between King  
Henry the Eighth, and the Lady Katharine, his brother's wife; which marriage, being found  
unlawful, and so concluded by all universities, not to be dispensed withal by any man, at length  
brought forth a verity long hid before; that is, that the pope was not what he was accounted to be;  
and, again, that he presumptuously took more upon him than he was able to dispense withal.  
These little beginnings being once called into question, gave great light to men, and  
ministered withal great occasion to seek further: insomuch that at length the pope was espied,  
both to usurp that which he could not claim, and to claim that which he ought not to usurp. As  
touching the first doubt of this unlawful marriage, whether it came of the king himself, or of the  
cardinal, or of the Spaniards, as the chronicles themselves do not fully express, so I cannot  
assuredly affirm. This is certain, that it was not without the singular providence of God,  
(whereby to bring greater things to pass,) that the king's conscience herein seemed to be so  
troubled, according as the words of his own oration, had unto his commons, do declare; whose  
oration hereafter followeth, to give testimony of the same.  
This marriage seemed very strange and hard, for one brother to marry the wife of another.  
But what can be in this earth so hard or difficult, wherewith the pope, the omnipotent vicar of  
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Christ, cannot by favour dispense, if it please him? The pope which then ruled at Rome, was  
Pope Julius the Second, by whose dispensation, this marriage, which neither sense of nature  
would admit, nor God's law would bear, was concluded, approved, and ratified; and so continued  
as lawful, without any doubt or scruple, the space of nearly twenty years, till about the time that  
a certain doubt began first to be moved by the Spaniards themselves, of the emperor's council,  
A.D. 1523; at what time Charles the emperor, being here in England, promised to marry the Lady  
Mary, daughter to the king of England; with which promise the Spaniards themselves were not  
well contented, objecting this, among many other causes, that the said Lady Mary was begotten  
of the king of England by his brother's wife.  
Whereupon the emperor, forsaking that marriage, did couple himself with Lady Isabel,  
daughter to King Emanuel of Portugal. This marriage was done A.D. 1526. After this marriage  
of the emperor, the next year following, King Henry, being disappointed thus of the emperor,  
entered talk, or rather was laboured to by the French ambassadors, for the said Lady Mary to be  
married to the French king's son, duke of Orleans; upon the talk whereof, after long debating, at  
length the matter was put off by a certain doubt of the president of Paris, casting the like  
objection as the Spaniards had done before; which was, Whether the marriage between the king,  
and the mother of this Lady Mary, which had been his brother's wife before, were good or no?  
And so the marriage, twice unluckily attempted, in like sort brake off again, and was rejected,  
which happened A.D. 1527.  
The king, upon the occasion hereof casting many things in his mind, began to consider  
the cause more deeply, first, with himself, after, with certain of his nearest council; wherein two  
things there were which chiefly pricked his mind, whereof the one touched his conscience, the  
other concerned the state of his realm. For if that marriage with his brother's wife stood unlawful  
by the law of God, then neither was his conscience clear in retaining the mother, nor yet the state  
of the realm firm by succession of the daughter. It happened the same time that the cardinal,  
which was then nearest about the king, had fallen out with the emperor, for not helping him to  
the papacy, as ye before have heard; for which cause he helped to set the matter forward by all  
the practice he might. Thus the king, perplexed in his conscience, and careful for the  
commonwealth, and partly also incited by the cardinal, could not so rest; but inquired further to  
feel what the word of God, and learning, would say unto it. Neither was the case so hard, after it  
began once to come in public question, but that by the word of God, and the judgments of the  
best learned clerks, and also by the censure of the chief universities of all Christendom, to the  
number of ten and more, it was soon discussed to be unlawful.  
All these censures, books, and writings, of so many doctors, clerks, and universities, sent  
from all quarters of Christendom to the king, albeit they might suffice to have fully resolved, and  
did indeed resolve, the king's conscience touching this scruple of his marriage; yet would he not  
straightway use that advantage which learning did give him, unless he had withal the assent as  
well of the pope, as also the emperor; wherein he perceived no little difficulty. For the pope, he  
thought, seeing the marriage was authorized before by the dispensation of his predecessor, would  
hardly turn his keys about to undo that which the pope before him had locked; and much less  
would he suffer those keys to be foiled, or to come in any doubt; which was like to come, if that  
marriage were proved undispensable by God's word, which his predecessor, through his plenary  
power, had licensed before. Again, the emperor, he thought, would be no less hard for his part,  
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on the other side, forasmuch as the said Lady Katharine was the emperor's near aunt, and a  
Spaniard born. Yet, nevertheless, his purpose was to prove and feel what they both would say  
unto it; and therefore he sent Stephen Gardiner to Rome, to weigh with Pope Clement. To the  
emperor was sent Sir Nicholas Harvey, knight, ambassador in the court of Gaunt. First, Pope  
Clement, not weighing belike the full importance and sequel of the matter, sent Cardinal  
Campeius (as is said) into England, joined with the cardinal of York.  
At the coming of these legates, the king, first opening unto them the grief of his  
conscience, seemed with great reasons and persuasions sufficiently to have drawn the good will  
of those two legates to his side; who also, of their own accord, pretended no less but to show a  
willing inclination to further the king's cause. But yet the mouths of the common people, and in  
especial of women, and such others as favoured the queen, and talked their pleasure, were not  
stopped. Wherefore, to satisfy the blind surmises and foolish communication of these also, who,  
seeing the coming of the cardinals, cast out such lewd words, as that the king would, "for his  
own pleasure," have another wife, with like unbeseeming talk; he therefore, willing that all men  
should know the truth of his proceedings, caused all his nobility, judges, and counsellors, with  
divers other persons, to resort to his palace of Bridewell, the eighth day of November, A.D.  
1
529, where,openly speaking in his great chamber, he had these words in effect, as followeth:  
The king's oration to his subjects.  
"Our trusty and well-beloved subjects, both you of the nobility, and you of the meaner  
sort: it is not unknown unto you, how that we, both by God's provision, and true and lawful  
inheritance, have reigned over this realm of England almost the term of twenty years; during  
which time, we have so ordered us (thanked be God!) that no outward enemy hath oppressed  
you, nor taken any thing from us, nor have we invaded any realm, but we have had victory and  
honour, so that we think that neither you, nor any of your predecessors, ever lived more quietly,  
more wealthily, or in more estimation, under any of our noble progenitors. But when we  
remember our mortality, and that we must die, then we think that all our doings in our lifetime  
are clearly defaced, and worthy of no memory, if we leave you in trouble at the time of our  
death; for if our true heir be not known at the time of our death, see what mischief and trouble  
shall succeed to you, and to your children. The experience thereof some of you have seen after  
the death of our noble grandfather, King Edward the Fourth; and some have heard what mischief  
and manslaughter continued in this realm between the houses of York and Lancaster, by which  
dissension this realm was like to have been clearly destroyed.  
"And although it hath pleased Almighty God to send us a fair daughter of a noble woman,  
and of me begotten, to our great comfort and joy; yet it hath been told us, by divers great clerks,  
that neither she is our lawful daughter, nor her mother our lawful wife, but that we live together  
abominably and detestably in open adultery; insomuch that when our ambassador was last in  
France, and motion was made that the duke of Orleans should marry our said daughter, one of  
the chief counsellors to the French king said, It were well done, to know whether she be the king  
of England's lawful daughter or not; for well known it is, that he begot her on his brother's wife,  
which is directly against God's law and his precept. Think you, my lords, that these words touch  
not my body and soul? Think you that these doings do not daily and hourly trouble my  
conscience, and vex my spirits? Yes, we doubt not but if it were your cause, every man would  
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seek remedy, when the peril of your soul and the loss of your inheritance is openly laid unto you.  
For this only cause I protest before God, and on the word of a prince, I have asked counsel of the  
greatest clerks in Christendom; and for this cause I have sent for this legate, as a man indifferent,  
only to know the truth, and so to settle my conscience, and for none other cause, as God can  
judge. And as touching the queen, if it be adjudged by the law of God that she is my lawful wife,  
there was never thing more pleasant, or more acceptable to me in my life, both for the discharge  
and clearing of my conscience, and also for the good qualities and conditions which I know to be  
in her. For I assure you all, that beside her noble parentage of which she is descended, (as you  
well know,) she is a woman of most gentleness, of most humility and buxomness, yea, and in all  
good qualities appertaining to nobility, she is without comparison, as I, these twenty years  
almost, have had the true experiment; so that if I were to marry again, if the marriage might be  
good, I would surely choose her above all other women. But if it be determined by judgment,  
that our marriage was against God's law, and clearly void, then shall I not only sorrow the  
departing from so good a lady and loving a companion, but much more lament and bewail my  
unfortunate chance, that I have so long lived in adultery, to God's great displeasure, and have no  
true heir of my body to inherit this realm. These be the sores that vex my mind, these be the  
pangs that trouble my conscience, and for these griefs I seek a remedy. Therefore I require you  
all, as our trust and confidence is in you, to declare to our subjects our mind and intent,  
according to our true meaning; and desire them to pray with us that the very truth may be known,  
for the discharge of our conscience, and saving of our soul: and for the declaration hereof I have  
assembled you together, and now you may depart."  
Shortly after this oration of the king, wherewith he stirred the hearts of a number, then the  
two legates, being requested of the king, for discharge of his conscience, to judge and determine  
upon the cause, went to the queen lying then in the palace of Bridewell, and declared to her, how  
they were deputed judges indifferent, between the king and her, to hear and determine, whether  
the marriage between them stood with God's law or not.  
When she understood the cause of their coming, being thereat something astonied at the  
first, after a little pausing with herself, thus she began, answering for herself.  
"Alas, my lords, (said she,) is it now a question whether I be the king's lawful wife or no,  
when I have been married to him almost twenty years, and in the mean season question was  
never made before? Divers prelates yet being alive, and lords also, and privy councillors with the  
king at that time, then adjudged our marriage lawful and honest; and now to say it is detestable  
and abominable, I think it great marvel: and, in especial, when I consider what a wise prince the  
king's father was, and also the love and natural affection that King Ferdinand, my father, bare  
unto me, I think in myself, that neither of our fathers were so uncircumspect, so unwise, and of  
so small imagination, but they foresaw what might follow of our marriage; and in especial, the  
king, my father, sent to the court of Rome, and there, after long suit, with great cost and charge,  
obtained a licence and dispensation, that I, being the one brother's wife, and peradventure  
carnally known, might, without scruple of conscience, marry with the other brother lawfully,  
which licence, under lead, I have yet to show: which things make me to say, and surely believe,  
that our marriage was both lawful, good, and godly.  
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"
But of this trouble I may only thank you, my lord cardinal of York. For because I have  
wondered at your high pride and vain glory, and abhorred your voluptuous life and abominable  
lechery, and little regarded your presumptuous power and tyranny, therefore, of malice you have  
kindled this fire, and set this matter abroach; and, in especial, for the great malice that you bear  
to my nephew the emperor, whom I perfectly know you hate worse than a scorpion, because he  
would not satisfy your ambition, and make you pope by force: and therefore you have said more  
than once, that you would trouble him and his friends; and you have kept him true promise; for  
all his wars and vexations he may only thank you. And as for me, his poor aunt and kinswoman,  
what trouble you have put me to, by this new-found doubt, God knoweth; to whom I commit my  
cause, according to the truth."  
The cardinal of York excused himself, saying, That he was not the beginner nor the  
mover of the doubt, and that it was sore against his will that ever the marriage should come in  
question; but he said that by his superior, the bishop of Rome, he was deputed as a judge to hear  
the cause; which he sware on his profession to hear indifferently. But whatsoever was said, she  
believed him not; and so the legates took their leave of her, and departed.  
These words were spoken in French, and written by Cardinal Campeius's secretary, who  
was present; and afterwards, by Edward Hall, translated into English.  
By these premises it is sufficient to judge and understand what the whole occasion was,  
that brought this marriage first into doubt, so that there needeth not any further declaration in  
words upon this matter. But this one thing will I say, if I might be bold to speak what I think:  
other men may think what they list. This I suppose, that the stay of this marriage was taken in  
good time, and not without the singular favour of God's providence. For if that one child, coming  
of this aforesaid marriage, did so greatly endanger this whole realm of England to be entangled  
with the Spanish nation, that if God's mighty hand had not been betwixt, God only knoweth what  
misery might have ensued; what peril then should thereby have followed, if, in the continuance  
of this marriage, more issue had sprung thereof!  
But to return again to our matter concerning the whole process and discourse of this  
divorcement, briefly to comprehend in few words, that which might be collected out of many;  
after this answer was given of the queen, and her appeal made to the pope, the king, to try out the  
matter by Scriptures and by learning, sent first to the pope, then to most part of all universities, to  
have it decided to the uttermost.  
In the next year ensuing, A.D. 1530, at the Black Friars' of London was prepared a  
solemn place for the two legates: who, coming with their crosses, pillars, axes, and all other  
Romish ceremonies accordingly, were set in two chairs covered with cloth of gold, and cushions  
of the same. When all things were ready, then the king and the queen were ascited by Dr.  
Sampson to appear before the said legates the twenty-eighth day of May; where (the commission  
of the cardinals first being read, wherein it was appointed by the court of Rome, that they should  
be the hearers and judges in the cause between them both) the king was called by name, who  
appeared by two proctors. Then the queen was called, who being accompanied with four bishops,  
and others of her council, and a great company of ladies, came personally herself before the  
legates; who there, after her obeisance, with a sad gravity of countenance, having not many  
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words with them, appealed from the legates, as judges not competent, to the court of Rome, and  
so departed. Notwithstanding this appeal, the cardinals sat weekly, and every day arguments on  
both sides were brought, but nothing definitively was determined.  
As the time passed on, in the month of June, the king being desirous to see an end of the  
controversy, came to the court, and the queen came also, where he, standing under his cloth of  
estate, uttered these or like words, which can best declare his own mind, and which here I  
thought to notify, that they who have not the chronicles present, may here read his mind, and the  
better understand the matter.  
The king's oration to the legates.  
"My lords, legates of the see apostolic, who be deputed judges in this great and weighty  
matter, I most heartily beseech you to ponder my mind and intent, which only is to have a final  
end for the discharge of my conscience. For every good Christian man knoweth what pain and  
what unquietness he suffereth, which have his conscience grieved. For I assure you, on my  
honour, that this matter hath so vexed my mind, and troubled my spirits, that I can scantly study  
any thing which should be profitable for my realm and people: and for to have a quietness in  
body and soul is my desire and request, and not for any grudge that I bear to her that I have  
married; for I dare say, that for her womanhood, wisdom, nobility, and gentleness, never prince  
had such another: and therefore, if I would willingly change, I were not wise. Wherefore my suit  
is to you, my lords, at this time, to have a speedy end, according to right, for the quietness of my  
mind and conscience only, and for no other cause, as God knoweth."  
When the king had thus said, the queen departed without saying any thing. The queen  
again, on the other part, (who had before appealed to the pope,) assisted with her councillors and  
doctors, who were four bishops, that is, Warham of Canterbury, West of Ely, Fisher of  
Rochester, Standish of St. Asaph, with other learned men whom the king had licensed her to  
choose, was called to know whether she would abide by her appeal, or answer there before the  
legates. Her proctor answered, that she would abide by her appeal. That notwithstanding, the  
councillors on both sides every day almost met, and debated this matter substantially, so that at  
last the divines were all of one opinion that the marriage was against the law of God, if she were  
carnally known by the first brother, which thing she clearly denied. But to that was answered,  
that Prince Arthur, her husband, confessed the act done, by certain words spoken; which, being  
recorded in other chronicles, I had rather should there be read, than by me here uttered.  
Furthermore, at the time of the death of Prince Arthur, she thought and judged that she was with  
child, and for that cause the king was deferred from the title and creation of the prince of Wales  
almost half a year: which thing could not have been judged, if she had not been carnally known.  
Also she herself caused a bull to be purchased, in which were these words, "peradventure  
carnally known;" which words were not in the first bull granted by July, at her second marriage  
to the king. Which second bull, with that clause, was only purchased to dispense with the second  
matrimony, although there were carnal copulation before: which bull needed not to have been  
purchased, if there had been no carnal copulation, for then the first bull had been sufficient.  
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Moreover, for the more clear evidence of this matter, that Prince Arthur had carnal  
knowledge of the said Lady Katharine his wife, it appeareth in a certain book of records which  
we have to show touching this marriage, that the same time when Prince Arthur was first married  
with this Lady Katharine, daughter to King Ferdinand, certain ambassadors of Ferdinand's  
council were then sent hither into England for the said purpose, to see and to testify concerning  
the full consummation of the said matrimonial conjunction; which councillors here resident,  
being solemnly sworn, not only did affirm to both their parents, that the matrimony was  
consummated by that act, but also did send over into Spain, to her father, such demonstrations of  
their mutual conjunction as here I will not name, sparing the reverence of chaste ears. Which  
demonstrations otherwise, in those records being named and testified, do sufficiently put the  
matter out of all doubt and question.  
Besides that, in the same records appeareth that both he and she not only were of such  
years as were meet and able to explete the consummation hereof, but also they were and did lie  
together both here and in Wales, by the space of three quarters of a year.  
Thus, when the divines on her side were beaten from the ground, then they fell to  
persuasions of natural reasons, how this should not be undone for three causes. One was,  
because, if it should be broken, the only child of the king should be a bastard, which were a great  
mischief to the realm. Secondly, the separation should be cause of great unkindness between her  
kindred and this realm. And the third cause was, that the continuance of so long space had made  
the marriage honest. These persuasions, with many others, were set forth by the queen's council,  
and in especial by the bishop of Rochester, which stood stiff in her cause. But yet God's precept  
was not answered; wherefore they left that ground, and fell to pleading, that the court of Rome  
had dispensed with that marriage. To this some lawyers said, that no earthly person is able to  
dispense with the positive law of God.  
When the legates heard the opinions of the divines, and saw whereunto the end of this  
question would tend, forasmuch as men began so to dispute of the authority of the court of  
Rome, and especially because the cardinal of York perceived the king to cast favour to the Lady  
Anne, whom he knew to be a Lutheran, they thought best to wind themselves out of that brake  
betimes; and so Cardinal Campeius, dissembling the matter, conveyed himself home to Rome  
again, as is partly above touched. The king, seeing himself thus to be deferred and deluded by the  
cardinals, took it to no little grief; whereupon the fall of the cardinal of York followed not long  
after.  
This was A.D. 1530. Shortly after it happened, the same year, that the king by his  
ambassadors was advertised, that the emperor and the pope were both together at Bologna.  
Wherefore he directed Sir Thomas Bullen, lately created earl of Wiltshire, and Dr. Stokesley,  
afterwards bishop of London, and Dr. Lee, afterwards bishop of York, with his message to the  
pope's court, where also the emperor was. Pope Clement, understanding the king's case and  
request, and fearing what might follow after, if learning and Scripture here should take place  
against the authority of their dispensations; and moreover doubting the emperor's displeasure,  
bare himself strange off from the matter, answering the ambassadors with this delay, that he  
presently would not define in the case, but would hear the full matter disputed when he came to  
Rome, and according to right he would do justice.  
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Although the king owed no such service to the pope, to stand to his arbitrement either in  
this case, or in any other, having both the Scripture to lead him, and his law in his own hands to  
warrant him, yet, for quietness' sake, and for that he would not rashly break order, (which rather  
was a disorder indeed,) he bare so long as conveniently he might. At length, after long delays and  
much dissembling, when he saw no hope of redress, he began somewhat to quicken and to look  
about him, what was best both for his own conscience, and the establishment of his realm to do.  
No man here doubteth, but that all this was wrought not by man's device, but by the  
secret purpose of the Lord himself, to bring to pass further things, as afterwards followed, which  
his divine providence was disposed to work. For else, as touching the king's intent and purpose,  
he never meant nor minded any such thing as to seek the ruin of the pope, but rather sought all  
means contrary, how both to establish the see of Rome, and also to obtain the good will of the  
same see and court of Rome, if it might have been gotten. And therefore, intending to sue his  
divorce from Rome, at the first beginning, his device was, by Stephen Gardiner, his ambassador  
at Rome, to exalt the cardinal of York, as is before showed, to be made pope and universal  
bishop, to the end that he, ruling that apostolic see, the matter of his unlawful marriage, which so  
troubled his conscience, might come to a quiet conclusion, without any further rumour of the  
world: which purpose of his, if it had taken effect as he had devised it, and the English cardinal  
had once been made pope, no doubt but the authority of that see had never been exterminated out  
of England. But God, being more merciful unto us, took a better way than so; for both without  
and contrary to the king's expectation, he so brought to pass, that neither the cardinal of York  
was pope, (which should have been an infinite cost to the king,) and yet nevertheless the king  
sped for his purpose too, and that much better than he looked for. For he was rid, by lawful  
divorcement, not only from that unlawful marriage which clogged his conscience, but also from  
the miserable yoke of the pope's usurped dominion, which clogged the whole realm; and all at  
one time.  
Thus God's holy providence ruling the matter, as I said, when the king could get no  
favourable grant of the pope touching his cause, being so good and honest, he was forced to take  
the redress of his right into his own hands, and seeing this Gordian knot would not be loosed at  
Rome, he was driven against his will, as God would, to play the noble Alexander himself, and  
with the sword of his princely authority knapped the knot at one stroke clean asunder, loosing, as  
it were, with one solution infinite questions. For where the doctors and canonists had long  
disputed, and yet could never thoroughly discuss the largeness and fulness of the pope's two  
swords, both temporal and spiritual; the king, with one sword, did so cut off both his swords, that  
he despatched them both clean out of England, as ye shall see more anon. But first the king, like  
a prudent prince, before he would come to the head of the sore, thought best to pare away such  
rank flesh and putrefied places as were about it; and therefore, following his own proverb, like as  
one going about to cast down an old rotten wall, will not begin with the foundation first, but with  
the stones that lie at the top, so he, to prepare his way better unto the pope, first began with the  
cardinal, casting him, by the law of præmunire, out of his goods and possessions: and so at  
length, by poisoning himself, he procured his own death; which was A.D. 1530.  
This done, shortly after, about the year 1532, the king, to provide betimes against  
mischiefs that might come from Rome, gave forth eftsoons this proclamation, touching the  
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abolishing of the pope, and establishing of the king's supremacy; the tenor whereof here  
followeth:  
"The king's Highness straitly chargeth and commandeth, that no manner of person, what  
estate, degree, or condition soever he or they be of, do purchase, or attempt to purchase, from the  
court of Rome, or elsewhere, or use and put in execution, divulge or publish any thing  
heretofore, within this year past purchased, or to be purchased hereafter,containing matter  
prejudicial to the high authority, jurisdiction, and prerogative royal of this his said realm, or to  
the let, hinderance, or impeachment of his Grace's noble and virtuous intended purposes in the  
premises, upon pain of incurring his Highness's indignation, and imprisonment and further  
punishment of their bodies for their so doing, at his Grace's pleasure, to the dreadful example of  
all others."  
It chanced about the same time, or a little before, that the king, taking more heart unto  
him, partly encouraged by the treatise afore mentioned, called "The Supplication of Beggars,"  
which he had diligently read and perused, and partly provoked by the pride and stoutness of the  
clergy, brake off with the cardinal, caused him to be attainted in the præmunire, and afterwards  
also to he apprehended.  
After this was done, the king, then proceeding further, caused the rest of the spiritual  
lords to be called by process into the king's bench to make their appearance, forasmuch as the  
whole clergy of England, in supporting and maintaining the power legantine of the cardinal, by  
the reason thereof were all entangled likewise in the præmunire, and therefore were called into  
the king's bench to answer. But before the day of their appearance, the prelates together in their  
convocation concluded among themselves a humble submission in writing, and offered the king  
for a subsidy or contribution, that he would be their good lord, and release them of their  
præmunire by act of parliament, first to be gathered in the province of Canterbury a hundred  
thousand pounds; and in the province of York, eighteen thousand eight hundred and forty pounds  
and ten pence: the which offer with much labour was accepted, and their pardon promised. In  
this submission the clergy called the king supreme head of the church of England, which thing  
they never confessed before; whereupon many things followed, as after (God willing) ye shall  
hear.  
But first, forasmuch as we are in hand now with the matter, we will borrow by the way a  
few words of the reader, to speak of this clergy-money, of one hundred and eighteen thousand  
eight hundred and forty pounds and ten pence, to be levied to the king, as is above touched. For  
the levying of which sum an order was taken among the prelates, that every bishop in his diocese  
should call before him all the priests, parsons, and vicars, among whom Dr. Stokesley, bishop of  
London, a man then counted to be of some wit and learning, but of little discretion and humanity,  
(which caused him to be out of the favour of the common people,) called before him all the  
priests within the city of London, whether they were curates or stipendiaries, the first day of  
September, being Friday, in the chapter-house of St. Paul; at which day the priests appeared, and  
the bishop's policy was to have only six or eight priests together, and by persuasions to have  
caused them to grant some portion towards the payment of the aforesaid hundred thousand  
pounds. But the number of the priests was so great, (for they were six hundred at least, and with  
them came many temporal men to hear the matter,) that the bishop was disappointed of his  
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purpose; for when the bishop's officers called in certain priests by name into the chapter-house,  
with that a great number entered, for they put aside the bishop's officers that kept the door.  
After this the officers got the door shut again. Then the priests without said, "We will not  
be kept without, and our fellows be within: we know not what the bishop will do with them."  
The temporal men, being present, comforted and encouraged the priests to enter, so that by force  
they opened the door, and one struck the bishop's officer over the face, and entered the chapter-  
house, and many temporal men with them; and long it was ere any silence could be made. At  
last, when they were appeased, the bishop stood up and said, "Brethren! I marvel not a little why  
you be so heady, and know not what shall be said to you; therefore I pray you to keep silence,  
and to hear me patiently. My friends all, you know well that we be men frail of condition, and no  
angels; and by frailty and lack of wisdom we have misdemeaned ourselves towards the king, our  
sovereign lord, and his laws, so that all we of the clergy were in the præmunire; by reason  
whereof, all our promotions, lands, goods, and chattels, were to him forfeit, and our bodies ready  
to be imprisoned: yet his Grace, moved with pity and compassion, demanded of us what we  
could say, why he should not extend his laws upon us. Then the fathers of the clergy humbly  
besought his Grace of mercy: to whom he answered, that he was ever inclined to mercy. Then,  
for all our great offences we had little penance; for where he might, by the rigour of his law,  
have taken all our livelihood, goods, and chattels, he was contented with one hundred thousand  
pounds, to be paid in five years. And although this sum be more than we may easily bear, yet by  
the rigour of his laws we should have borne the whole burden. Wherefore, my brethren! I  
charitably exhort you to bear your parts of your livelihood and salary, toward the payment of this  
sum granted."  
Then it was shortly said to the bishop,  
"My Lord! twenty nobles a year is but bare living for a priest; for now victuals and every  
thing are so dear, that poverty in a manner enforceth us to say nay. Besides that, my Lord, we  
never offended in the præmunire; for we never meddled with the cardinal's faculties: let the  
bishops and abbots who have offended pay."  
Then the bishop's officers gave to the priests high words, which caused them to be the  
more obstinate. Also divers temporal men who were present comforted the priests, and bade  
them agree to no payment. In this rumour divers of the bishop's servants were buffeted and  
stricken, so that the bishop began to be afraid, and with fair words appeased the noise; and for all  
things which were done or said there he pardoned them, and gave to them his blessing, and  
prayed them to depart in charity. Then they departed, thinking to hear no more of the matter, but  
they were deceived; for the bishop went to Sir Thomas More, then being lord chancellor, (who  
greatly favoured the bishop and the clergy,) and to him made a grievous complaint, and declared  
the fact very grievously. Whereupon commandment was sent to Sir Thomas Pargitor, mayor of  
the city, to attach certain priests and temporal men: and so fifteen priests and five temporal men  
were arrested; of the which some were sent to the Tower, some to the Fleet and other prisons,  
where they remained long after.  
This being done A.D. 1532, it followeth moreover the same year, that divers preachings  
were in the realm, one contrary to another, concerning the king's marriage,; and in especial one  
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Thomas Abel, clerk, which was the queen's chaplain, to please her withal, both preached, and  
also wrote a book, in defence of the said marriage; whereby divers simple men were persuaded.  
Wherefore the king caused to be compiled and reduced into a book the determination of the  
universities, with the judgments of great clerks; which book being printed and set abroad, did  
again satisfy all indifferent and reasonable persons, which were not too much wedded to their  
wills.  
Mention was made a little before, of a parliament begun the fifteenth day of January,  
A.D. 1533, in the which parliament the commons had put up a supplication, complaining of the  
strait dealing of the clergy in their proceeding ex officio. This complaint, although at first it  
seemed not to be greatly tendered of the king, yet in prorogation of the parliament the time so  
wrought withal, that the king, having more clear understanding of the abuses and enormities of  
the clergy, and, in especial, of the corrupt authority of the see of Rome, provided certain acts  
against the same.  
"First, as concerning the laws, decrees, ordinances, and constitutions made and  
established by the pretended authority of the bishops of Rome, to the advancement of their  
worldly glory, that whoso did or spake any thing either against their usurped power, or against  
the said laws, decrees, or constitutions of theirs, not approved nor grounded upon Holy Scripture,  
or else being repugnant to the king's prerogative royal, should therefore stand in no danger, nor  
be impeachable of heresy. And likewise touching such constitutions, ordinances, and canons  
provincial or synodal, which were made in this realm in the convocation of bishops, being either  
prejudicial to the king's prerogative, or not ratified before by the king's assent, or being otherwise  
onerous to the king and his subjects, or in any wise repugnant to the laws and statutes of this  
realm, they were committed to the examination and judgment of thirty-two persons chosen by  
the king out of the higher and lower house, to be determined either to stand in strength, or to be  
abrogated at their discretions: and further, that all the clergy of this realm, submitting themselves  
to the king, should and did promise never hereafter to presume to assemble in their convocations  
without the king's writ, or to enact or execute such constitutions without his royal assent, &e.  
Further, in the same parliament was enacted and decreed, that in causes and matters  
happening in contention, no person should appeal, provoke, or sue, out of the king's dominions to  
the court of Rome, under pain of provisors, provision, or præmunire.  
Item, In the same parliament was defined and concluded, that all exportation of annates  
and first-fruits of archbishoprics and bishoprics out of this realm to the see of Rome, for any  
bulls, breves, or palls, or expedition of any such thing, should utterly cease.  
Also, for the investing of archbishops, bishops, or other of any ecclesiastical dignity, such  
order in the said parliament was taken, that the king should send a licence under the great seal,  
with a letter missive, to the prior and convent, or to the dean and chapter of those cathedral  
churches where the see was vacant, by the virtue of which licence or letters missive, they, within  
twelve days, should choose the said person nominated by the king, and no other; and that  
election to stand effectual to all intents: which election being done, then the party elect to make  
first his oath and fealty to the king, if it were a bishop that was elect; then the king, by his letters  
patent, to signify the said election to the archbishop of that province, and two other bishops, or  
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else to four bishops within this realm to be assigned to that office, without any other suing,  
procuring, or obtaining any bulls, breves, or other things from the see of Rome.  
Moreover, against all other whatsoever intolerable exactions and great sums of money  
used to be paid out of this realm to the bishop of Rome, in pensions, censures, Peter-pence,  
procurations, fruits, suits for provisions, and expeditions of bulls for archbishops and bishops, for  
delegacies and rescripts in causes of contentions and appeals, jurisdictions legative; also for  
dispensations, licences, faculties, grants, relaxations, writs called perinde valere, rehabilitations,  
abolitions, canonizations, and other infinite sorts of bulls, breves, and instruments of sundry  
natures, the number whereof were tedious particularly to be recited: in the said parliament it was  
ordained, that all such uncharitable usurpations, exactions, pensions, censures, portions, and  
Peter-pence, wont to be paid to the see of Rome, should utterly surcease, and never more to be  
levied; so that the king, with his honourable council, should have power and authority from time  
to time, for the ordering, redress, and reformation of all manner of indulgences, privileges, &c.,  
within this realm.  
Where is to be noted by the way, as touching these Peter-pence aforesaid, that the same  
were first brought in and imposed by King Ina, about A.D. 720; which Ina, king of the West  
Saxons, caused through all his dominion, in every house having a chimney, a penny to be  
collected and paid to the bishop of Rome in the name of St. Peter; and thereof were they called  
Peter-pence. The same likewise did Offa, king of Mercians, after him, about A.D. 794. And these  
Peter-pence ever since, or for the most part, have used of a long custom to be gathered and  
summoned by the pope's collectors here in England, from the time of Ina aforesaid, to this  
present parliament, A.D. 1533.  
Finally, by the authority of the parliament it was consulted and considered concerning the  
legality of the lawful succession unto the crown, in ratifying and enabling the heirs of the king's  
body, and Queen Anne. In the which parliament, moreover, the degrees of marriage plainly and  
clearly were explained and set forth, such as be expressly prohibited by God's laws, as in this  
table may appear.  
A table of degrees prohibited, by Gods law, to marry.  
The son not to marry the mother, nor step-mother.  
The brother not to marry the sister.  
The father not to marry his son's daughter, nor his daughter's daughter.  
The son not to marry his father's daughter, gotten by his step-mother.  
The son not to marry his aunt, being either his father's or his mother's sister.  
The son not to marry his uncle's wife.  
The father not to marry his son's wife.  
The brother not to marry his brother's wife.  
No man to marry his wife's daughter.  
No man to marry his wife's son's daughter.  
No man to marry his wife's daughter's daughter.  
No man to marry his wife's sister.  
All these degrees be prohibited by the Scripture.  
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All these things thus being defined and determined in this aforesaid parliament, and it  
also being in the same parliament concluded, that no man, of what estate, degree, or condition  
soever, hath any power to dispense with God's laws; it was therefore, by the authority aforesaid,  
agreeing with the authority of God's word, assented that the marriage aforetime solemnized  
between the king and the Lady Katharine, being before wife to Prince Arthur the king's brother,  
and carnally known by him, (as is above proved,) should be absolutely deemed and adjudged to  
be unlawful and against the law of God, and also reputed and taken to be of no value or effect;  
and that the separation thereof by Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, should stand  
good and effectual to all intents; and also that the lawful matrimony between the king and the  
Lady Anne his wife, should be established, approved, and ratified for good and consonant to the  
laws of Almighty God. And further, also, for the establishing of this king's lawful succession, it  
was fully by the said parliament adjudged, that the inheritance of the crown should remain to the  
heirs of their two bodies, that is, of the king, and Queen Anne his wife.  
During the time of this parliament, before the marriage of Queen Anne, there was one  
Temse in the commons house, who moved the commons to sue to the king to take the queen  
again into his company; declaring certain great mischiefs like to ensue thereof, as in bastardizing  
the Lady Mary, the king's only child, and divers other inconveniences. This being reported to the  
king's ears, he sent immediately to Sir Thomas Audley, speaker then of the parliament,  
expressing unto him, amongst other matters, that he marvelled much why one of the parliament  
did so openly speak of the absence of the queen from him; which matter was not to be  
determined there, for it touched (said he) his soul; and he wished the matrimony were good, for  
then had he never been so vexed in conscience. But the doctors of universities (said he) have  
determined the marriage to be void, and detestable before God; which grudge of conscience (he  
said) caused him to abstain from her company, and no foolish or wanton appetite. "For I am,"  
said he, "forty-one years old, at which age the lust of man is not so quick as it is in youth. And,  
saving in Spain and Portugal,it hath not been seen, that one man hath married two sisters, the one  
being carnally known before: but the brother to marry the brother's wife, was so abhorred  
amongst all nations, that I never heard that any Christian so did, but myself. Wherefore you see  
my conscience troubled, and so I pray you report." And so the speaker, departing, declared to the  
commons the king's saying.  
It was touched, a little before, how that the pope had lost great part of his authority and  
jurisdiction in this realm of England; now it followeth to infer, how, and by what occasion, his  
whole power and authority began utterly to be abolished, by the reason and occasion of the most  
virtuous and noble lady, Anne Bullen, who was not as yet married to the king, howbeit in great  
favour: by whose godly means and most virtuous counsel the king's mind was daily inclined  
better and better. Insomuch that, not long after, the king, belike perceiving the minds of the  
clergy not much favouring his cause, sent for the speaker again, and twelve of the commons  
house, having with him eight lords, and said to them, "Well-beloved subjects! we had thought  
the clergy of our realm had been our subjects wholly, but now we have well perceived that they  
be but half our subjects, yea, and scarce our subjects. For all the prelates at their consecration  
make an oath to the pope, clean contrary to the oath that they make unto us, so that they seem to  
be his subjects, and not ours." And so the king, delivering to them the copy of both the oaths,  
required them to invent some order that he might not thus be deluded of his spiritual subjects.  
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The speaker thus departed, and caused the oaths to be read in the commons house, the very tenor  
whereof here ensueth.  
The oath of the clergy to the pope.  
"
I, John, bishop or abbot of A., from this hour forward shall be faithful and obedient to  
St. Peter, and to the holy Church of Rome, and to my lord the pope and his successors  
canonically entering. I shall not be of counsel or consent, that they shall lose either life or  
member, or shall be taken or suffer any violence, or any wrong by any means. Their counsel to  
me credited by them, their messengers or letters, I shall not willingly discover to any person. The  
papacy of Rome, the rulers of the holy fathers, and regalities of St. Peter, I shall help and retain,  
and defend against all men. The legate of the see apos- tolic, going and coming, I shall  
honourably entreat. The rights, honours, privileges, and authorities of the Church of Rome, and  
of the pope and his successors, I shall cause to he conserved, defended, augmented, and  
promoted; I shall not be in counsel, treaty, or any act, in which any thing shall be imagined  
against him or the Church of Rome, their rights, estates, honours, or powers: and if I know any  
such to be moved or compassed, I shall resist it to my power; and as soon as I can, I shall  
advertise him, or such as may give him knowledge. The rules of the holy fathers, the decrees,  
ordinances, sentences, dispositions, reservations, provisions, and commandments apostolic, to  
my power I shall keep, and cause to be kept of others. Heretics, schismatics, and rebels to our  
holy father and his successors, I shall resist and persecute to my power; I shall come to the synod  
when I am called, except I be letted by a canonical impediment. The lights of the apostles I shall  
visit personally, or by my deputy. I shall not alienate or sell my possessions without the pope's  
council. So God me help, and the holy evangelists."  
This oath of the clergymen, which they were wont to make to the bishop of Rome, (now  
Pope Quondam,) was abolished and made void by statute, and a new oath ministered and  
confirmed for the same, wherein they acknowledged the king to be the supreme head, under  
Christ, in this Church of England, as by tenor thereof may appear hereunder ensuing.  
The oath of the clergy to the king.  
"
I, John B., of A., utterly renounce, and clearly forsake, all such clauses, words,  
sentences, and grants, which I have or shall have hereafter of the pope's Holiness, of and for the  
bishopric of A., that in any wise have been, are, or hereafter may be, hurtful or prejudicial to  
your Highness, your heirs, successors, dignity, privilege, or estate royal: and also I do swear that  
I shall be faithful and true, and faith and truth I shall bear, to you my sovereign lord, and to your  
heirs, kings of the same, of life and limb, and earthly worship above all creatures, to live and die  
with you and yours against all people: and diligently I shall be attendant to all your needs and  
business, after my wit and power: and your counsel I shall keep and hold, acknowledging myself  
to hold my bishopric of you only, beseeching you of restitution of the temporalties of the same;  
promising (as before) that I shall be a faithful, true, and obedient subject unto your said  
Highness, heirs, and successors, during my life: and the services and other things due to your  
Highness, for the restitution of the temporalties of the same bishopric, I shall truly do, and  
obediently perform. So God me help, and all saints."  
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These oaths thus being recited and opened to the people, were the occasion that the pope  
lost all his interest and jurisdiction here in England within a short while after. Upon the occasion  
and reason whereof, the matter falling out more and more against the pope, Sir Thomas More, of  
whom mention is made before, being a great maintainer of the pope, and a heavy troubler of  
Christ's people, and now not liking well of this oath, by God's good work was enforced to resign  
up his chancellorship, and to deliver up the great seal of England into the king's hands. After  
whom succeeded Sir Thomas Audley, keeper of the great seal, a man in eloquence and gifts of  
tongue no less incomparable, than also for his godly-disposed mind; and for his favourable  
inclination to Christ's religion, worthy of much commendation.  
These things being done in the parliament, the king, within short time after, proceeded to  
the marriage of the aforesaid Lady Anne Bullen, mother to our most noble queen now, who,  
without all controversy, was a special comforter and aider of all the professors of Christ's gospel,  
as well of the learned as the unlearned; her life being also directed according to the same, as her  
weekly alms did manifestly declare; who, besides the ordinary of a hundred crowns, and other  
apparel that she gave weekly, a year before she was crowned, both to men and women, gave also  
wonderfully much privy alms to widows and other poor householders, continually, till she was  
apprehended; and she ever gave three or four pounds at a time to the poor people, to buy them  
kine withal, and sent her sub-almoner to the towns about where she lay, that the parishioners  
should make a bill of all the poor householders in their parish; and some towns received seven,  
eight, or ten pounds to buy kine withal, according as the number of the poor in the towns were.  
She also maintained many learned men at Cambridge. Likewise did the earl of Wiltshire, her  
father, and the Lord Rochford, her brother, and by them these men were brought in favour with  
the king; of whom some are yet alive, and can testify the same; would to God that they were now  
as great professors of the gospel of Christ, as then they appeared to be; who were Dr. Heath and  
Dr. Thirlby; with whom was joined the Lord Paget, who, at that present, was an earnest  
protestant, and gave unto one Raynold West, Luther's books, and other books of the Germans, as  
Francis. Lambert. De Sectis; and at that time he read Melancthon's Rhetoric openly in Trinity-  
hall, in Cambridge, and was with his Master Gardiner, a maintainer of Dr. Barnes, and all the  
protestants that were then in Cambridge, and helped many religious persons out of their cowls.  
It hath been reported unto us by divers credible persons which were about this queen, and  
daily acquainted with her doings, concerning her liberal and bountiful distribution to the poor,  
how her Grace carried ever about her a certain little purse, out of the which she was wont daily to  
scatter abroad some alms to the needy, thinking no day well spent wherein some man had not  
fared the better by some benefit at her hands. And this I write by the relation of certain noble  
personages which were the chief and principal of her waiting maids about her, specially the  
duchess of Richmond by name.  
Also concerning the order of her ladies and gentlewomen about her, one that was her silk  
woman, a gentlewoman not now alive, but of great credit, and also of fame for her worthy  
doings, did credibly report, that in all her time she never saw better order among the ladies and  
gentlewomen of the court, than was in this good queen's days, who kept her maids and such as  
were about her so occupied in sewing and working of shirts and smocks for the poor, that neither  
was there seen any idleness then among them, nor any leisure to follow such pastimes as daily  
are seen now-a-days to reign in princes' courts.  
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Thus the king, been divorced from the lady dowager, his brother's wife, married this  
gracious lady, making a prosperous and happy change for us, being divorced from the aforesaid  
princess, and also from the pope, both at one time. Notwithstanding, as good and godly purposes  
are never without some incommodity or trouble following, so it happened in this divorcement,  
that the said princess, procuring from Rome the pope's curse, caused both the king and the realm  
to be interdicted, whereof more is hereafter to be spoken.  
In the mean time, Queen Anne, shortly after her marriage, being great with child, the next  
year following, which was 1533, after the first divorcement publicly proclaimed, was crowned  
with high solemnity at Westminster; and not long, after her coronation, the seventh day of  
September, she was brought to bed, and delivered of a fair lady; for whose good deliverance Te  
Deum was sung in all places, and great preparation made for the christening.  
The mayor and his brethren, with forty of the chief citizens, were commanded to be  
present, with all the nobles and gentlemen. The king's palace, and all the walls between that and  
the Friars, were hanged with arras, as was the Friars' church. Also the font was of silver, and  
stood in the midst of the church, three steps high, which was covered with a fine cloth, and  
divers gentlemen, with aprons and towels about their necks, gave attendance about it. Over the  
font hung a fair canopy of crimson satin, fringed with gold. About it was a rail covered with say.  
Between the quire and the body of the church was a close place with a pan of fire to make the  
child ready in. These things thus ordered, the child was brought into the hall, and then every man  
set forward. First the citizens, two and two: then, the gentlemen, esquires, and chaplains: next  
after followed the aldermen, and the mayor alone. Next the mayor followed the king's council:  
then the king's chappel: then barons, bishops, and earls. Then came the earl of Essex, bearing the  
covered basons, gilt. After him the marquis of Exeter, with the taper of virgin-wax. Next him the  
marquis of Dorset, bearing the salt. Behind him the Lady Mary of Norfolk, bearing the chrism,  
which was very rich of pearl and stone. The old duchess of Norfolk bare the child in a mantle of  
purple velvet, with a long train furred with ermine. The duke of Norfolk, with his marshal-rod,  
went on the right hand of the said duchess, and the duke of Suffolk on the left hand. Before them  
went the officers of arms. The countess of Kent bare the long train of the child's mantle. Between  
the countess and the child went the earl of Wiltshire on the right hand, and the earl of Derby on  
the left hand, supporting the said train. In the midst, over the child, was borne a canopy by the  
Lord Rochford, the Lord Hussey, the Lord William Howard, and the Lord Thomas Howard the  
elder. In this order they came unto the church door, where the bishop of London met it, with  
divers abbots and bishops, and began the observances of the sacrament. The archbishop of  
Canterbury was godfather, and the old duchess of Norfolk, and the old marchioness of Dorset,  
widows, were godmothers, and the child was named Elizabeth.  
After all things were done at the church door, the child was brought to the font, and  
christened. This done, Garter, the chief king-at-arms, cried aloud, "God, of his infinite goodness,  
send prosperous life and long, to the high and mighty princess of England, ELIZABETH." Then  
the trumpets blew, and the child was brought up to the altar, and immediately confirmed by the  
archbishop, the marchioness of Exeter being godmother. Then the archbishop of Canterbury gave  
the princess a standing cup of gold. The duchess of Norfolk gave her a standing cup of gold,  
fretted with pearl. The marchioness of Dorset gave three gilt bowls, pounced, with a cover. The  
marchioness of Exeter, three standing bowls, gilt, and graven, with a cover. And so, after a  
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solemn banquet, ended with hypocras, wafers, and such like, in great plenty, they returned in like  
order again unto the court with the princess; and so departed  
At the marriage of this noble lady, as there was no small joy unto all good and godly  
men, and no less hope of prosperous success to God's true religion, so in like manner, on the  
contrary part, the papists wanted not their malicious and secret attempts, as by the false  
hypocrisy and feigned holiness of a false feigned hypocrite, this year being espied and found out,  
may sufficiently appear what their devilish devices and purposes were. For certain monks, friars,  
and other evil-disposed persons, of a devilish intent, had put into the heads of many of the king's  
subjects, that they had a revelation of God and his saints, that he was highly displeased with  
King Henry for the divorcement of the Lady Katharine; and surmised, among other things, that  
God had revealed to a nun, named Elizabeth Barton, whom they called The holy maid of Kent,  
that in case the king proceeded in the said divorce, be should not be king of this realm one month  
after, and in the reputation of God, not one day nor hour. This Elizabeth Barton, by false  
dissimulation, practised and showed to the people marvellous alteration of her visage and other  
parts of her body, as if she had been rapt, or in a trance; and in those feigned trances, by false  
hypocrisy, (as though she had been inspired of God,) she spake many words in rebuking of sin,  
and reproving the gospel, which she called heresy; and among them uttered divers things to the  
great reproach of the king and queen, and to the establishing of idolatry, pilgrimage, and the  
derogation of God's glory: which her naughtiness being espied out by the great labour and  
diligence of the archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Cromwell, and Master Hugh Latimer, she  
was condemned and put to death, with certain of her affinity and counsel, in the month of April,  
A.D. 1533. The names of which conspirators with her were these: Edward Bocking, monk, of  
Canterbury; Richard Master, parson, of Aldington; John Dering, monk, of Canterbury; Hugh  
Rich, friar, warden of the Grey Friars, of Canterbury; Richard Risby; Henry Gold, bachelor of  
divinity, and parson of Aldermary; Fisher, bishop of Rochester; John Adeson, priest, his  
chaplain; Thomas Laurence, the bishop's registrar, of Canterbury; Edward Thwaits; Thomas  
Abel: of which persons, the said Elizabeth Barton, Henry Gold, Richard Master, Edward  
Bocking, John Dering, Hugh Rich, Richard Risby, were attainted of treason by act of parliament,  
and put to execution.  
The residue, as Fisher bishop of Rochester, Thomas Gold, Thomas Laurence, Edward  
Thwaits, John Adeson, Thomas Abel, being convicted and attainted of misprision, were  
condemned to prison, and forfeited their goods and possessions to the king.  
Edward Hall, a writer of our English stories, making mention of this Elizabeth Barton  
aforesaid, adjoineth next in his book the narration of one Pavier, or Pavy, a notorious enemy, no  
doubt, to God's truth. This Pavier, being the town-clerk of the city of London, was a man (saith  
he) that in no case could abide to hear that the gospel should be in English: insomuch that the  
said Hall himself heard him once say unto him, and to others by swearing a great oath, that if he  
thought the king's Highness would set forth the Scripture in English, and let it be read of the  
people by his authority, rather than he would so long live, he would cut his own throat. But he  
broke promise, saith Hall; for he did not cut his throat with a knife, but with a halter did hang  
himself. Of what mind and intent he so did, God judge. My information further addeth this,  
touching the said Pavier or Pavy, that he was a bitter enemy, very busy at the burning of Richard  
Bainham above mentioned; who, hearing the said Bainham at the stake speaking against  
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purgatory and transubstantiation, "Set fire," said he, "to this heretic, and burn him." And as the  
train of gunpowder came toward the martyr, he lifted up his eyes and hands to heaven, saying to  
Pavier, "God forgive thee, and show thee more mercy than thou dost to me. The Lord forgive Sir  
Thomas More, and pray for me, all good people;" and so continued he praying, till the fire took  
his bowels and his head, &c.  
After Bainham's martyrdom, the next year following, this Pavier, the town-clerk of the  
city, went and bought ropes. Which done, he went up to a high garret in his house to pray, as he  
was wont to do, to a rood which he had there, before which he bitterly wept: and as his own  
maid; coming up, found him so doing, he bade her take the rusty sword, and go make it clean,  
and trouble him no more and immediately he tied up the rope, and hung himself. The maid's  
heart still throbbed, and so came up, and found him but newly hanged. Then, having no power to  
help him, she ran crying to the church to her mistress to fetch her home. His servants and clerks  
he had sent out before to Finsbury, and to Master Edney, serjeant to the lord mayor, dwelling  
over Bishop's-gate, to tarry for him at Finsbury-court till he came: but he had despatched himself  
before, so that they might long look for him before he could come. This was A.D. 1533.  
To this story of Pavier may also be added the like terrible example of Doctor Foxford,  
chancellor to the bishop of London, a cruel persecutor, and a common butcher of the good saints  
of God; who was the condemner of all those afore named, who were put to death, troubled, or  
abjured under Bishop Stokesley, through all the diocese of London. This Foxford died about this  
present year and time; of whose terrible end it was then certainly reported and affirmed, by such  
as were of right good credit, unto certain persons, of whom some be yet alive, that he died  
suddenly sitting in his chair, his belly being burst, and his entrails falling out before him.  
About the same time died William Warham, archbishop of Canterbury; in whose room  
succeeded Thomas Cranmer, which was the king's chaplain, and a great disputer against the  
unlawful marriage of the Lady Katharine, princess dowager; being then so called by act of  
parliament.  
Ye heard before, how the parliament had enacted that no person, after a certain day,  
should appeal to Rome for any cause: notwithstanding which act, the queen, now called princess  
dowager, had appealed to the court of Rome before that act made; so that it was doubted whether  
that appeal was good or not. This question was well handled in the parliament house, but much  
better in the convocation house; and yet in both houses it was alleged, yea, and by books showed,  
that in the councils of Chalcedon, Africa, Toledo, and divers other famous councils in the  
primitive church, yea, in the time of St. Augustine, it was affirmed, declared, and determined,  
that a cause arising in one province, should be determined in the same, and that neither the  
patriarch of Constantinople should meddle in causes moved into the jurisdiction of the patriarch  
of Antioch, nor any bishop should intermeddle within another's province or country. Which  
things were so clerkly opened, and so cunningly set forth to all intents, that every man that had  
wit, and was determined to follow the truth, and not wilfully wedded to his own mind, might  
plainly see, that all appeals made to Rome were clearly void, and of none effect: which doctrines  
and counsels were showed to the Lady Katharine, princess dowager; but she (as women love to  
lose no dignity) ever continued in her old song, trusting more to the pope's partiality, than to the  
determination of Christ's verity.  
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Whereupon the archbishop of Canterbury, Cranmer above named, accompanied with the  
bishops of London, Winchester, Bath, Lincoln, and divers other great clerks in a great number,  
rode to Dunstable, which is six miles from Ampthill, where the princess dowager lay and there,  
by a doctor, called Dr. Lee, she was ascited to appear before the said archbishop, in cause of  
matrimony, in the said town of Dunstable. And at the day of appearance she would not appear,  
but made default, and so was called peremptorily, every day, fifteen days together; and at last,  
for lack of appearance, and for contumacy, by the assent of all the learned men there being  
present, she was divorced from the king, and their marriage declared to be void and of none  
effect; which sentence given, the archbishop and all the others returned back again.  
Here note, that although this divorce following after the new marriage needed not at all to  
be made, the first marriage being no marriage at all before God, yet, to satisfy the voice of the  
people, more than for any necessity, the king was contented, through the persuasions of some, so  
to do. For else, as touching God and conscience, what great need was there of any divorce, where  
before God no marriage was to be accounted, but rather an incestuous and detestable adultery, as  
the act of parliament doth term it? But to our matter again.  
After the dissolution of this first marriage made between the king and the lady princess  
dowager, she nevertheless, bearing a stout mind, would not yet relent, neither to the  
determination of the universities, nor to the censure of the clergy, nor of the whole realm; but,  
following the counsel rather of a few Spaniards, to molest the king and the realm by suit and  
means made to the pope, procured certain writings, first of monition and aggravation, then of  
excommunication and interdiction, to be sent down from Rome, wherein the pope had interdicted  
both the king and the whole realm. But the pope's curser being not the hardiest man, belike, that  
ever showed his head, thought it much more sure for him to discharge his popish carriage  
without the king's reach; and so, keeping himself aloof off, (like a pretty man,) set up his  
writings in the town of Dunkirk in Flanders: in which town first, upon the north door of the  
church was set up a monition, that the king of England should surcease the suit of divorce; which  
John Butler, clerk, then commissary of Calais, by commandment, took down in the night.  
After that, before Whitsun-week, there was set up in the same place an excommunication,  
aggravation, reaggravation, and interdiction; for which also the said Butler, by commandment,  
was sent to Dunkirk, to take it down. And because the council of Calais would be certified of his  
diligence therein, they sent a servant of the Lord Lisle, then deputy of Calais, whose name was  
Cranvel; and upon Wednesday in Whitsun-week, at seven o'clock in the morning, he took it  
down whole, and brought it with him, and delivered the same to the lord deputy aforesaid: which  
was about the year 1533.  
This being known and certified unto the king, he was motioned by his council, that such  
as were about her, and moved her thereunto, should be put from her. And therefore the duke of  
Suffolk was sent to Bugden, beside Huntingdon, where the said Lady Katharine lay; who,  
perceiving her stomach to continue froward still, in answering him with high words, and  
suddenly so in a fury to part from him into her privy chamber, and shut the door, brake up the  
order of her court, and discharged a great sort of her household servants; and yet left her a  
convenient number to serve her like a princess. They that remained still, were sworn to serve her  
as princess only, and not as queen; of whom some said, they were once sworn to serve her as  
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queen, and otherwise would not serve; and so were dismissed. The others who were sworn to  
serve her as princess, she utterly refused for her servants, and so she remained with the fewer,  
living after this about the space of two years.  
And thus much hast thou, good reader, touching the king's divorcement; by occasion  
whereof it pleased God so to work, through his secret and unsearchable wisdom, that the pope,  
who so long had played rex in England, lost his whole jurisdiction and supremacy.  
The abolishing of the pope out of England.  
HESE things thus finished and despatched concerning the  
marriage of Queen Anne, and divorce of Lady Katharine,  
dowager, next followeth the year 1534; in the which was  
assembled the high court of parliament again, after many  
prorogations, upon the third day of February; wherein was made  
an act of succession, for the more surety of the crown, to the  
which every person being of lawful age should be sworn. During  
this parliament time, every Sunday preached at Paul's Cross a  
bishop, which declared the pope not to be head of the church.  
After this, commissions were sent over all England, to take the  
oath of all men and women to the act of succession; at which few repined, except Pr. John  
Fisher, bishop of Rochester; Sir Thomas More, late lord chancellor; and Dr. Nicholas Wilson,  
parson of St. Thomas the Apostle's in London. Wherefore these three persons, after long  
exhortation to them made by the bishop of Canterbury at Lambeth, refusing to be sworn, were  
sent to the Tower, where they remained, and were oftentimes motioned to be sworn. But the  
bishop and Sir Thomas More excused them by their writings, in which they said that they had  
written before that the said Lady Katharine was queen, and therefore could not well go from that  
which they had written. Likewise the doctor excused, that he in preaching had called her queen,  
and therefore now could not well unsay it again. Howbeit, at length, he was well contented to  
dissemble the matter, and so escaped: but the other two stood against all the realm in their  
opinion.  
From the month of March this parliament furthermore was prorogued to the third day of  
November abovesaid; at what time, amongst divers other statutes, most graciously, and by the  
blessed will of God it was enacted, that the pope, and all his college of cardinals, with his  
pardons and indulgences, which so long had clogged this realm of England, to the miserable  
slaughter of so many good men, and which never could be removed away before, were now  
abolished, eradicated, and exploded out of this land, and sent home again to their own country of  
Rome, from whence they came. God be everlastingly praised therefore, Amen!  
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1
83. Papal Documents Relating To King Henry's Divorce.  
In the mean season, amongst other omissions here overpast, forasmuch as a certain  
instrument of the pope's sentence definitive against King Henry's first divorce with Lady  
Katharine, dowager, hath of late come to our hands, containing matter neither impertinent nor  
unmeet to be committed to history, I thought here presently to place the same, to the intent that  
the reader, seeing the arrogant and impudent presumption of the pope in the said sentence, going  
about by force and authority so to constrain and compel kings and princes against their wills, and  
against right and Scripture, to apply to his imperious purpose, may the better understand thereby,  
what was the true cause and ground why the king first began to take stomach against the pope,  
and to send him clean packing out of this realm. But before I shall produce this aforesaid  
sentence definitive of the pope, to make the matter more plain to the reader, it shall not be amiss,  
first, to decipher and rip up the original of such occasions as shall induce the reader to the better  
understanding of this falling out between the king and the pope.  
For so I find by the letters of Dr. Stephen Gardiner, written to Cardinal Wolsey from  
Rome, (at what time he and Foxe were sent ambassadors by the king to Pope Clement the  
Seventh, about the expedition of the kings divorce, A. D. 1532,) that the said Pope Clement, with  
the counsel of the Cardinal Sanctorum Quatuor and other cardinals, at first was well willing, and  
very inclinable, to the accomplishment and satisfaction of the king's desire in that behalf, and  
that for divers respects.  
As first, for the great benefits received, and the singular devotion of the king toward the  
see apostolic, in taking war for the church's cause: in surceasing war at the pope's desire; and,  
especially, in procuring the pope's deliverance, whereby the pope then thought himself with his  
whole see much obliged to the king, in all respects, to pass by his authority whatsoever  
reasonably might be granted in gratifying the king's so ample merits and deserts.  
Secondly, for the evident reasons and substantial arguments in the king's book contained,  
which seemed well to satisfy the pope's liking, and to remove away all scruples.  
Thirdly, for the good opinion and confidence that the pope had in the excellent wisdom,  
profound learning, and mature judgment of the king, which the pope (as he said in formal words)  
would sooner lean unto, than unto any other learned man's mind or sentence, so that the king's  
reasons, he said, must needs be of great efficacy and strength of themselves to order and direct  
this matter.  
The fourth cause moving the pope to favour the king's request, was, for the quiet and  
tranquillity of his conscience, which, otherwise, in that unlawful marriage with his brother's wife,  
could not be settled.  
The fifth cause was, for the consideration of the perils and dangers, which otherwise  
might happen to the realm, by the pretended titles of the king of Scots, and others, without any  
heir male to establish the king's succession: for the avoiding of which perils, and also for the  
other causes above rehearsed, the pope showed himself at that time propense and forward to  
promote and set forward the king's desired purpose in that behalf.  
And thus much touching this by-matter I thought here to suggest and repeat to the reader,  
albeit the same is also sufficiently expressed before: to the end that the studious reader,  
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pondering these first proceedings of the pope, and comparing them with this sentence definitive  
which under followeth, may the better understand what inconstant levity, what false dealing,  
what crafty packing, and what contrariety in itself, are in this pope's holy see of Rome, as by this  
case of the pope may well appear; who, in short time after all this, was so clean altered from  
what he was, that whereas before, he pretended to esteem so gratefully the king's travail, and  
benefits exhibited to the see apostolic, in his defence against the emperor and the Spaniards, now  
he joineth utterly with the Cæsarians against the king. And whereas before, he so greatly  
magnified the king's profound learning and mature judgment, esteeming his mind and sentence  
above all other learned men, to be as a judge sufficient in the direction of this case; now, turning  
head to the tail, he utterly refuseth to bring the matter in judicium orbis, but will needs detain it  
at home.  
Again, where before he pretended a tender provision for the state of this realm, now he  
setteth all other realms against it; and finally, whereas he before seemed to respect the quiet and  
tranquillity of the king's conscience, now he goeth about to command and compel the king,  
against his will and conscience, to do clean contrary to that which he himself before in his  
judgment had allowed, thinking to have the king at his beck, and to do and undo what he listed  
and commanded; as by the tenor and true copy of this his sentence definitive ye may understand;  
which, as it came newly to our hands, I thought here to exhibit unto the world, that all men might  
see what just cause the king had (being so presumptuously provoked by the pope) to shake off  
his proud authority, and utterly to exile him out of his realm. Mark, I pray thee, the manner of the  
pope's proud sentence, how presumptuously it proceedeth.  
The effect of this sentence is as much as to mean, "that Pope Clement the Seventh, with  
the consent of his other brethren, the cardinals assembled together in this consistory, sitting there  
in the throne of justice, calling upon the name of Christ, and having God only before his eyes,  
doth pronounce, define, and declare – in the cause and causes between his dear daughter,  
Katharine, queen of England, appealing to the see apostolic, and his beloved son, Henry the  
Eighth, king of England, concerning the validity and invalidity of the matrimony heretofore  
contracted between them, and yet depending in the consistory court of the said Pope Clement –  
that the said matrimony always hath stood, and still doth stand, firm and canonical; and that the  
issue proceeding, or which shall proceed, of the same, standeth, and shall stand, lawful and  
legitimate; and that the aforesaid Henry, king of England, is and shall be bound and obstrict to  
the matrimonial society and cohabitation with the said Lady Katharine, his lawful wife and  
queen, to hold and maintain her with such love and princely honour, as becometh a loving  
husband, and his kingly honour, to do."  
Also, "that the said Henry king of England, if he shall refuse so to perform and  
accomplish all and singular the premises, in all effectual manner, is to be condemned and  
compelled thereunto by all remedies of the law, and enforced, according as we do condemn,  
compel, and enforce him so to do; providing, all molestations and refusals whatsoever, made by  
the said King Henry against the said Queen Katharine, upon the invalidity of the said marriage,  
to have been and be judged unlawful and unjust; and the said king, from henceforth for ever to  
hold his peace, and not to be heard in any court hereafter to speak, touching the invalidity of the  
said matrimony: like as we also do here will and charge him to hold his peace, and do put him to  
perpetual silence herein; willing, moreover, and adjudging the said King Henry to be  
condemned, and presently here do condemn him, in the expenses, on the said Queen Katharine's  
behalf, here in our court expended and employing in traversing the aforesaid cause, the valuation  
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of which expenses we reserve to ourselves to be limited and taxed, as we shall judge meet  
hereafter.  
We do so pronounce,  
"
At Rome, in our apostolical palace, publicly in our consistory the twenty-third of March,  
534.  
Blosius."  
1
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1
84. Arguments against the Pope's Supremacy  
The book of Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, "De vera Obedientia."  
You have heard before of Stephen Gardiner, of Lee, of Tonstal, and of Stokesley, how of  
their voluntary mind they made their profession unto the king, every one severally taking and  
accepting a corporal oath, utterly and for ever to renounce and reject the usurped superiority of  
the bishop of Rome. Now, for a further testimony and declaration of their judgments and  
opinions which then they were of, following the force both of truth and of time then present, ye  
shall hear, over and besides their oaths, what the aforesaid bishops in their own books,  
prologues, and sermons, do write, and publish abroad in print, touching the said cause of the  
pope's supremacy.  
And first, God willing, to begin with Stephen Gardiner's book, "De vera Obedientia," we  
will briefly note out a few of his own words, wherein, with great Scripture proofs and good  
deliberation, he not only confuteth the pope's usurped authority, but also proveth the marriage  
between the king and Queen Katharine, his brother's wife, not to be good nor lawful, in these  
words:  
"Of the which moral precepts in the old law, to speak of some, (for to rehearse all it needs  
not,) the Levitical precepts touching forbidden and incestuous marriages, as far as they concern  
chaste and pure wedlock, wherein the original of man's increase consisteth, are always to be  
reputed of such sort, that although they were first given to the Jews, yet because they appertain to  
the law of nature, and expound the same more plainly to us, therefore they belong as well to all  
manner of people of the whole world for evermore. In which doubtless both the voice of nature  
and God's commandment agreeing in one, have forbidden that which is contrary and diverse  
from the one and from the other. And amongst these, since there is commandment that a man  
shall not marry his brother's wife, what could the king's excellent Majesty do, otherwise than he  
did, by the whole consent of the people, and judgment of his church; that is, to be divorced from  
unlawful marriage, and use lawful and permitted copulation? and obeying (as meet it was)  
conformably unto the commandment, cast off her, whom neither law nor right permitted him to  
retain, and take him to chaste and lawful marriage? Wherein although the sentence of God's word  
(whereunto all things ought to stoop) might have sufficed, yet his Majesty was content to have  
the assisting consents of the most notable grave men, and the censures of the most famous  
universities of the whole world; and all to the intent that men should see he did both what he  
might do, and ought to do, uprightly; seeing the best learned and most worthy men have  
subscribed unto it; showing therein such obedience as God's word requireth of every good and  
godly man; so it may be said, that both he obeyed God, and obeyed him truly: of which  
obedience, forasmuch as I am purposed to speak, I could not pass this thing over with silence,  
whereof occasion so commodiously was offered me to speak."  
Moreover, the said Gardiner, in the before-named book "De vera Obedientia," what  
constancy he pretendeth, what arguments he inferreth, how earnestly and pithily he disputeth on  
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the king's side, against the usurped state of the bishop of Rome's authority, by the words of his  
book it may appear: whereof a brief collection here followeth.  
Reasons of Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, against the pope's supremacy.  
In the process of his aforesaid book, he, alleging the old distinction of the papists,  
wherein they give to the prince the regiment of things temporal, and to the church that of things  
spiritual, comparing the one to the greater light, the other to the lesser light, he confuteth and  
derideth the same distinction, declaring the sword of the church to extend no further than to  
teaching and excommunication, and referreth all preeminence to the sword of the prince; alleging  
for this the second Psalm: And now, you kings, be wise, and be learned, ye that judge the earth,  
&c.  
Also the example of Solomon, who, being a king according to his father's appointment,  
ordained the offices of the priests in their ministries, and Levites in their order, that they might  
give thanks, andminister before the priests, after the order of every day, and porters in their  
divisions, gate by gate. And speaking more of the said Solomon, he saith, "For so commanded  
the man of God; neither did the priests nor Levites omit anything of all that he had commanded,"  
&c.  
Beside this, he allegeth also the example of King Hezekiah. He allegeth moreover the  
example and fact of Justinian, which made laws touching the faith, bishops, clerks, heretics, and  
such others.  
Aaron (saith he) obeyed Moses: Solomon gave sentence upon Abiathar the high priest.  
Alexander the king, in the Maccabees, writeth thus to Jonathan: Now we have made thee  
this day the high priest of thy people, &c. So did Demetrius to Simon.  
Then, coming to the words of Christ spoken to Peter, Thou art Peter, &c., upon which  
words the pope pretendeth to build all his authority: to this he answereth, that if Christ, by those  
words, had limited to Peter any such special state or pre-eminency above all princes, then were it  
not true that is written, Jesus began to teach and to do; forasmuch as the words of Christ should  
then be contrary to his own facts and example, who, in all his life, never either usurped to  
himself any such domination above princes, (showing himself rather subject unto princes,) nor  
yet did ever permit in his apostles any such example of ambition to be seen; but rather rebuked  
them for seeking any manner of priority amongst them.  
And where he reasoneth of the king's style and title, being called king of England and of  
France, defender of the faith, lord of Ireland, and supreme head in earth of the Church of  
England immediately under Christ, &c., thus he addeth his mind and censure, saying, that he  
seeth no cause in this title, why any man should be offended, that the king is called head of the  
Church of England, rather than of the realm of England; and addeth his reason thereunto, saying,  
"
If the prince and king of England be the head of his kingdom, that is, of all Englishmen that be  
his subjects, is there any cause why the same English subjects should not be subject to the same  
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head likewise in this respect, because they are Christians; that is to say, for the title of godliness?  
as though that God, who is the cause of all obedience, should now be the cause of rebellion?"  
At length thus he concludeth with an exclamation saying, "To say," saith he, "that a king  
is the head of the kingdom, and not of the church, what an absurd and a foolish saying is this!"  
And further, adding further for example the sub jection of the servant and wife: "If the  
servant, saith he, "be subject to his master, or wife to her husband, being infidels, doth their  
conversion afterwards, or the name of Christians, make them less subjects than they were before?  
As religion therefore doth not alter the authority of the master over the servant, nor of the  
husband over the wife; no more," saith he, "doth it between the prince and subject.  
"Paul, making no exception or distinction of subjection, save only of that which belonged  
to God, willeth all men to obey their princes; and what princes? Those princes which bear the  
sword. And although we are bound by the Scripture to obey our bishops and spiritual pastors of  
the church, yet that obedience diminisheth nothing the chief and head authority that ought to be  
given to the prince, no more than the obedience of the servant to his master, or of the wife to her  
husband, exempteth them from subjection due to their superior powers."  
And herewithal he inferreth a principle of the law: "Divers jurisdictions," saith he,  
"proceeding from one person, do not mar nor hinder themselves, but rather do confirm and  
fortify one another."  
Again, whereas the bishop of Rome, under the name of Peter, doth appropriate to himself  
the highest place in the church, for that he is the successor of Peter; thereunto he answereth in  
one word, but in that one word he answereth enough, and to the full: "I would," saith he, "he  
were; for so in very deed he might well exceed and pass all kings and princes, if not in pre-  
eminency of dignity, yet in admiration and excellency of virtue: in which kind of superiority the  
Lord Christ would his apostles and ministers to go before all kings and emperors in the whole  
world."  
After this, in prosecuting the argument of Peter's confession, he argueth thus, and saith,  
that as flesh and blood did not reveal to Peter that confession, so neither was that prerogative  
given to the flesh and blood of Peter, but to the better part, that is, to the spirit of Peter; which is  
to mean in respect of the spiritual confession of Peter, and not in respect of any carnal place or  
person, &c.  
Item, If the scholar ought not to be above the master, how then could either Peter take  
that upon him, which Christ his Master so constantly did refuse; or how can the bishop of Rome  
now claim that by succession, whereof no example is to be found either in the head, or his  
predecessor before him? for so we read in Eusebius, both of Peter, James, and John, that they did  
arrogate no such primacy unto them, but were content that James, surnamed Justus, should be the  
bishop of the apostles.  
And as for the name and signification of the word primacy, if it be taken for the  
nomination, or the first place given, so he granteth that Peter had the preferment of the first name  
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and place in the order of the apostles, But it followeth not, that with this primacy he had also a  
kingdom given. And though he were bid of the Lord to confirm his brethren, yet was he not bid  
to exercise an empery upon his brethren: for so were they not his brethren, but his subjects.  
That Peter was first or chief in the number of those who confessed Christ, it is not to be  
denied; for first he confessed, first he taught the Jews, first he stood in defence of the verity, and  
was the first and chief prolocutor among them. But yet that maketh not, that he should therefore  
arrogate a general primacy and rule over all other states and authorities of the world; no more  
than Apelles, because he is noted the first and chief of all painters, therefore ought to bear rule  
over all painters: or because the university of Paris is nominated for the first and chief of other  
universities, shall therefore the French king, and all other princes in their public administration,  
wherein they are set of God, become subjects and underlings to that university?  
Thus, after many other reasons and persuasions contained in said book De Obedientia,  
(for I do but superficially skim over the top only of his probations and arguments,) finally, in the  
end of his probation, he concludeth the whole sum of his mind in this effect; first, denying that  
the bishop of Rome had ever any such extern jurisdiction assigned to him absolutely from God,  
to reign over kings and princes: for the peroration whereof he hath alleged sufficiently, as he  
saith, the examples and doings of Christ himself, which ought to be to us all a sufficient  
document.  
As concerning the term of "primacy," albeit it be used sometimes by the fathers, yet the  
matter, being well considered and rightly expounded, maketh nothing for the large dominion of  
the bishop of Rome, which now he doth usurp.  
Also as for the prerogatives granted unto Peter, by the which prerogatives our Saviour  
would crown his own gifts given unto him, crowning not the flesh and blood of Peter, but the  
marvellous testimony of his confession, all this maketh nothing for the pope's purpose.  
Likewise as concerning the local succession of Peter, the pope hath nothing thereby to  
claim. If he will be successor of Peter, he must succeed him in faith, doctrine, and conditions,  
and in so doing, he neither will seek, nor yet shall need to seek, for honour, but shall be honoured  
of all good men, according as a good man should be; and that much more than he, being a good  
man, would require.  
And thus Stephen Winchester, taking his leave, and bidding the pope farewell, endeth  
with a friendly exhortation, willing him to be wise and circumspect, and not to strive stubbornly  
against the truth. "The light of the gospel," saith he, "so spreadeth his beams in all men's eyes,  
that the works of the gospel be known, the mysteries of Christ's doctrine are opened; both  
learned and unlearned, men and women, being Englishmen born, do see and perceive, that they  
have nothing to do with Rome, or with the bishop of Rome, but that every prince, in his own  
dominion, is to be taken and accepted as a vicar of God, and vicegerent of Christ in his own  
bounds." And therefore, seeing this order is taken of God, and one in the church should bear the  
office of teaching, another should bear the office of ruling, (which office is only limited to  
princes,) he exhorteth him to consider the truth, and to follow the same, wherein consisteth our  
true and special obedience, &c.  
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To this book of Stephen Winchester, De Obedientia, we will adjoin, for good fellowship,  
the Preface also of Edmund Bonner, archdeacon then of Leicester, prefixed before the same; to  
the intent that the reader, seeing the judgments of these men as they were then, and again the  
sudden mutation afterwards of the said parties to the contrary opinion, may learn thereby what  
vain-glory and pomp of this world can work in the frail nature of man, where God's grace lacketh  
to sustain. The Preface of Bonner, before the said book of Winchester, De Obedientia,  
proceedeth thus in effect, as followeth:  
"Forasmuch as some there be, no doubt, (as the judgments of men be always variable,)  
which think the controversy which is between the king's royal Majesty and the bishop of Rome  
consisteth in this point, for that his Majesty hath taken the most excellent and most virtuous Lady  
Anne to wife, which in very deed is far otherwise, and nothing so: to the intent, therefore, that all  
true hearty favourers of the gospel of Christ, who hate not, but love the truth, may the more fully  
understand the chief point of the controversy, and because they shall not be ignorant what is the  
whole voice and resolute determination of the best and greatest learned bishops, with all the  
nobles and commons of England, not only in that cause of matrimony, but also in defending the  
doctrine of the gospel; here shall be published the oration of the bishop of Winchester, (a man  
excellently learned in all kinds of learning,) entitled, De Vera Obedientia that is, Concerning  
True Obedience. But as touching this bishop's worthy praises, there shall be nothing spoken of  
me at this time, not only because they are infinite, but because they are far better known to all  
Christendom, than becometh me here to make rehearsal.  
And as for the oration itself, (which as it is most learned, so is it most elegant,) to what  
purpose should I make any words of it, seeing it praiseth itself enough, and seeing good wine  
needeth no tavern-bush to utter it? But yet in this oration, whosoever thou art, most gentle  
reader! thou shalt, besides other matters, see it notably and learnedly, handled, of what  
importance, and how invincible, the power and excellency of God's truth is, which as it may now  
and then be pressed of the enemies, so it cannot possibly be oppressed and darkened after such'  
sort, but it showeth itself again at length more glorious and more welcome. Thou shalt see also  
touching obedience, that it is subject to truth, and what is to be judged true obedience. Besides  
this, of men's traditions, which for the most part he most repugnant against the truth of God's  
law. And there, by the way, he speaketh of the king's said Highness's marriage, which, by the  
ripe judgment, authority, and privilege of the most and principal universities of the world, and  
then with the consent of the whole church of England, he contracted with the most excellent and  
most noble lady, Queen Anne. After that, touching the king's Majesty's title, as pertaining to the  
supreme head of the church of England. Last of all, of the false pretended supremacy, of the  
bishop of Rome in the realm of England most justly abrogated: and how all other bishops, being  
fellow-like to him in their function, yea, and in some points above him within their own  
provinces, were beforetime bound to the king by their oath.  
"
But be thou most surely persuaded of this, good reader! that the bishop of Rome, if there  
were no cause else but only this marriage, would easily content himself, especially having some  
good morsel or other given him to chew upon. But when he seeth so mighty a king, being a right  
virtuous and a great learned prince, so sincerely and so heartily favour the gospel of Christ, and  
perceiveth the yearly and great prey, (yea, so large a prey, that it came to as much almost as all  
the king's revenues,) snapped out of his hands, and that he can no longer exercise his tyranny in  
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the king's Majesty's realm, (alas, heretofore too cruel and bitter,) nor make laws, as he hath done  
many, to the contumely and reproach of the majesty of God, which is evident that he hath done  
in time past, under the title of the catholic church, and the authority of Peter and Paul, (when  
notwithstanding he was a very ravening wolf, dressed in sheep's clothing, calling himself the  
servant of servants,) to the great damage of the Christian commonwealth — here, here began all  
the mischief; hereof rose these discords, these deadly malices, and so great and terrible bustling:  
for if it were not thus, could any man believe that this Jupiter of Olympus (who falsely hath  
arrogated unto himself an absolute power without controlment) would have wrought so  
diligently, by all means possible, to stir up all other kings and princes so traitorously against this  
so good and godly, and so true a gospel-like prince, as he hath done? Neither let it move thee,  
gentle reader! that Winchester did not before now apply to this opinion: for he himself, in this  
oration, showeth the cause why he did it not. And if he had said never a word, yet thou knowest  
well what a witty part it is for a man to suspend his judgment, and not to be too rash in giving of  
sentence. It is an old-said saw; "Mary Magdalene profited us less in her quick belief that Christ  
was risen, than Thomas that was longer in doubt." A man may rightly call him Fabius, that with  
his advised taking of leisure restored the matter. Albeit I speak not this as though Winchester had  
not bolted out this matter secretly with himself beforehand (for he without doubt tried it out long  
ago); but that, running fair and softly, he would first, with his painful study, pluck the matter out  
of the dark, (although of itself it was clear enough, but by reason of sundry opinions it was  
lapped up in darkness,) and then did he debate it wittily to and fro; and so, at last, after long and  
great deliberation had in the matter, because there is no better counsellor than leisure and time,  
he would resolutely, with his learned and consummate judgment, confirm it.  
"Thou shouldst, gentle reader, esteem his censure and authority to be of more weighty  
credence, inasmuch as the matter was not rashly, and at all adventures, but with judgment (as  
thou seest) and with wisdom examined and discussed. And this is no new example, to be against  
the tyranny of the bishop of Rome, seeing that not only this man, but many men oftentimes, yea,  
and right great learned men afore now, have done the same even in writing; whereby they both  
painted him out in his right colours, and made his sleights, falsehood, frauds, and deceitful wiles,  
openly known to the world. Therefore, if thou at any time heretofore have doubted either of true  
obedience, or of the king's Majesty's marriage or title, or else of the bishop of Rome's false  
pretended supremacy, as, if thou hadst a good smelling nose, and a sound judgment, I think thou  
didst not; yet, having read this oration, (which, if thou favour the truth, and hate the tyranny of  
the bishop of Rome, and his Satanical, fraudulent falsehood, shall doubtless wonderfully content  
thee,) forsake thine error, and acknowledge the truth now freely offered thee at length,  
considering with thyself, that it is better late so to do, than never to repent.  
"Fare thou heartily well, most gentle reader; and not only love this most valiant king of  
England and of France, who undoubtedly was by the providence of God born to defend the  
gospel, but also honour him and serve him most obediently. As for this Winchester, who was  
long ago, without doubt, reputed among the greatest learned men, give him thy good word, with  
highest commendation."  
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The end of Bishop Bonner's prologue.  
What man reading and advising this book of Winchester, De Vera Obedientia, with  
Bonner's Preface before the same, would ever have thought any alteration could so work in man's  
heart, to make these men thus to turn the cat in the pan, as they say, and to start so suddenly from  
the truth so manifestly known, so pithily proved, so vehemently defended, and (as it seemed) so  
faithfully subscribed? If they dissembled all this that they wrote, subscribed, and sware unto,  
what perjury most execrable was it before God and man! If they meant good faith, and spake  
then as they thought, what pestilent blindness is this so suddenly fallen upon them, to make that  
false now, which was true before; or that to be now true, which before was false! Thus to say and  
unsay, and then to say again, to do and undo, and, as a man would say, to play fast or loose with  
truth; truly a man may say is not the doing of a man which is in any case to be trusted,  
whatsoever he doth or saith. But here a man may see what man is of himself, when God's good  
humble Spirit lacketh to be his guide.  
Furthermore, to add unto them the judgment also and arguments of Tonstal, bishop of  
Durham, let us see how he agreeth with them, or rather much exceedeth them, in his sermon  
made before King Henry upon Palm Sunday, remaining yet in print; in the which sermon,  
disputing against the wrongful supremacy of the bishop of Rome, he proveth by manifest  
grounds most effectuously, both out of the Scripture, ancient doctors, and of councils; not only  
that the bishop of Rome hath no such authority by the word of God committed to him, as he doth  
challenge; but also, in requiring and challenging the same, he reproveth and condemneth him  
with great zeal and ardent spirit, to be a proud Lucifer; disobedient to the ordinary powers of  
God set over him; contrary to Christ and Peter: and finally, in raising up war against us for the  
same, he therefore rebuketh and defieth him, as a most detestable sower of discord, and a  
murderer of Christian men.  
Notes on Tonstal's sermon against the pope's supremacy.  
First, by the Scripture, he reasoneth thus, and proveth, that all good men ought to obey  
the authorities and governors of the world, as emperors, kings, and princes of all sorts, what  
name soever the said supreme powers do bear or use for their countries in which they be; for so  
St. Peter doth plainly teach us, saying, Be ye subject to every human creature for God's cause,  
whether it be king, as chief head, or dukes or governors, &c. So that St. Peter, in; his Epistle,  
commandeth all worldly princes in their office to be obeyed as the ministers of God, by all  
Christian men: and according unto the same, St. Paul saith, Let every living man be subject to the  
high powers: for the high powers be of God, and whosoever resisteth the high powers, resisteth  
the ordinance of God, and purchaseth thereby to himself damnation.  
And in the same place of Tonstal it followeth: And lest men should forget their duty of  
obedience to their princes, it is thrice repeated, that they be the ministers of God, whose place in  
their governance they represent: so that unto them all men must obey, apostles, patriarchs,  
primates, archbishops, bishops, priests, and all of the clergy, &c. "And therefore," saith he, "the  
bishop of Rome oweth to his sovereign and superior like subjection by the word of God, taught  
unto us by Peter and Paul, as other bishops do to their princes, under whom they be."  
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Also, another express commandment we have of Christ, who, upon the occasion of his  
disciples striving for superiority, discusseth the matter, saying on this wise, The kings of the  
people and nations have dominion over them, and those that have power over them be called  
gracious lords; but so it shall not be amongst you: but whosoever amongst you is the greater,  
shall be as the younger; and whosoever amongst you shall be chief, shall be as a servant and a  
minister, &c.  
And again, Christ speaking to Pilate of his kingdom, declareth that his kingdom is not of  
this world, and "therefore," saith Tonstal, "those that go about to make of Christ's spiritual  
kingdom a worldly kingdom, do fall into the error of some heretics, that look that Christ, after  
the day of judgment, shall reign with all his saints here in the earth carnally in Jerusalem; as the  
Jews do believe that Messias is yet to come, and when he shall come, he shall reign worldly in  
Jerusalem."  
By these and such other places it may well appear, that Christ, neither before his  
incarnation, (as Tonstal saith,) nor after his incarnation, did ever alter the authority of worldly  
kings and princes, but by his own word commanded them still to be obeyed of their subjects, as  
they had been in the ancient time before, &c. And for example of the same, he allegeth first the  
example of Christ himself, who, being asked of the Jews, whether they should give tribute to  
Cæsar, or no, he bade them give to Cæsar those things that be his, and to God those things that  
be his; signifying, that tribute was due to Cæsar, and that their souls were due to God.  
Also in the seventeenth of Matthew, it appeareth that Christ bade Peter pay tribute for  
him and his disciples, when it was demanded of him. And why? Because he would not change  
the order of obeisance to worldly princes due by their subjects, &c.  
Another example of Christ he citeth out of John vi., where, after Christ had fed five  
thousand and more, with a few loaves, and fewer fishes, and that the Jews would have taken him,  
and made him their king, he fled from them, and would not consent unto them: "For the  
kingdom," saith he, "that he came to set in earth, was not a worldly and temporal kingdom, but a  
heavenly and spiritual kingdom;" that is, to reign spiritually, by grace and faith, in the hearts of  
all Christian and faithful people, of what degree or of what nation soever they be, and to turn all  
people and nations which at his coming were carnal and lived after the lusts of the flesh, to be  
spiritual, and to live after the lusts of the Spirit, that Christ, with his Father of heaven, might  
reign in the hearts of all men, &c.  
And here, in these examples of Christ's humility, further is to be noted, how Christ the  
Son of God did submit himself not only to the rulers and powers of this world, but also dejected  
himself, and in a manner became servant to his own apostles: so far off was he from all  
ambitious and pompous seeking of worldly honour. For so it appeared in him, not only by  
washing the feet of his apostles, but also the same time, a little before his passion, when the  
apostles fell at contention among themselves, who among them should be superior, he, setting  
before them the example of his own subjection, asketh this question: Who is superior; he that  
sitteth at the table, or he that serveth at the table? Is not he superior that sitteth? but I am amongst  
you as he that ministereth and serveth, &c.  
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The like examples Tonstal also inferreth of Peter's humility. For where we read in the  
Acts, how the centurion, a nobleman of great age, did prostrate himself upon the ground at the  
feet of Peter; then Peter, not suffering that, eftsoons took him up, and bade him rise, saying, I am  
also a man as thou art.  
So likewise did the angel, to whom when John would have fallen down to have adored  
him who showed him those visions, the angel said unto him, See thou do not so; for I am the  
servant of God, as thou art, &c.  
Again, in the aforesaid Peter, what an example of reverent humility is to be seen in this,  
that notwithstanding he, with other apostles, had his commission to go over all the world, yet  
nevertheless he, being at Joppa, and sent for by Cornelius, durst not go unto him without the  
vision of a sheet let down from heaven; by which vision he was admonished not to refuse the  
Gentiles: or else he knew in himself no such primacy over all people and places given unto him,  
nor any such commission so large above the others, &c.  
Furthermore, the said Peter, being rebuked of Paul his fellow brother, took no scorn  
thereof, but was content, submitting himself to due correction.  
But here, saith Tonstal, steppeth in the bishop of Rome, and saith that Peter had authority  
given him above all the residue of the apostles, and allegeth the words of Christ spoken to him,  
Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my church, and will give to thee the keys of the  
kingdom of heaven: and whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth, shall be bound in heaven. "This  
said Christ," saith the pope, "and St. Peter is buried at Rome, whose successor I am, and ought to  
rule the church, as Peter did, and to be porter of heaven gates, as Peter was," &c. "And Christ  
said also to Peter, after his resurrection, Feed my sheep; which he spake to him only, so that  
thereby he had authority over all that be of Christ's flock; and I, as his successor, have the same.  
And therefore whoso will not obey me, king or prince, I will curse him, and deprive him of his  
kingdom or seigniory: for all power is given to me that Christ hath, and I am his vicar-general, as  
Peter was here in earth over all, and none but I, as Christ is in heaven."  
This ambitious and pompous objection (saith Tonstal) of the pope and his adherents, hath  
of late years much troubled the world, and made dissension, debate, and open war in all parts of  
Christendom, and all by a wrong interpretation of the Scripture; who, if he would take those  
places after the right sense of them, as both the apostles themselves taught us, and all the ancient  
best learned interpreters do expound them, the matter were soon at a point. But otherwise, since  
they pervert the Scriptures, and preach another gospel in that point to us, than ever the apostles  
preached, we have therein a gene- ral rule to follow: That though an angel came from heaven,  
and would tell us such new exposition of those places as are now made, to turn the words which  
were spoken for spiritual authority of preaching the word of God, and ministering of the  
sacraments, to a worldly authority, we ought to reject him: as St. Paul willeth us in Galatians i.  
To open therefore the true sense of the Scripture in the places aforesaid, and first to begin  
with Matthew xvi., here is to be observed, that the question being put in general of Christ to all  
his apostles, what they thought or judged of him, Peter, answering for them all, (as he was  
always ready to answer,) said, Thou art Christ, the Son of the living God. To whom Jesus  
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answered again, Blessed be thou, Simon the son of Jonah, for flesh and blood hath not revealed  
this unto thee, but my Father which is in heaven: and I say unto thee, thou art Peter, and upon  
this rock I will build my church; and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. That is to say,  
Upon this rock of thy confession of me to be the Son of God, I will build my church; for this  
faith containeth the whole summary of our faith and salvation, as it is written in Rom. x.: The  
word of faith that we do preach is at hand, in thy mouth and in thy heart. For if thou confess with  
thy mouth our Lord Jesus Christ, and with thy heart do believe that God raised him from death to  
life, thou shalt be saved, &c. And this confession being first uttered by the mouth of Peter, upon  
the same confession of his, and not upon the person of Peter, Christ buildeth his church, as  
Chrysostom expoundeth that place in the twenty-sixth sermon, of the feast of Pentecost, saying,  
Not upon the person of Peter, but upon the faith, Christ hath builded his church. And what is the  
faith? This: Thou art Christ, the Son of the living God. What is to say, Upon this rock? That is,  
Upon this confession of Peter, &c. And with this saying of Chrysostom all ancient expositors,  
(saith Tonstal,) treating of that place, do agree; for if we should expound that place, that the  
church is build-ed upon the person of Peter, we should put another foundation of the church than  
Christ; which is directly against St. Paul, saying, No man may put any other foundation, but that  
which is put already, which is Christ Jesus, &c.  
And because Peter was the first of all the apostles that confessed this, That Christ is the  
Son of God, by the which faith all men must be saved; thereof cometh the primacy; that is, the  
first place or standing of Peter in the number of all the apostles.  
And as Peter was the first of them that confessed Christ to be the Son of God, so was he  
most ardent in his faith, most bold and hardy in Christ, as appeared by his coming out of the ship  
in the great tempest: and also most vehement in his Master's cause, as appeared by drawing out  
his sword: and afterwards the Lord's resurrection is declared in the Acts, where the Jews,  
withstanding the apostles preaching the faith of Christ, Peter, as most ardent in faith, was ever  
most ready to defend the faith against the impugners thereof, speaking for them all unto the  
people, &c.; and therefore hath these honourable names given him by the ancient interpreters,  
that sometimes he is called the mouth of the apostles; the chief of the apostles; sometimes the  
prince of the apostles, sometimes the president of the whole church, and sometimes hath the  
name of primacy or priority attributed unto him. And yet that the said Peter, notwithstanding  
these honourable names given to him, should not have a rule, or a judicial power, above all the  
other apostles, it is plain by St. Paul and many others.  
First, St. Paul plainly declareth the same, saying, that as the apostleship of the  
circumcision, that is, of the Jews, was given by Christ to Peter; so, was the apostleship of the  
Gentiles given to me among the Gentiles. Hereby it appeareth that Paul knew no primacy of  
Peter concerning people and places, but among the Jews. And thereof St. Ambrose, expounding  
that place, saith thus, The primacy of the Jews was given chiefly to Peter, albeit James and John  
were joined with him; as the primacy of the Gentiles was given to Paul, albeit Barnabas was  
joined with him: so that Peter had no rule over all.  
Also in Acts x., when Peter was sent for to Cornelius, a Gentile, he durst not go to him  
without a special vision given him from heaven by the Lord.  
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Item, That all the apostles had like dignity and authority, it appeareth by St. Paul, where  
he saith, Now ye are not strangers, nor foreigners, but ye be citizens with the saints, and of the  
household of Almighty God, builded, saith he, upon the foundations of the apostles and the  
prophets, Christ being the corner-stone; upon whom every edifice being builded, groweth up to  
an holy temple in our Lord, &c. Here he saith that they be builded not upon the foundation of  
Peter only, but upon the foundation of the apostles: so that all they be in the foundation set upon  
Christ the very rock, whereupon standeth the whole church.  
In the Apocalypse also, the new city, and the heavenly Jerusalem of Almighty God, is  
described by the Holy Ghost, not with one foundation only of Peter, but with twelve foundations,  
after the number of the apostles.  
St. Cyprian giveth record likewise to the same, that the apostles had equal power and  
dignity given to them by Christ; and because all should preach one thing, therefore the beginning  
thereof first came by one, which was Peter, who confessed for them all, that Christ was the Son  
of the living God. Saying further, that in the church there is one office of all the bishops, whereof  
every man hath a part allowedwholly unto him. Now, if the bishop of Rome may meddle over  
all, where he will, then every man hath not wholly his part, for the bishop of Rome may also  
meddle in his part jointly with him; so that now he hath it not wholly: which is against Cyprian.  
St. Augustine likewise, expounding the Gospel of John, in the fiftieth Treatise, speaketh  
there of the keys of Peter, which he saith were given of Christ to Peter, not for himself alone, but  
for the whole church.  
Cyril, expounding the last chapter of John, and there speaking of the words of Christ  
spoken unto Peter, Feed my sheep, &c., thus understandeth the same: That because Peter had  
thrice denied Christ, whereby he thought himself he had lost his apostleship, Christ, to comfort  
him again, and to restore him to his office that he had lost, asked him thrice whether be loved  
him; and so restored him again to his office, which else he durst not have presumed unto; saying  
unto him, Feed my sheep, &c.; with which exposition the ancient holy expositors of that place do  
likewise agree. So that by these words of feeding Christ's sheep, the bishop of Rome can take no  
advantage to maintain his universal pastoralty over all Christian dominions.  
Again, whereas the bishop of Rome saith that Peter, by these words of Christ spoken to  
him, hath a pre-eminency above the others, St. Paul proveth the contrary, where he, speaking to  
the bishops assembled at Miletus, saith to them, Take heed to yourselves, and to all your flock, in  
which the Holy Ghost hath put you to govern, &c.  
And Peter himself likewise saith, Ye that be priests, feed the flock of God among you,  
&c. So that by these scriptures conferred together, it may appear, that neither Matthew xvi., nor  
John xxi., do prove that Peter had power, authority, or dignity given him of Christ over all the  
others, that they should be under him. And yet, notwithstanding his primacy, in that he, first of  
all the apostles, confessed Christ to be the Son of the living God, (with which confession all the  
other apostles did consent, and also preached the same,) standeth still; which confession first by  
Peter made, all others that will be saved must follow also, and be taught to confess the same.  
And thus the bishop of Rome's power over all, which he would prove by those places wrongfully  
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alleged for his purpose, utterly quaileth, and is not proved. And thus much for the Scriptures and  
doctors.  
Now, further proceeding in this matter, the said Tonstal cometh to councils, and examples  
of the primitive church, as followeth:  
Faustinus, legate to the bishop of Rome, in the sixth council of Carthage, alleged that the  
bishop of Rome ought to have the ordering of all great matters, in all places, by his supreme  
authority, bringing no Scripture for him (for at that time no Scripture was thought to make for it);  
but alleged for him, and that untruly, that the first council of Nice made for his purpose. After  
this, when the book was brought forth, and no such article found in it, but the contrary, yet the  
council at that time sent to Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch, where the patriarchal sees  
were, to have the true copy of the council of Nice, which was sent unto them. And another copy  
also was sent from Rome, whither also they sent for the same purpose.  
After that the copy was brought to them, and no such article found in it, but in the fifth  
chapter thereof the contrary, that all causes ecclesiastical should either be determined with the  
diocese, or else, if any were aggrieved, then to appeal to the council provincial, and there the  
matter to take full end, so that for no such causes men should go out of their provinces; the whole  
council of Carthage wrote to Celestine, at that time being bishop of Rome, that since the council  
of Nice had no such article in it, as was untruly alleged by Faustinus, but the contrary, they  
desired him to abstain hereafter to make any more such demand; denouncing unto him, that they  
would not suffer any cause, great or small, to be brought by appeal out of their country; and  
thereupon made a law, that no man should appeal out of the country of Africa, upon pain to be  
denounced accursed. Wherewith the bishop of Rome ever after held him content, and made no  
more business with them, seeing he had nought to say for himself to the contrary. And at this  
council St. Augustine was present, and subscribed his hand. Read more hereof before.  
It was determined also, in the sixth article of the said council of Nice, that in the Orient  
the bishop of Antioch should be chief; in Egypt the bishop of Alexandria; about Rome the bishop  
of Rome; and likewise in other countries the metropolitans should have their pre-eminence: so  
that the bishop of Rome never had meddling in those countries. And in the next article .  
following, the bishop of Jerusalem (which city before had been destroyed, and almost desolate)  
was restored to his old prerogative, to be the chief in Palestine and in the country of Jewry.  
By this ye see how the patriarch of Rome, during all this time of the primitive church,  
had no such primacy pre-eminent above other patriarchs, much less over kings and emperors, as  
may appear by Agatho, bishop of Rome, long after that, in whose time was the sixth council  
general; which Agatho, after his election, sent to the emperor, then being at Constantinople, to  
have his election allowed, before he would be consecrated, after the old custom at the time used.  
In like sort, another bishop of Rome, called Vitalianus, did the same, as it is written in the  
decrees; distinct. 63. Cap. Agatho. The like did St. Ambrose and St. Gregory before them, as it is  
written in the chapter Cum longe, in the same Distinction, During all this time the bishops of  
Rome followed well the doctrine of St. Peter and St. Paul, left unto them, to be subjects, and to  
obey their princes.  
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Thus, after that Bishop Tonstal, playing the earnest Lutheran, both by Scriptures and  
ancient doctors, also by examples sufficient of the primitive church, hath proved and declared,  
how the bishops of Rome ought to submit themselves to the higher powers whom God hath  
appointed every creature in this world to obey; now let us likewise see how the said Bishop  
Tonstal describeth unto us the bi- shop of Rome's disobedience intolerable, his pride  
incomparable, and his malignant malice most execrable.  
And first, speaking of the disobedience of Adam and Eve, then of the pride of  
Nebuchadnezzar, and of Lucifer, at length he compareth the bishops of Rome to them all; who  
first, for disobedience, refuse to obey God's commandment, and, contrary to his word, will be  
above their governors, in refusing to obey them.  
Secondly, Besides this rebellious disobedience in these bishops of Rome, not sufferable,  
their pride moreover so far exceedeth all measure, that they will have their princes, to whom they  
owe subjection, prostrate upon the ground, to adore them by godly honour upon the earth; and to  
kiss their feet, as if they were God, whereas they be but wretched men; and yet they look that  
their princes should do it unto them, and also that all other Christian men, owing them no  
subjection, should do the same.  
And who be these, I pray you, that men may know them? Surely (saith he) the bishops of  
Rome be those whom I do mean, who, following the pride of Lucifer their father, make  
themselves fellows to God, and do exalt their seat above the stars of God and do ascend above  
the clouds, and will be like to Almighty God. By stars of God be meant the angels of heaven; for  
as stars do show unto us in part the light of heaven, so do angels, sent unto men, show the  
heavenly light of the grace of God to those to whom they be sent. And the clouds signified in the  
Old Testament the prophets, and in the New do signify the apostles and preachers of the word of  
God; for as the clouds do conceive and gather in the sky moisture, which they after pour down  
upon the ground, to make it thereby more fruitful, so the prophets in the Old Testament, and the  
apostles and preachers in the New, do pour into our ears the moisture of their heavenly doctrine  
of the word of God, to make therewith, by grace, our souls, being sear and dry, to bring forth  
fruit of the Spirit. Thus do all ancient expositors, and amongst them St. Augustine, interpret to be  
meant in Scripture stars and clouds, in the exposition of Psalm cxlvii.  
But St. John the evangelist writeth in the nineteenth chapter of the Apocalypse, and in the  
twenty-second also, that when he would have fallen down at the angel's foot, that did show him  
those visions there written, to have adored him with godly worship, the angel said unto him, See  
thou do not so, for I am the servant of God, as thou art: give adoration and godly worship to God,  
and not to me. Here it appeareth that the bishops of Rome, suffering all men prostrate before  
them to kiss their feet, (yea, the same princes, to whom they owe subjection,) do climb up above  
the stars and angels too, offering their feet to be kissed, with shoes and all. For so I saw myself,  
being present four and thirty years ago, when Julius, then bishop of Rome, stood on his feet, and  
one of his chamberlains held up his skirt, because it stood not (as he thought) with his dignity  
that he should do it himself, that his shoe might appear, whilst a nobleman of great age did  
prostrate himself upon the ground, and kissed his shoe; which he stately suffered to be done, as  
of duty. Where methinks I saw Cornelius the centurion, captain of the Italian band, spoken of in  
Acts x., submitting himself to Peter, and much honouring him; but I saw not Peter there to take  
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him up, and to bid him rise, saying, I am a man as thou art, as St. Peter did say to Cornelius: so  
that the bishops of Rome, admitting such adoration due unto God, do climb above the heavenly  
clouds; that is to say, above the apostles sent into the world by Christ, to water the earthly and  
carnal hearts of men, by their heavenly doctrine of the word of God.  
Thus Bishop Tonstal, having described the passing pride of the pope, surmounting like  
Lucifer above bishops, apostles, angels, and stars of heaven, proceeding then further to the latter  
end of his sermon, cometh to speak of his rage and malice most furious and pestilent, in that he,  
being justly put from his kingdom here to wreak his spiteful malice, stirreth up war against us,  
and bloweth the horn of mischief in giving our land for a spoil and prey to all, whosoever, at his  
setting on, will come and invade us. But let us hear his own words, preaching to the king and all  
Englishmen, touching both the pope's malice, and the treason of Cardinal Pole.  
"Now," saith he, "because he can no longer in this realm wrongfully use his usurped  
power in all things, as he was wont to do, and suck out of this realm, by avarice insatiable;  
innumerable sums of money yearly, to the great exhausting of the same; he therefore, moved and  
replete with furious ire and pestilent malice, goeth about to stir all Christian nations that will give  
ears to his devilish enchantments, to move war against this realm of England, giving it in prey to  
all those that by his instigation will invade it."  
And here, expounding these aforesaid words, "To give in prey," he declareth what great  
mischief they contain, and willeth every true Englishman well to mark the same.  
"First, to make this realm," saith he, "a prey to all adventurers, all spoilers, all  
sycophants, all forlorn hopes, all cormorants, all raveners of the world, that will invade this  
realm, is to say, Thou possessor of any lands of this realm, of what degree soever thou be, from  
the highest to the lowest, shalt be slain and destroyed, and thy lands taken from thee by those that  
will have all for themselves; and thou mayst be sure to be slain, for they will not suffer thee, nor  
any of thy progeny, to live to make any claim afterwards, or to be revenged; for that were their  
unsurety. Thy wife shall be abused before thy face; thy daughter likewise defloured before thee;  
thy children slain before thine eyes; thy house spoiled; thy cattle driven away, and sold before  
thy visage; thy plate, thy money, by force taken from thee; all thy goods, wherein thou hast any  
delight, or hast gathered for thy children, ravened, broken, and distributed in thy presence, that  
every ravener may have his share. Thou merchant art sure to be slain, for thou hast either money  
or ware, or both, which they search for. Thou bishop or priest, whatsoever thou be, shalt never  
escape, because thou wouldst not take the bishop of Rome's part, and rebel against God and thy  
prince, as he doth. If thou shalt flee and escape for a season, whatsoever thou be, thou shalt see  
and hear of so much misery and abomination, that thou shalt judge them happy that be dead  
before; for sure it is thou shalt not finally escape: for, to take the whole realm in prey, is to kill  
the whole people, and to take the place for themselves, as they will do if they can,  
"And the bishop of Rome now of late, to set forth his pestilent malice the more, hath  
allured to his purpose a subject of this realm, Reginald Pole, coming of a noble blood, and  
thereby the more arrant traitor, to go about from prince to prince, and from country to country, to  
stir them to war against this realm, and to destroy the same, being his native country; whose  
pestilent purpose, the princes that he breaketh it unto have in much abomination, both for that the  
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bishop of Rome (who, being a bishop, should procure peace) is a stirrer of war, and because this  
most arrant and unkind traitor is his minister to so devilish a purpose, to destroy the country that  
he was born in; which any heathen man would abhor to do."  
And so continuing in his discourse against Cardinal Pole and the bishop of Rome, for  
stirring the people to war and mischief, he further saith, and saith truly, thus:  
"For these many years past, little war hath been in these parts of Christendom, but the  
bishop of Rome either hath been a stirrer of it, or a nourisher of it, and seldom any compounder  
of it, unless it were for his ambition or profit. Wherefore since, as St. Paul saith, that God is not  
the God of dissension, but of peace, who commandeth, by his word, peace alway to be kept, we  
are sure that all those that go about to break peace between realms, and to bring them to war, are  
the children of the devil, what holy names soever they may pretend to cloak their pestilent malice  
withal; which cloaking under hypocrisy is double devilishness, and of Christ most detested,  
because under his blessed name they do play the devil's part."  
And in the latter end of his sermon, concluding with Ezekiel xxxix., where the prophet  
speaketh against Gog and Magog going about to destroy the people of God, and prophesieth  
against them, that the people of God shall vanquish and overthrow them on the mountains of  
Israel, that none of them shall escape, but their carcases shall there be devoured of kites and  
crows, and birds of the air; so likewise saith he of these our enemies, wishing, that if they shall  
persist in their pestilent malice to make invasion into this realm, then their great captain Gog (the  
bishop of Rome he meaneth) may come with them, to drink with them of the same cup which he  
maliciously goeth about to prepare for us, that the people of God might after live quietly in  
peace.  
We have heard hitherto the oaths, censures, and judgments of certain particular bishops,  
of York, of 'Winchester, of London, of Durham, and also of Edmund Bonner, archdeacon then of  
Leicester, against the pope's unlawful usurpation. Now, for the more fortification of the matter,  
and satisfying of the reader, it shall not be much out of purpose, besides the consent and  
approbation of these aforesaid, to infer also the public and general agreement of the whole clergy  
of England, as in a total sum together, confirmed and ratified in their own public book, made and  
set forth by them about the same time, called then The Bishops' Book; in the which book,  
although many things were very slender and imperfect, yet, as touching this cause of the bishop  
of Rome's regality, we will hear (God willing) what their whole opinion and provincial  
determination did conclude, according as by their own words in the same book is to be seen word  
for word, as followeth, subscribed also with their own names; the catalogue of whom, under their  
own confession, shall appear:  
"We think it convenient, that all bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach the people  
committed unto their spiritual charge, that whereas certain men do imagine and affirm, that  
Christ should give unto the bishop of Rome power and authority, not only to he head and  
governor of all priests and bishops in Christ's church, but also to have and occupy the whole  
monarchy of the world in his hands, and that he may thereby lawfully depose kings and princes  
from their realms, dominions, and seigniories, and so transfer and give the same to such persons  
as him liketh, that is utterly false and untrue; for Christ never gave unto St. Peter, or unto any of  
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the apostles or their successors, any such authority. And the apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul, do  
teach and command, that all Christian people, as well priests and bishops, as others, should be  
obedient and subject unto the princes and potentates of the world, although they were infidels.  
"And as for the bishop of Rome, it was many hundred years after Christ, before he could  
acquire or get any primacy or governance above any other bishops, out of his province in Italy;  
since which time he hath ever usurped more and more. And though some part of his power was  
given to him by the consent of the emperors, kings, and princes, and by the consent also of the  
clergy in general councils assembled; yet surely he attained the most part thereof by marvellous  
subtlety and craft, and especially by colluding with great kings and princes, sometimes training  
them into his devotion by pretence and colour of holiness and sanctimony, and sometimes  
constraining them by force and tyranny. Whereby the said bishops of Rome aspired and rose at  
length unto such greatness in strength and authority, that they presumed and took upon them to  
be heads, and to put laws by their own authority, not only unto all other bishops within  
Christendom, but also unto the emperors, kings, and other the princes and lords of the world; and  
that, under the pretence of the authority committed unto them by the gospel. Wherein the said  
bishops of Rome do not only abuse and pervert the true sense and meaning of Christ's word, but  
they do also clean contrary to the use and custom of the primitive church; and so do manifestly  
violate, as well the holy canons made in the church immediately after the time of the apostles,  
and also in the decrees and constitutions made in that behalf by the holy fathers of the catholic  
church, assembled in the first general councils. And finally, they do transgress their own  
profession, made in their creation. For all the bishops of Rome always, when they be consecrated  
and made bishops of that see, do make a solemn profession and vow, that they shall inviolablyt  
observe and keep all the ordinances made in the eight first general councils; among which it  
isspecially provided and enacted, that all causes shall be finished and determined within the  
province where the same began, and that by the bishops of the same province; and divers other  
such canons were then made and confirmed by the said councils, to repress and take away out of  
the church all such primacy and jurisdiction over kings and bishops, as the bishops of Rome  
pretend now to have over the same. And we find that divers good fathers, bishops of Rome, did  
greatly reprove, yea, and abhor (as a thing clean contrary to the gospel,and the decrees of the  
church) that any bishop of Rome, or elsewhere, should presume, usurp, or take upon him, the  
title and name of universal bishop, or of the head of all priests, or of the highest priest, or any  
such-like title. For confirmation whereof, it is out of all doubt, that there is no mention made,  
either in Scripture, or in the writings of any authentical doctor or author of the church, being  
within the time of the apostles themselves, or between the bishops themselves, that the were all  
equal in power, order, authority and jurisdiction. And in that there is now, and since the time of  
the apostles, any such diversity or difference amongst the bishops, it was devised by the ancient  
fahers of the primitive church, for the conservation of good order and the unity of the catholic  
church; and that either by the consent and authority, or else at least by the permission and  
sufferance, of the princes and civil powers for the time ruling."  
This doctrine was subscribed and allowed by the witness and testimony of these bishops  
and other learned men, whose names hereunder follow, as appeareth in The Bishops' Book  
before named.  
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Thomas Cantuariensis.  
Edovardus Eboracensis.  
Johannes Londinensis.  
Cuthbertus Dunelmensis.  
Stephanus Wintoniensis.  
Robertus Carliolensis.  
Johannes Exoniensis.  
Johannes Lincolniensis.  
Johannes Barthoniensis.  
Rolandus Coventr. et Lichfield.  
Thomas Eliensis.  
Nicolaus Sarum.  
Johannes Bangor.  
Edovardus Herefordiensis.  
Hugo Wigorniensis.  
Johannes Roffensis.  
Richardus Cicestrensis.  
Gulielmus Norwicensis.  
Gulielmus Menevensis.  
Robertus Assavensis.  
Robertus Landavensis.  
Richardus Wolman, Archidiac Sudbur.  
Gulielmus Knight Archidiacon Richmond.  
Johan. Bel, Archidiac. Glocester.  
Edmundus Bonner, Archidiacon Leicester.  
Gulielmus Skippe, Archidiacon Dorset.  
Nicolaus Heth, Archidiac. Staff  
Cuthbertus Marshal, Archidiac Nottingham.  
Richardus Curren, Archidiacon Oxon.  
Gulielmus Cliffe.  
Galfridus Dounes.  
Robertus Oking.  
Radulphus Bradford.  
Richardus Smith.  
Simon Matthew.  
Johannes Prin.  
Gulielmus Buckmaster.  
Gulielmus May.  
Nicolaus Wotton.  
Richardus Cox.  
Johannes Edmunds.  
Thomas Robertson.  
Johannes Baker.  
Thomas Barret.  
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Johannes Hase.  
Johannes Tyson.  
These were doctors of divinity, and of both laws.  
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1
85. Fools and Traitors who Clung to the Pope  
Judge now thyself,loving reader, by these things heretofore confessed, alleged, allowed,  
proved, and confirmed, by pen set forth, by words defended, and by oath subscribed by these  
bishops and doctors, if either Martin Luther himself, or any Lutheran else, could or did ever say  
more against the proud usurpation of the bishop of Rome, than these men have done. If they  
dissembled otherwise than they meant, who could ever dissemble so deeply, speaking so pithily?  
If they meant as they spake, who could ever turn head to tail so suddenly and so shortly as these  
men did? But because these things we write for edification of others, rather than for  
commendation of them, let us mark therefore their reasons, and let the persons go.  
Concerning the argument of which epistle, here is first to be understood, that about this  
time, or not much after, Cardinal Pole, brother to the Lord Montague, was attainted of high  
treason, and fled away unto Rome, where, within a short time after, he was made cardinal of St.  
Mary Cosmeden; of whom more is to be spoken hereafter, the Lord so permitting, when we  
come to the time of Queen Mary. In the mean time, he remaining at Rome, there was directed  
unto him a certain epistle exhortatory by Stokesley, bishop of London, and Tonstal, bishop of  
Durham, persuading him to relinquish and abandon the supremacy of the pope, and to conform  
himself to the religion of his king.  
When all other the king's subjects, and the learned of the realm, had taken and accepted  
the oath of the king's supremacy, only Fisher, the bishop of Rochester, and Sir Thomas More,  
refused (as is afore said) to be sworn; who therefore, falling into the danger of the law, were  
committed to the Tower, and executed for the same, A.D. 1535. This John Fisher aforesaid had  
written before against Œcolampadius, whose book is yet extant, and afterwards against Luther.  
Also, amongst other his acts, he had been a great enemy and persecutor of John Frith, the  
godly and learned martyr of Jesus Christ, whom he and Sir Thomas More caused to be burned a  
year and a half before: and, shortly after, the said Fisher, to his confusion, was charged with  
Elizabeth Barton, (called the holy maid of Kent,) and found guilty by act of parliament, as is  
above recorded. For his learning and other virtues of life this bishop was well reputed and  
reported of by many, and also much lamented by some. But whatsoever his learning was, pity it  
was that he, being endued with that knowledge, should be so far drowned in such superstition;  
more pity that he was so obstinate in his ignorance; but most pity of all, that he so abused the  
learning he had, to such cruelty as he did. But this commonly we see come to pass, as the Lord  
saith, that whoso striketh with the sword shall perish with the sword, and they that stain their  
hands with blood, seldom do bring their bodies dry to the grave; as commonly appeareth by the  
end of bloody tyrants, and especially such as be persecutors of Christ's poor members; in the  
number of whom were this bishop and Sir Thomas More, by whom good John Frith,  
Tewkesbury, Thomas Hitten, Bayfield, with divers other good saints of God, were brought to  
their death. It was said that the pope, to recompense Bishop Fisher for his faithful service, had  
elected him cardinal, and sent him a cardinal's hat as far as Calais; but the head that it should  
stand upon, was as high as London bridge ere ever the pope's hat could come to him. Thus  
Bishop Fisher and Sir Thomas More, who a little before had put John Frith to death for heresy  
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against the pope, were themselves executed and beheaded for treason against the king, the one  
the twenty-second of June, the other the sixth of July, A.D. 1535.  
Of Sir Thomas More something hath been touched before, who was also counted a man  
both witty and learned: but whatsoever he was besides, a bitter persecutor he was of good men,  
and a wretched enemy against the truth of the gospel, as by his books left behind him may  
appear; wherein most slanderously and contumeliously he writeth against Luther, Zuinglius,  
Tyndale, Frith, Barnes, Bayfield, Bainham, Tewkesbury; falsely belying their articles and  
doctrine, as (God granting me life) I have sufficient matter to prove against him.  
Briefly, as he was a sore persecutor of them that stood in defence of the gospel, so again,  
on the other side, such a blind devotion he bare to the pope-holy see of Rome, and so wilfully  
stood in the pope's quarrel against his own prince, that he would not give over till he had brought  
the scaffold of the Tower-hill, with the axe and all, upon his own neck.  
Edward Hall in his Chronicle, writing of the death and manners of this Sir Thomas More,  
seems to stand in doubt whether to call him a foolish wise man, or a wise foolish man: for, as by  
nature he was endued with a great wit, so the same again was so mingled (saith he) with taunting  
and mocking, that it seemed to them that best knew him, that he thought nothing to be well  
spoken, except he had ministered some mock in the Communication; insomuch as, at his coming  
to the Tower, one of the officers demanding his upper garment for his fee, meaning his gown, he  
answered that he should have it, and took him his cap, saying it was the uppermost garment that  
he had. Likewise, even going to his death, at the Tower gate, a poor woman called unto him, and  
besought him to declare that he had certain evidences of hers in the time that he was in office,  
(which, after he was apprehended, she could not come by,) and that he would entreat that she  
might have them again, or else she was undone. He answered, "Good woman, have patience a  
little while, for the king is so good unto me, that even within this half hour he will discharge me  
of all businesses, and help thee himself." Also, when he went up the stair of the scaffold, he  
desired one of the sheriff's officers to give him his hand to help him up, and said, "When I come  
down again, let me shift for myself as well as I can." Also the hangman kneeled down to him,  
asking him forgiveness of his death, as the manner is; to whom he answered, "I forgive thee; but  
I promise thee that thou shalt never have honesty of the striking off my head, my neck is so  
short." Also, even when he should lay down his head on the block, he, having a great grey beard,  
stroked out his beard, and said to the hangman, "I pray you let me lay my beard over the block,  
lest you should cut it;" thus with a mock he ended his life.  
There is no doubt but that the pope's Holiness hath hallowed and dignified those two  
persons long since for catholic martyrs: neither is it to be doubted, but after a hundred years  
expired, they shall be also shrined and porthosed, dying as they did in the quarrel of the Church  
of Rome, that is, in taking the bishop of Rome's part against their own ordinary and natural  
prince. Whereunto (because the matter asketh a long discourse, and a peculiar tractation) I have  
not in this place much to contend with Cope, my friend. This briefly for a memorandum may  
suffice; that if the causes of true martyrdom ought to be pondered, and not to be numbered, and if  
the end of martyrs is to be weighed by judgment, and not by affection; then the cause and quarrel  
of these men standing as it doth, and being tried by God's word, perhaps in the pope's kingdom  
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they may go for martyrs, in whose cause they died; but certes in Christ's kingdom their cause  
will not stand, howsoever they stand themselves.  
The like also is to be said of the three monks of the Charter-house, Exmew, Middlemore,  
and Neudigate, who the same year, in the month of June, were likewise attached and arraigned at  
Westminster, for speaking certain traitorous words against the king's crown and dignity; for  
which they were hanged, drawn, and quartered at Tyburn: whom also, because Cope, my good  
friend, doth repute and accept in the number of holy catholic martyrs, here would be asked of  
him a question: What martyrs be they,who, standing before the judge, deny their own words and  
sayings, and plead not guilty, so as these Carthusians did? Whereby it appeareth, that they would  
neither have stood nor have died in that cause, as they did, if they might otherwise have escaped  
by denying. Wherefore, if my friend Cope had been so well advised in setting out his martyrs as  
God might have made him, he would first have seen the true records, and been sure of the ground  
of such matters, whereupon he so confidently pronounceth, and so censoriously controlleth  
others.  
In the same cause and quarrel of treason also, the same year, a little before these  
aforesaid, in the month of May, were executed with the like punishment, John Houghton, prior of  
the charter-house in London; Robert Laurence, prior of the charter-house of Belvail; Austin  
Webster, prior of the charter-house of Exham.  
Besides and with these priors suffered likewise at the same time, two other priests, one  
called Reginald, brother of Sion, the other named John Haile, vicar of Thistleworth. Divers other  
Charter-house monks also of London were then put in prison, to the number of nine or ten, and in  
the same prison died; for whom we will, the Lord willing, reserve another place, hereafter to  
treat of them more at large.  
In the mean time, forasmuch as the aforesaid Cope, in his doughty dialogues, speaking of  
these nine worthies, doth commend them so highly, and especially the three priors above recited,  
here by the way I would desire Master Cope simply and directly to answer me to a thing or two  
that I would put to him; and first of this John Houghton, that angelical prior of the Charter-house,  
his old companion and acquaintance, of whom he thus writeth: Atqui cum Johannem ilium  
Houghtonum cogito, non tam hominem quam angelum in humana forma intueri mihi videor,  
cujus eminentes virtutes, divinas dotes, et heroicam animi magnitudinem, nemo unquam poterit  
satin pro dignitate explicare, &c. By these his own words it must needs be confessed, that the  
author of these dialogues, whosoever he was, had well seen and considered the form and  
personable stature, proportion, and shape, of his excellent body, with such admiration of his  
personage, that, "as he saith, as oft as I call the said John Houghton to mind, it seemeth to me  
even as though I saw an angel in the shape and form of a man: whose eminent virtues, moreover,  
whose divine gifts and heroical greatness of mind, no man," saith he, "may sufficiently express."  
And how old was this Master Cope then, would I know, when he saw and discerned all this? for,  
as I understand, Master Cope, being yet at this present scarce come to the age of forty years, he  
could not then be above nine years old (the other suffering A.D. 1535); in the which age, in my  
mind, Master Cope had small discretion to judge either of any such angelical proportion of this  
man's personage, or of his divine qualities and heroical celsitude of his mind; and yet he  
remembereth him in his dialogues: which thing, among many other probabilities, maketh me  
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vehemently to suspect that these dialogues, printed in Antwerp, A.D. 1566, were brought over by  
Master Cope there to be printed, but were penned and framed by another PseudoCopus,  
whatsoever, or in what fleet soever, he was, unless my marks do greatly fail me. But as the case  
is of no great weight, so I let it pass, returning to other matters of greater importance.  
Shortly after the overthrow of the pope, consequently began by little and little to follow  
the ruin of abbeys and religious houses in England, in a right order and method by God's divine  
providence. For neither could the fall of monasteries have followed after, unless that suppression  
of the pope had gone before; neither could any true reformation of the church have been  
attempted, unless the subversion of those superstitious houses had been joined withal.  
Whereupon, the same year, in the month of October, the king, having then Thomas  
Cromwell of his council, sent Dr. Lee to visit the abbeys, priories, and nunneries in all England,  
and to set at liberty all such religious persons as desired to be free, and all others that were under  
the age of four and twenty years; providing withal, that such monks, canons, and friars as were  
dismissed, should have given them by the abbot or prior, instead of their habit, a secular priest's  
gown, and forty shillings of money, and likewise the nuns to have such apparel as secular women  
did then commonly use, and be suffered to go where they would; at which time also, from the  
said abbeys and monasteries were taken their chief jewels and relics.  
When the king had thus established his supremacy, and all things were well quieted  
within the realm, he, like a wise prince, and having wise counsel about him, forecasting with  
himself what foreign dangers might fall unto him by other countries about, which were all as yet  
in subjection to the bishop of Rome, save only a few German princes, and misdoubting the  
malice of the pope, to provide therefore betimes for perils that might ensue, thought good to keep  
in, by all means possible, with other princes.  
And first, to entertain the favour of the French king, who had been sick a little before, and  
now was lately recovered to health, in signification of public joy and friendship, the king  
commanded a solemn and famous procession to be ordained through the city of London, with the  
waits, and children of the grammar schools, with the masters and ushers in their array: then  
followed the orders of the friars and canons, and the priors with their pomp of copes, crosses,  
candlesticks, and vergers before them. After these followed the next pageant of clerks and priests  
of London, all in copes likewise. Then the monks of Westminster and other abbeys, with their  
glorious gardeviance of crosses, candlesticks, and vergers before them, in like sort. Last of all  
came the choir of St. Paul's, with their residentiaries; the bishop of London and the abbots  
following after in their pontificalibus. After these courses of the clergy went the companies of  
the city, with the lord mayor and aldermen in their best apparel, after their degrees. And lest it  
might be thought this procession of the church of London to make but a small or beggarly show,  
the furniture of the gay copes there worn, was counted to the number of seven hundred and  
fourteen. Moreover, to fill up the joy of this procession, and for the more high service to  
Almighty God, besides the singing choirs, and chanting of the priests, there lacked no minstrels  
withal, to pipe at the processions. Briefly, here lacked nothing else but only the ordnance to  
shoot off also. But because that is used in the processions at Rome, therefore, for difference'  
sake, the same is reserved only for the pope's own processions, and for none other, in the month  
of October.  
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This grand procession was appointed for a triumph or a thanksgiving for the late recovery  
of the French king's health, as is afore said.  
Over and besides this, the king, to nourish and retain amity with kings and princes, (lest  
the pope, being exiled now out of England, should incite them to war against him,) directed  
sundry ambassadors and messengers with letters and instructions. To the emperor was sent Sir  
Francis Wyat, to the French king Sir Thomas Bryan, and Dr. Edward Foxe, who was also sent to  
the princes of Germany; to the Scottish king was sent Sir Ralph Sadler, gentleman of the king's  
privy-chamber.  
In Scotland at the same time were cast abroad divers railing ballets and slanderous  
rhymes against the king of England, for casting off the lady dowager, and for abolishing the  
pope; for which cause the aforesaid Sir Ralph Sadler, being sent into Scotland with lessons and  
instructions how to address himself accordingly, after he had obtained access unto the king, and  
audience to be heard, first declareth the affectuous and hearty commendations from the king's  
Majesty, his Grace's uncle, and withal delivered his letters of credence: which done, after a few  
words of courtly entertainment, as occasion served him to speak, the said Sir Ralph Sadler,  
obtaining audience, thus began in the king his master's behalf to declare, as followeth  
"Whereas there is nothing, after the glory of Almighty God, in this world so much to be  
tendered by kings, princes, or any honest persons, or so highly to be regarded and defended, as  
their honour, estimation, good fame, and name, which whosoever neglecteth is to be esteemed  
unnatural; and unless a man labour to avoid and extinguish the false reports, slanders, and  
defamations made of him by malicious persons, he may well be suspected in conscience to  
condemn himself; the king your uncle, considering the same, and hearing of sundry ballets,  
criminations, and infamous libels made and untruly forged and devised in Scotland against his  
Grace, by your Grace's subjects, not only upon trust to find with your Grace such natural  
affection, friendship, and amity, as the nearness of blood between uncle and nephew, necessitude  
of reverence, proximity both of kin and dominions together doth require; but also upon assurance  
that your Grace and wisdom will consider how these slanders and defamations, although they  
were but against a private person, whatsoever he were, most commonly redound and are imputed  
to the whole degree and estate; as the defamation of kings toucheth kings, and so of other  
degrees and dignities: doth send at this time to your Grace, his nephew, (others he might have  
sent more worthy; but me at this time, for lack of a better, hath he sent,) to desire, pray, and  
require your Grace, according as the nearness of blood, connexion of estate, and other things  
before expressed, of right and justice do require beseeching your Grace gently to weigh and  
balance, and well to ponder, the malice of these the said slanderers, and to call in again all the  
said defamatory ballets, libels, and other writings, punishing the authors and setters-forth thereof  
according to their demerits. And furthermore, to cause open proclamations to be made through  
your realm, that none of the inhabitants there shall, in any manner of wise, so misuse himself  
hereafter, upon such great pain and punishment as to your Grace and your council shall be  
thought convenient for the transgression thereof: so that others, by their correction, and by the  
fearful example of the penalty, may beware how to commit the like offence in time coming.  
"The example of such slanders is very pernicious to all kings; for, by such slanders of  
other princes, the slanderers take boldness so to deal afterwards with their own king, as they have  
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done with others; and the next step from such slanderous words is to attempt deeds, and so to fall  
to sedition; of the importance and danger whereof no man is ignorant.  
"Wherefore your Grace, at the contemplation of your dear uncle, in tendering his  
proceedings, shall do well to follow therein the loving steps of his good brother and ally, the  
French king, who hath already at Rouen, and sundry places else, caused certain slanderous  
preachers to be sore punished; and further directed commissions through his realm for repressing  
the same. As also other princes shall be ready (his Majesty trusteth) to do the like in their  
dominions, if like occasion shall be given to require the same of them. In which so doing, your  
Gracemay be assured, in this your gentle dealing in that part, to win your uncle's most sincere  
and kind heart, to the increase of your amity and alliance, which as to you shall be most  
honourable, so shall it be no less profitable unto him.  
"And thus to conclude with the first part of my narration, concerning the slanderous and  
defamatory libels, lest I should seem with prolixity of matter more than needs to abuse your  
Grace's silence, I will now descend to the other point of that which I have to utter unto your  
Grace, as touching the pope's nuncio, or messenger; of whose late arrival the king's Majesty,  
your uncle, having partly intelligence, but not certainly knowing the special cause of his coming  
from Rome, and yet fearing, by the common bruit and talk of your subjects, what his errand  
should be (that is, to practise some annoyance, by his pretended censures against the king's  
Majesty, your uncle); he therefore, premonishing your Grace before, as fearing the worst, most  
justly maketh his complaint thereof unto your Grace, his nephew, requiring you, that forasmuch  
as the aforesaid bruits and reports are slanderous to his Majesty, and seeing that neither the  
emperor, nor the French king, nor any other princes, have consented thereto, or understood  
thereof, the king's Majesty, therefore, your uncle, willing to stop those bruits and talks, desireth  
and most heartily prayeth your Grace, at his instant request, to vouchsafe to consider and weigh,  
"First, The supremacy of princes, by the Holy Scripture granted unto him and other  
princes in earth, under Christ, upon their churches.  
"Secondly, To weigh what the gospel and God's word calleth a church.  
"Also what superstitions, idolatries, and blind abuses have crept into all realms, to the  
high displeasure of Almighty God, by reason thereof. "Fourthly, What is to be understood by the  
true censure or excommunication of the church, and how no such can be in the power of the  
bishop of Rome, or of any other man, against his Majesty, or any other prince; having so just  
ground to avoid from the root, and to abolish that execrable authority, which the bishop of Rome  
hath usurped, and doth usurp, upon all princes, to their great detriment and damage.  
"As touching the consideration of which four points, although the king's Majesty, your  
uncle, doubteth not your Grace to be furnished and provided with sufficient knowledge, rightly  
to discern and judge upon the same; yet, if it shall so please your Grace further to know your  
uncle's mind touching the said points, I assure your Highness, in the behalf of your aforesaid  
uncle, his Majesty, that he will not stick to send unto you such learned, wise, and discreet men,  
as shall amply inform you thereof, and of such other things as your Grace, having once a smack  
thereof, shall think most worthy for a prince to know.  
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"His request therefore to your Highness is, that you will consider of what moment and  
importance it shall be unto your Grace, (having the Scots your subjects so evil instructed in the  
premises,) for you to assent and agree to any such censure, and so, by such example, to give such  
an upper-hand over yourself and other princes, to that usurper of Rome, as is very like hereafter  
to happen in other places of Christendom, wheresoever the true declaration of the truth and word  
of God shall have free course, to scourge them, unless they will adore, worship, and kiss the feet  
of that corrupt holiness, which desireth nothing else but pride, and the universal thrall of  
Christendom under Rome's yokes.  
"
But because the censures of that nuncio be not yet opened, but lie secret and uncertain  
under muttering, I shall cease further to proceed therein, till further occasion shall minister to me  
more certain matter to say and to judge. In the mean time, forasmuch as it is most certainly come  
to the intelligence of the king's Majesty, that the abbot of Arbroath should be chosen of late and  
elected to be a cardinal in this your realm of Scotland, his Majesty therefore, for the good love  
and hearty good will he beareth unto your Grace, as the uncle is bound unto the nephew,  
knowing that you as yet perceive not so well the hypocrisy and deceitful guile and malice of the  
Romans and their practices, as he himself doth, by his long experience; could not but, hearing  
thereof, advertise your Grace, that his advice is, you should not suffer any of your subjects to  
take upon him that red hat of pride, whereby he shall incontinently, the same being received,  
(unless he be of a contrary nature to any man that ever was yet of that sort,) not only be in  
manner discharged of his obedience, and become the bishop of Rome's true liege man; but also  
shall presume of his cardinalship to be your fellow, and to have the rule as well as you. Then  
should the bishop of Rome creep into your own very bosom, know all your secrets, and at last,  
unless you will be yoked and serve their pleasure in all points, your Grace is like to smart for it.  
The thing perchance, in the beginning, shall seem to your Grace very honourable and pleasant;  
but wisdom would, to beware of the tail, which is very black and bitter.  
"His Majesty's father, and grandfather to your Grace, had a cardinal whereof he was  
weary, and never admitted others after his decease, knowing the importable pride of them. In like  
manner also his Highness, by the experience of one, hath utterly determined to avoid all the sort:  
so well his Grace hath known and experienced their mischief, yoke, and thraldom, that thereby is  
laid upon princes. By reason whereof, as his Highness is the more able by his own experience to  
inform your Grace, so of good will and mere propensity of heart, caused partly by nature and kin,  
partly by conjunction and vicinity of dominions adjoining so near together, he is no less ready to  
forewarn your Grace before, wishing that God will so work in your princely heart and noble  
stomach, that his Majesty's monition and friendly warning, as it proceedeth from a sincere  
affection and tender care of his part unto his nephew, so it may prevail and take place in your  
mind, that your Grace, wisely weighing with yourself, what supreme right princes have, and  
ought to have, over their churches and lands where they govern, and what little cause the bishop  
of Rome hath thereto, to proceed by unjust censures against them; your Grace may therein not  
only stand to the just defence of your dear uncle, but also may endeavour to follow his steps  
therein, and to take his counsel, which, he doubteth not, but shall redound, not only to your  
Grace's honour, to the benefit, weal, and profit of your realm and subjects; but, especially, to the  
glory of Almighty God, and advancement of his true religion.  
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"And thus have I expounded unto your Grace the sum of my errand and message from the  
king's Majesty, your uncle, who, as he would be glad to be advertised, by answer, of your  
Grace's purpose, mind, and intention in this behalf, so, for my part, according to my charge and  
duty, I shall be prepared and ready, with all diligence, to give mine attendance upon your  
pleasure for the same accordingly."  
The king, considering the present state of his marriage, which was not yet well digested  
nor accepted in the courts of other princes, and also having intelligence of the strait amity  
intended by the marriages between the emperor and the French king, and also of the pope's  
inclination to pleasure the emperor; and further understanding of the order and meaning of the  
French king's council, not greatly favouring his purposes, sent therefore into France, for his  
ambassador, Edward Foxe, doctor of divinity, his chaplain and counsellor, with instructions and  
admonitions how to frame and attemper himself in those the king's affairs.  
Furthermore, for the establishing of the king's succession to the imperial crown of this  
realm, for the suppression of the pope, and uniting the title of supremacy unto the king's crown,  
what order was therein taken, and what penalty was set upon the same, may appear by the act of  
parliament set forth A.D. 1534, in these words following:  
"
If any person or persons, after the first of February next, do maliciously imagine, invent,  
practise, or attempt to deprive the king of the dignity, title, or name of his royal estate, &c., that  
then every such person and persons so offending in any of the premises, their aiders, counsellors,  
consenters, and abettors, being thereof lawfully convicted, according to the laws and customs of  
this realm, shall be reputed, accepted, and adjudged traitors; and that every such offence in any  
the premises committed or done after the said first day of February, shall be reputed, accepted,  
and adjudged high treason; and the offenders therein, their aiders, consenters, counsellors, and  
abettors, being lawfully convicted of any such offence, shall have and suffer such pains of death  
and other penalties, as are limited and accustomed in cases of high treason."  
Upon this and such other acts concluded in those parliaments, what stomach the pope  
took, what stir he kept, and what practices he wrought with Cardinal Pole, to stir up other nations  
to war against us; what difficulty also there was with the emperor, with the French king, and with  
the king of Scots, about the matter; and what labour was used on the king's part, to reconcile the  
princes for his own indemnity, to keep him from their wars and invasions, and especially to  
obtain the pope's approbation, and to avoid his censures of excommunication; and finally, what  
despiteful injuries and open wrongs the pope wrought against him, upon the which pope the king  
had bestowed so much money and great treasures before, all this, likewise, by the premises may  
appear.  
Wherefore, to end now with these, and to go forward in our story, as the order and  
computation of years do give, we have now consequently to enter into the story of the good  
martyr of God, William Tyndale, being this present year falsely betrayed and put to death; which  
William Tyndale, as he was a special organ of the Lord appointed, and as God's mattock to shake  
the inward roots and foundation of the pope's proud prelacy; so the great prince of darkness, with  
his impious imps, having a special malice against him, left no way unsought how craftily to  
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entrap him, and falsely to betray him, maliciously to spill his life, as by the process of his story  
here following may appear.  
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1
86 William Tyndale  
The life and story of this true servant and martyr of God, who, for his notable pains and travail,  
may well be called the apostle of England in this our later age.  
ILLIAM Tyndale, the faithful minister and constant martyr of  
Christ, was born about the borders of Wales, and brought up  
from a child in the university of Oxford, where he, by long  
continuance, grew up, and increased as well in the knowledge  
of tongues, and other liberal arts, as especially in the  
knowledge of the Scriptures, whereunto his mind was  
singularly addicted; insomuch that he, lying then in Magdalen  
hall, read privily to certain students and fellows of Magdalen  
college, some parcel of divinity; instructing them in the  
knowledge and truth of the Scriptures. His manners also and  
conversation being correspondent to the same, were such, that  
all they that knew him, reputed and esteemed him to be a man of most virtuous disposition, and  
of life unspotted.  
Thus he, in the university of Oxford, increasing more and more in learning, and  
proceeding in degrees of the schools, spying his time, removed from thence to the university of  
Cambridge, where after he had likewise made his abode a certain space, being now further  
ripened in the knowledge of God's word, leaving that university also, he resorted to one Master  
Welch, a knight of Gloucestershire, and was there schoolmaster to his children, and in good  
favour with his master. This gentleman, as he kept a good ordinary commonly at his table, there  
resorted to him many times sundry abbots, deans, archdeacons, with divers other doctors, and  
great beneficed men; who there, together with Master Tyndale sitting at the same table, did use  
many times to enter into conversation, and talk of learned men, as of Luther and of Erasmus; also  
of divers other controversies and questions upon the Scripture.  
Then Master Tyndale, as he was learned and well practised in God's matters, so he spared  
not to show unto them simply and plainly his judgment in matters, as he thought; and when they  
at any time did vary from Tyndale in opinions and judgment, he would show them in the book,  
and lay plainly before them the open and manifest places of the Scriptures, to confute their  
errors, and confirm his sayings. And thus continued they for a certain season, reasoning and  
contending together divers and sundry times, till at length they waxed weary, and bare a secret  
grudge in their hearts against him.  
Not long after this, it happened that certain of these great doctors had invited Master  
Welch and his wife to a banquet; where they had talk at will and pleasure, uttering their  
blindness and ignorance without any resistance or gainsaying. Then Master Welch and his wife,  
coming home, and calling for Master Tyndale, began to reason with him about those matters  
whereof the priests had talked before at their banquet. Master Tyndale, answering by the  
Scriptures, maintained the truth, and reproved their false opinions. Then said the lady Welch, a  
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stout and a wise woman, (as Tyndale reporteth,) "Well," said she, there was such a doctor which  
may dispend a hundred pounds, and another two hundred pounds, and another three hundred  
pounds: and what! were it reason, think you, that we should believe you before them?" Master  
Tyndale gave her no answer at that time, and also after that, (because he saw it would not avail,)  
he talked but little in those matters. At that time he was about the translation of a book called  
Enchiridion Militis Christiani, which, being translated, he delivered to his master and lady; who,  
after they had read and well perused the same, the doctorly prelates were no more so often called  
to the house, neither had they the cheer and countenance when they came, as before they had:  
which thing they marking, and well perceiving, and supposing no less but it came by the means  
of Master Tyndale, refrained themselves, and at last utterly withdrew, and came no more there.  
As this grew on, the priests of the country, clustering together, began to grudge and storm  
against Tyndale, railing against him in alehouses and other places; of whom Tyndale himself, in  
his prologue before the First Book of Moses, thus testifieth in his own words, and reporteth that  
he suffereth much in that country by a sort of unlearned priests, being full rude and ignorant,  
(saith he,) God knoweth: "which have seen no more Latin, than that only which they read in their  
portueses and missals, (which yet many of them can scarcely read,) except it be Albertus, De  
Secretis Mulierum, in which yet, though they be never so sorrily learned, they pore day and  
night, and make notes therein, and all to teach the midwives, as they say; and also another called  
Lindwood, a book of constitutions to gather tithes, mortuaries, offerings, customs, and other  
pillage, which they call not theirs, but God's part, the duty of holy church, to discharge their  
consciences withal. For they are bound that they shall not diminish, but increase all things unto  
the uttermost of their powers, which pertain to holy church." Thus these blind and rude priests,  
flocking together to the alehouse, (for that was their preaching place,) raged and railed against  
him, affirming that his sayings were heresy; adding moreover unto his sayings, of their own  
heads, more than ever he spake, and so accused him secretly to the chancellor, and others of the  
bishop's officers.  
It followed not long after this, that there was a sitting of the bishop's chancellor  
appointed, and warning was given to the priests to appear, amongst whom Master Tyndale was  
also warned to be there. And whether he had any misdoubt by their threatenings, or knowledge  
given him that they would lay some things to his charge, it is uncertain; but certain this is, (as he  
himself declared,) that he doubted their privy accusations; so that he by the way, in going  
thitherwards, cried in his mind heartily to God, to give him strength fast to stand in the truth of  
his word.  
Then when the time came for his appearance before the chancellor, he threatened him  
grievously, reviling and rating him as though he had been a dog, and laid to his charge many  
things whereof no accuser yet could be brought forth, (as commonly their manner is, not to bring  
forth the accuser,) notwithstanding that the priests of the country the same time were there  
present. And thus Master Tyndale, after those examinations, escaping out of their hands,  
departed home, and returned to his master again.  
There dwelt not far off a certain doctor, that had been an old chancellor before to a  
bishop, who had been of old familiar acquaintance with Master Tyndale, and also favoured him  
well; unto whom Master Tyndale went and opened his mind upon divers questions of the  
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Scripture: for to him he durst be bold to disclose his heart. Unto whom the doctor said, "Do you  
not know that the pope is very antichrist, whom the Scripture speaketh of? But beware what you  
say; for if you shall be perceived to be of that opinion, it will cost you your life:" and said  
moreover, "I have been an officer of his; but I have given it up, and defy him and all his works."  
It was not long after, but Master Tyndale happened to be in the company of a certain divine,  
recounted for a learned man, and, in communing and disputing with him, he drave him to that  
issue, that the said great doctor burst out into these blasphemous words, and said, "We were  
better to be without God's laws than the pope's." Master Tyndale, hearing this, full of godly zeal,  
and not bearing that blasphemous saying, replied again, and said, "I defy the pope, and all his  
laws;" and further added, that if God spared him life, ere many years he would cause a boy that  
driveth the plough to know more of the Scripture than he did. After this, the grudge of the priests  
increasing still more and more against Tyndale, they never ceased barking and rating at him, and  
laid many things sorely to his charge, saying that he was a heretic in sophistry, a heretic in logic,  
a heretic in divinity; and said moreover to him, that he bare himself bold of the gentlemen there  
in that country; but notwithstanding, shortly he should be otherwise talked withal. To whom  
Master Tyndale, answering again, thus said, that he was contented they should bring him into  
any country in all England, giving him ten pounds a year to live with, and binding him to no  
more but to teach children, and to preach.  
To be short, Master Tyndale, being so molested and vexed in the country by the priests,  
was constrained to leave that country, and to seek another place; and so coming to Master Welch,  
he desired him of his good will, that he might depart from him, saying on this wise to him: "Sir, I  
perceive that I shall not be suffered to tarry long here in this country, neither shall you be able,  
though you would, to keep me out of the hands of the spiritualty; and also what displeasure  
might grow thereby to you by keeping me, God knoweth; for the which I should be right sorry."  
So that in fine, Master Tyndale, with the good will of his master, departed, and eftsoons came up  
to London, and there preached awhile, according as he had done in the country before, and  
especially about the town of Bristol, and also in the said town, in the common place called St.  
Austin's Green.  
At length, he bethinking himself of Cuthbert Tonstal, then bishop of London, and  
especially for the great commendation of Erasmus, who, in his annotations, so extolleth him for  
his learning, Tyndale thus cast with himself, that if he might attain unto his service, he were a  
happy man. And so coming to Sir Henry Guildford, the king's comptroller, and bringing with  
him an oration of Isocrates, which he had then translated out of Greek into English, he desired  
him to speak to the said bishop of London for him; which he also did; and willed him moreover  
to write an epistle to the bishop, and to go himself with him. Which he did likewise, and  
delivered his epistle to a servant of his, named William Hebilthwait, a man of his old  
acquaintance. But God, who secretly disposeth the course of things, saw that was not the best for  
Tyndale's purpose, nor for the profit of his church, and therefore gave him to find little favour in  
the bishop's sight; the answer of whom was this: That his house was full; he had more than he  
could well find: and advised him to seek in London abroad, where, he said, he could lack no  
service, &c. And so remained he in London the space almost of a year, beholding and marking  
with himself the course of the world, and especially the demeanour of the preachers, how they  
boasted themselves, and set up their authority and kingdom; beholding also the pomp of the  
prelates, with other things more, which greatly misliked him; insomuch that he understood, not  
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only that there was no room in the bishop's house for him to translate the New Testament, but  
also that there was no place to do it in all England. And therefore, finding no place for his  
purpose within the realm, and having some aid and provision, by God's providence, ministered  
unto him by Humphrey Mummuth, above recited, (as you may see before,) and certain other  
good men, he took his leave of the realm, and departed into Germany, where the good man,  
being inflamed with a tender care and zeal of his country, refused no travail nor diligence, how,  
by all means possible, to reduce his brethren and countrymen of England to the same taste and  
understanding of God's holy word and verity, which the Lord had endued him withal.  
Whereupon, he considering in his mind, and partly also conferring with John Frith, Tyndale  
thought with himself no way more to conduce thereunto, than if the Scripture were turned into  
the vulgar speech, that the poor people might also read and see the simple plain word of God. For  
first, he, wisely casting in his mind, perceived by experience, how that it was not possible to  
establish the lay people in any truth, except the Scriptures were so plainly laid before their eyes  
in their mother tongue, that they might see the process, order, and meaning of the text; for else,  
whatsoever truth should be taught them, these enemies of the truth would quench it again, either  
with apparent reasons of sophistry, and traditions of their own making, founded without all  
ground of Scripture; or else juggling with the text, expounding it in such a sense as it were  
impossible to gather of the text, if the right process, order, and meaning thereof were seen.  
Again, right well he perceived and considered this only, or most chiefly, to be the cause  
of all mischief in the church, that the Scriptures of God were hidden from the people's eyes; for  
so long the abominable doings and idolatries maintained by the Pharisaical clergy could not be  
espied; and therefore all their labour was with might and main to keep it down, so that either it  
should not be read at all, or if it were, they would darken the right sense with the mist of their  
sophistry, and so entangle those who rebuked or despised their abominations, with arguments of  
philosophy, and with worldly similitudes, and apparent reasons of natural wisdom; and, with  
wresting the Scripture unto their own purpose, contrary unto the process, order, and meaning of  
the text, would so delude them in descanting upon it with allegories, and amaze them,  
expounding it in many senses laid before the unlearned lay people, that though thou felt in thy  
heart, and wert sure that all were false that they said, yet couldst thou not solve their subtle  
riddles.  
For these and such other considerations this good man was moved (and no doubt stirred  
up of God) to translate the Scripture into his mother tongue, for the public utility and profit of the  
simple vulgar people of his country; first setting in hand with the New Testament, which he first  
translated about A.D. 1527. After that, he took in hand to translate the Old Testament, finishing  
the five books of Moses, with sundry most learned and godly prologues prefixed before every  
one, most worthy to be read and read again by all good Christians, as the like also he did upon  
the New Testament. He wrote also divers other works under sundry titles, amongst which is that  
most worthy monument of his, entitled, "The Obedience of a Christian Man," wherein, with  
singular dexterity, he instructeth all men in the office and duty of Christian obedience; with  
divers other treatises, as "The Wicked Mammon," "The Practice of Prelates;" with expositions  
upon certain parts of the Scripture, and other books also, answering to Sir Thomas More and  
other adversaries of the truth, no less delectable, than also most fruitful to be read; which partly  
before being unknown unto many, partly also being almost abolished and worn out by time, the  
printer hereof, good reader, for conserving and restoring such singular treasures, hath collected  
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and set forth in print the same in one general volume, all and whole together, as also the works of  
John Frith, Barnes, and others, as are to be seen, most special and profitable for thy reading.  
These books of William Tyndale being compiled, published, and sent over into England,  
it cannot be spoken what a door of light they opened to the eyes of the whole English nation,  
which before were many years shut up in darkness.  
At his first departing out of the realm he took his journey into the further parts of  
Germany, as into Saxony, where he had conference with Luther and other learned men in those  
quarters; where after that he had continued a certain season, he came down from thence into the  
Netherlands, and had his most abiding in the town of Antwerp, until the time of his  
apprehension; whereof more shall be said (God willing) hereafter.  
Amongst his other books which he compiled, one work he made also for the declaration  
of the sacrament (as it was then called) of the altar; which he kept by him, considering how the  
people were not as yet fully persuaded in other matters tending to superstitious ceremonies and  
gross idolatry. Wherefore he thought as yet time was not come to put forth that work, but rather  
that it should hinder the people from other instructions, supposing that it would seem to them  
odious to hear any such thing spoken or set forth at that time, sounding against their great  
goddess Diana, that is, against their mass, being had every where in great estimation, as was the  
goddess Diana amongst the Ephesians, whom they thought to come from heaven. Wherefore  
Master Tyndale, being a man both prudent in his doings, and no less zealous in the setting forth  
of God's holy truth after such sort as it might take most effect with the people, did forbear the  
putting forth of that work, not doubting but, by God's merciful grace, a time should come to have  
that abomination openly declared, as it is at this present day: the Lord Almighty be always  
praised therefore. Amen!  
These godly books of Tyndale, and especially the New Testament of his translation, after  
that they began to come into men's hands, and to spread abroad, as they wrought great and  
singular profit to the godly, so the ungodly (envying and disdaining that the people should he any  
thing wiser than they, and again, fearing lest, by the shining beams of truth, their false hypocrisy  
and works of darkness should be discerned) began to stir with no small ado; like as at the birth of  
Christ, Herod was troubled, and all Jerusalem with him. But especially Satan, the prince of  
darkness, maligning the happy course and success of the gospel, set to his might also, how to  
impeach and hinder the blessed travails of that man; as by this, and also by sundry other ways,  
may appear. For at what time Tyndale had translated the Fifth Book of Moses, called  
Deuteronomy, minding to print the same at Hamburgh, he sailed thitherward; where by the way,  
upon the coast of Holland, he suffered shipwreck, by which he lost all his books, writings, and  
copies, and so was compelled to begin all again anew, to his hinderance, and doubling of his  
labours. Thus, having lost by that ship, both money, his copies, and his time, he came in another  
ship to Hamburgh, where, at his appointment, Master Coverdale tarried for him, and helped him  
in the translating of the whole five books of Moses, from Easter till December, in the house of a  
worshipful widow, Mistress Margaret Van Emmerson, A.D. 1529; a great sweating sickness  
being at the same time in the town. So, having despatched his business at Hamburgh, he returned  
afterwards to Antwerp again.  
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Thus, as Satan is, and ever hath been, an enemy to all godly endeavours, and chiefly to  
the promoting and furtherance of God's word, as by this and many other experiments may be  
seen, so his ministers and members, following the like quality of their master, be not altogether  
idle for their parts; as also by the pope's chaplains and God's enemies, and by their cruel handling  
of the said Master Tyndale at the same time, both here in England and in Flanders, may well  
appear.  
When God's will was, that the New Testament in the common tongue should come  
abroad, Tyndale, the translator thereof, added to the latter end a certain epistle, wherein he  
desired them that were learned, to amend, if ought were found amiss. Wherefore if there had  
been any such default deserving correction, it had been the part of courtesy and gentleness, for  
men of knowledge and judgment to have showed their learning therein, and to have redressed  
what was to be amended. But the spiritual fathers then of the clergy, being not willing to have  
that book to prosper, cried out upon it, bearing men in hand that there were a thousand heresies  
in it, and that it was not to be corrected, but utterly to be suppressed. Some said it was not  
possible to translate the Scriptures into English; some, that it was not lawful for the lay people to  
have it in their mother-tongue; some, that it would make them all heretics. And to the intent to  
induce the temporal rulers also unto their purpose, they made more matter, and said that it would  
make the people to rebel and rise against the king. All this Tyndale himself, in his own prologue  
before the First Book of Moses, declareth; and addeth further, showing what great pains were  
taken in examining that translation, and comparing it with their own imaginations and terms, that  
with less labour, he supposeth, they might have translated themselves a great part of the Bible:  
showing moreover, that they scanned and examined every tittle and point in the said translation,  
in such sort, and so narrowly, that there was not one i therein, but if it lacked a prick over its  
head, they did note it, and numbered it unto the ignorant people for a heresy. So great were then  
the froward devices of the English clergy, (who should have been the guides of light unto the  
people,) to drive the people from the text and knowledge of the Scripture, which neither they  
would translate themselves, nor yet abide it to he translated of others; to the intent (as Tyndale  
saith) that the world being kept still in darkness, they might sit in the consciences of the people  
through vain superstition and false doctrine, to satisfy their lusts, theirambition, and insatiable  
covetousness, and to exalt their own honour above king and emperor, yea, and above God  
himself.  
The bishops and prelates of the realm, thus (as ye have heard) incensed and inflamed in  
their minds, although having no cause, against the Old and New Testament of the Lord newly  
translated by Tyndale, and conspiring together with all their heads and counsels, how to repeal  
the same, never rested before they had brought the king at last to their consent; by reason  
whereof, a proclamation in all haste was devised and set forth under public authority, but no just  
reason showed, that the Testament of Tyndale's translation, with other works besides, both of his,  
and of other writers, were inhibited and abandoned, as ye heard before: which was about A.D.  
1
527. And yet not contented herewith, they proceeded further, how to entangle him in their nets,  
and to bereave him of his life; which how they brought to pass, now it remaineth to be declared.  
In the registers of London it appeareth manifest, how that the bishops and Sir Thomas  
More having any poor man under coram, that is, to be examined before them, namely, such as  
had been at Antwerp, most studiously would search and examine all things belonging to Tyndale,  
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where and with whom he hosted, whereabouts stood the house, what was his stature, in what  
apparel he went, what resort he had, &c.: all which things when they had diligently learned, (as  
may appear by the examination of Simon Smith and others,) then began they to work their feats,  
as you shall hear by the relation of his own host.  
William Tyndale, being in the town of Antwerp, had been lodged about one whole year  
in the house of Thomas Pointz an Englishman, who kept there a house of English merchants;  
about which time came thither one out of England, whose name was Henry Philips, his father  
being customer of Poole, a comely fellow, like as he had been a gentleman, having a servant with  
him: but wherefore he came, or for what purpose he was sent thither, no man could tell.  
Master Tyndale divers times was desired forth to dinner and supper amongst merchants;  
by the means whereof this Henry Philips became acquainted with him, so that within short space  
Master Tyndale had a great confidence in him, and brought him to his lodging, to the house of  
Thomas Pointz; and had him also once or twice with him to dinner and supper, and further  
entered such friendship with him, that through his procurement he lay in the same house of the  
said Pointz; to whom he showed moreover his books, and other secrets of his study, so little did  
Tyndale then mistrust this traitor.  
But Pointz, having no great confidence in the fellow, asked Master Tyndale how he came  
acquainted with this Philips. Master Tyndale answered, that he was an honest man, handsomely  
learned, and very conformable. Then Pointz, perceiving that he bare such favour to him, said no  
more, thinking that he was brought acquainted with him by some friend of his. The said Philips,  
being in the town three or four days, upon a time desired Pointz to walk with him forth of the  
town to show him the commodities thereof, and in walking together without the town, had  
communication of divers things, and some of the king's affairs; by the which talk Pointz as yet  
suspected nothing, but after, by the sequel of the matter, he perceived more what he intended. In  
the mean time this he well perceived, that he bare no great favour either to the setting forth of  
any good thing, or to the proceedings of the king of England. But after, when the time was past,  
Pointz perceived this to he his mind, to feel if he could perceive by him, whether he might break  
with him in the matter, for lucre of money, to help him to his purpose; for he perceived before  
that he was monied, and would that Pointz should think no less: but by whom it was unknown.  
For he had desired Pointz before, to help him to divers things; and such things as he named he  
required might be of the best, "for," said he, "I have money enough;" but of this talk came  
nothing but that men should think he had some things to do; for nothing else followed of his talk.  
So it was to be suspected, that Philips was in doubt to move this matter for his purpose, to any of  
the rulers or officers of the town of Antwerp, for doubt it should come to the knowledge of some  
Englishmen, and by the means thereof Master Tyndale should have had warning.  
So Philips went from Antwerp to the court of Brussels, which is from thence twenty-four  
English miles, the king having there no ambassador; for at that time the king of England and the  
emperor were at a controversy for the question betwixt the king and the Lady Katharine, which  
was aunt to the emperor; and the discord grew so much, that it was doubted lest there should  
have been war between the emperor and the king; so that Philips, as a traitor both against God  
and the king, was there the better retained, as also other traitors more besides him; who, after he  
had betrayed Master Tyndale into their bands, showed himself likewise against the king's own  
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person, and there set forth things against the king. To make short, the said Philips did so much  
there, that he procured to bring from thence with him to Antwerp, that procurer-general, which is  
the emperor's attorney, with certain other officers, as after followeth; which was not done with  
small charges and expenses, from whomsoever it came.  
Within a while after, Pointz sitting at his door, Philips's man came unto him, and asked  
whether Master Tyndale were there, and said, his master would come to him; and so departed:  
but whether his master, Philips, were in the town or not, it was not known; but at that time Pointz  
heard no more, either of the master or of the man. Within three or four days after, Pointz went  
forth to the town of Barrois, being eighteen English miles from Antwerp, where he had business  
to do for the space of a month or six weeks; and in the time of his absence Henry Philips came  
again to Antwerp, to the house of Pointz, and coming in, spake with his wife, asking her for  
Master Tyndale, and whether he would dine there with him; saying, "What good meat shall we  
have?" She answered, "Such as the market will give." Then went he forth again (as it is thought)  
to provide, and set the officers which he brought with him from Brussels, in the street, and about  
the door. Then about noon he came again, and went to Master Tyndale, and desired him to lend  
him forty shillings; "for," said he, "I lost my purse this morning, coming over at the passage  
between this and Mechlin." So Master Tyndale took him forty shillings, the which was easy to be  
had of him, if he had it; for in the wily subtleties of this world he was simple and inexpert.  
Then said Philips, "Master Tyndale! you shall be my guest here this day." "No," said  
Master Tyndale, "I go forth this day to dinner, and you shall go with me, and be my guest, where  
you shall be welcome." So when it was dinner-time, Master Tyndale went forth with Philips, and  
at the going forth of Pointz's house, was a long narrow entry, so that two could not go in a front.  
Master Tyndale would have put Philips before him but, Philips would in no wise, but put Master  
Tyndale before, for that he pretended to show great humanity. So Master Tyndale, being a man  
of no great stature, went before, and Philips, a tall, comely person, followed behind him; who  
had set officers on either side of the door upon two seats, which, being there, might see who  
came in the entry; and coming through the same entry, Philips pointed with his finger over  
Master Tyndale's head down to him, that the officers who sat at the door might see that it was he  
whom they should take, as the officers that took Master Tyndale afterwards told Pointz, and said  
to Pointz, when they had laid him in prison, that they pitied to see his simplicity when they took  
him. Then they took him, and brought him to the emperor's attorney, or procuror-general, where  
he dined. Then came the procuror-general to the house of Pointz, and sent away all that was there  
of Master Tyndale's, as well his books as other things; and from thence Tyndale was had to the  
castle of Filford, eighteen English miles from Antwerp, and there he remained until he was put to  
death.  
Then incontinent, by the help of English merchants, were letters sent, in favour of  
Tyndale, to the court of Brussels. Also, not long after, letters were directed out of England to the  
council at Brussels, and sent to the merchant-adventurers, to Antwerp, commanding them to see  
that with speed they should be delivered. Then such of the chief of the merchants as were there at  
that time, being called together, required the said Pointz to take in hand the delivery of those  
letters, with letters also from them, in favour of Master Tyndale, to the lord of Barrois and  
others; which lord of Barrois (as it was told Pointz by the way) at that time was departed from  
Brussels, as the chief conductor of the eldest daughter of the king of Denmark, to be married to  
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the palsgrave, whose mother was sister to the emperor, she being chief princess of Denmark.  
Pointz, after he heard of his departure, did ride after the next way, and overtook him at Achon,  
where he delivered to him his letters; the which when he had received and read, he made no  
direct answer, but somewhat objecting, said, There were of their countrymen that were burned in  
England not long before (as indeed there were Anabaptists burned in Smithfield); and so Pointz  
said to him, "Howbeit," said he, "whatsoever the crime was, if his Lordship or any other  
nobleman had written, requiring to have had them, he thought they should not have been  
denied." "Well," said he, "I have no leisure to write, for the princess is ready to ride." Then said  
Pointz, "If it shall please your Lordship, I will attend upon you unto the next baiting-place;"  
which was at Maestricht. "If you so do," said the lord, "I will advise myself by the way what to  
write." So Pointz followed him from Achon to Maestricht, the which are fifteen English miles  
asunder; and there he received letters of him, one to the council there, another to the company of  
the merchant-adventurers, and another also to the Lord Cromwell in England.  
So Pointz rode from thence to Brussels, and then and there delivered to the council the  
letters out of England, with the lord of Barrois's letters also, and received eftsoons answer into  
England of the same by letters which he brought to Antwerp to the English merchants, who  
required him to go with them into England. And he, very desirous to have Master Tyndale out of  
prison, let not to take pains, with loss of time in his own business and occupying, anddiligently  
followed with the said letters, which he there delivered to the council, and was commanded by  
them to tarry until he had other letters, with which he was not despatched thence in a month  
after. At length, the letters being delivered him, he returned again, and delivered them to the  
emperor's council at Brussels, and there tarried for answer of the same.  
When the said Pointz had tarried three or four days, it was told him by one that belonged  
to the Chancery, that Master Tyndale should have been delivered to him according to the tenor of  
the letters; but Philips, being there, followed the suit against Master Tyndale, and hearing that he  
should be delivered to Pointz, and doubting lest he should be put from his purpose, he knew no  
other remedy but to accuse Pointz, saying, that he was a dweller in the town of Antwerp, and  
there had been a succourer of Tyndale, and was one of the same opinion; and that all this was  
only his own labour and suit, to have Master Tyndale at liberty, and no man's else.  
Thus, upon his information and accusation, Pointz was attached by the procuror-general,  
the emperor's attorney, and delivered to the keeping of two serjeants-at-arms; and the same  
evening was sent to him one of the chancery, with the procuror-general, who ministered unto  
him an oath, that he should truly make answer to all such things as should be inquired of him,  
thinking they would have had no other examinations of him but of his message. The next day  
likewise they came again, and had him in examination, and so five or six days one after another,  
upon not so few as a hundred articles, as well of the king's affairs, as of the message concerning  
Tyndale, of his aiders, and of his, religion; out of which examinations, the procuror-general drew  
twenty-three or twenty-four articles, and declared the same against the said Pointz, the copy  
whereof he delivered to him to make answer thereunto, and permitted him to have an advocate  
and proctor, that is, a doctor and proctor in the law; and order was taken, that eight days after he  
should deliver unto them his answer, and from eight days to eight days, to proceed till the  
process were ended. Also that he should send no messenger to Antwerp where his house was,  
being twenty-four English miles from Brussels, where he was prisoner, nor to any other place,  
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but by the post of the town of Brussels; nor to send any letters, nor any to be delivered to him,  
but written in Dutch; and the procuror-general, who was party against him, to read them, to  
peruse and examine them thoroughly, (contrary to all right and equity,) before they were sent or  
delivered: neither might any be suffered to speak or talk with Pointz in any other tongue or  
language, except only in the Dutch tongue; so that his keepers, who were Dutchmen, might  
understand what the contents of the letters or talk should be: saving that at one time the  
provincial of the White Friars came to dinner where Pointz was prisoner, and brought with him a  
young novice, being an Englishman, whom the provincial, after dinner, of his own accord, did  
bid to talk with the said Pointz; and so with him he was licensed to talk. The purpose and great  
policy therein was easy to be perceived. Between Pointz and the novice was much pretty talk, as  
of Sir Thomas More, and of the bishop of Rochester, and of their putting to death; whose death  
he seemed greatly to lament, especially dying in such a quarrel, worthy (as he said) to be  
accounted for martyrs; with other noble doctrine, and deep learning in divinity, meet to feed  
swine withal: such blindness then in those days reigned amongst them.  
The eighth day, the commissioners that were appointed came to the house where Pointz  
was kept, to have had his answer in writing: he, making no great haste in proceeding, answereth  
them with a dilatory manner, saying, he was there a prisoner, and might not go abroad, so that,  
although he had appointed and named who were to be a council with him, they came not to him,  
nor could he go to them; nor could any come to give counsel in this matter, but such as were  
licensed and named by them. Then they gave him a day, to make answer against the nexth eighth  
day. And Pointz drew out his own mind, answering to the whole declaration generally; which, at  
the next coming, he delivered them: but that answer they would not take, saying, he must answer  
to every article particularly; and so they took order, that he should make it ready against the next  
coming. Thus he trifled them off, from Allhallow-tide until Christmas even, with dilatory  
matters, from one eighth day to another eighth day. And upon Christmas even, in the morning,  
they came to him to have had an answer, which was not made, nor had any counsel come to him  
in all that time: howbeit, they would delay the time no longer, but said they, "Bring in your  
answer this day, or else ye shall be put from it;" so he perceived, that if it were not brought in  
that night, he should have been condemned without answer. So then, with much ado, he got the  
advocate to help him in ordering of his answer; but it was long ere he came, so that it was past  
eight o'clock of Christmas even before his answers were delivered to the procurer-general. And  
then afterwards, as the time served, at the days appointed, it went forth with replication duplic,  
with other answers each to other, in writing what they could, in answering to the emperor's  
ordinances. And at such times as the commissioners came to Pointz, that traitor Philips  
accompanied them to the door, in following the process against him, as he also did against  
Master Tyndale, as they who had Pointz in keeping showed him.  
The process being ended, as the order is there, either party delivered up to the  
commissioners a bag, with his process in writing, and took an inventory of every parcel of  
writing that was within the bag. So it rested in their hands; but, upon sentence, Pointz required,  
in the time of process, that he might put in surety, and so to be at liberty. This they granted him  
at the first time, but, afterwards, they denied to take surety for his body. Then he sent a post from  
the town of Brussels to Antwerp to the English merchants, thinking they would not let him have  
stuck for lack of their help, in putting in sureties for him, considering the cause, with the  
circumstance, especially since they brought him into this trouble themselves; although it does not  
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appear that they made him any promise for his charges and pains taken, as Pointz reported of  
them they really did.  
But, to pass over this, and to make the matter short: if the aforesaid merchants, such as  
were of the town of Antwerp, had, at the time, been surety for him, then the matter had been  
altered from a criminal to a civil case: but when Pointz had delivered to them his answer, they  
demanded of him, for his charges, money, or sureties. The charges were much, to reckon for the  
two officers' meat, and drink, and wages, beside his own charges; so that it was about five  
shillings every day. For all the while he was prisoner, he was not in a common prison, but in the  
keeping of two officers in one of their houses. So they demanded sureties to be brought within  
eight days for the charges, but then they denied him to take surety for his body, to make answer  
at liberty. Pointz, considering that they altered in their purposes, as well in other things as in that;  
and perceiving, by other things, (as also it was told in secret,) that it would have cost him his life  
if he had tarried, yet Pointz granted them to put in sureties, requiring of them to have a  
messenger to send; not because he reckoned to have any, but to make a delay, otherwise they  
would have sent him to a stronger prison. But Pointz delayed them, thinking, if he could, to make  
escape; yet he did make a good face, as though he reckoned to have been in no danger; which if  
he had not done, it was very unlikely he should have escaped with his life out of their hands. And  
at the eighth day the commissioners came again to Pointz, and there received both their bags  
with the process, one from the procuror-general, and one from Pointz, delivering either of them  
an inventory of such pieces of writing as were delivered in the bags, and demanded sureties of  
Pointz, according to the order they took when they were last with him. Pointz alleged that he had  
divers times required those who had him in keeping to get him a messenger, as he also had done,  
but made no great haste to have any; for he reckoned it should be a sufficient delay, whereby he  
might have another day. And with much alleging the impossibility of his being able to get a  
messenger to send forth, at the last, they put him apart, and agreed to give him a day eight days  
after, and called him in again, and commanded the officer to get him a messenger, as they did.  
And so Pointz sent him with letters to the English merchants, who at that time were at Barrois.  
Howbeit, he reckoned to get away before the return again of the messenger, for he perceived his  
tarrying there should have been his death. And therefore, to put in a venture to get away, that so  
he might save himself, (for, if he had been taken, it would have been but death, for he had been  
prisoner there in their hands at that time about twelve or thirteen weeks,) he tarried not the  
coming again of the messenger, but, in a night, by some means he conveyed himself off, and so,  
by God's help, at the opening of the town gate in the morning, he got away. And when it was  
perceived that he was gone, there was horse sent out after him, but, because he well knew the  
country, he escaped and came into England. But what more trouble followeth to Pointz after the  
same, it serveth not for this place to rehearse. Master Tyndale, still remaining in prison, was  
proffered an advocate and a procuror; for in any crime there, it shall be permitted to counsel to  
make answer in the law; but he refused to have any, saying, he would make answer for himself,  
and did: but, it is to be thought, his answer will not be put forth. Notwithstanding, he had so  
preached to them there who had him in charge, and such as were there conversant with him in  
the castle, that they reported of him, that if he were not a good Christian man, they knew not  
whom they might take to be one.  
At last, after much reasoning, when no reason would serve, although he deserved no  
death, he was condemned by virtue of the emperor's decree, made in the assembly at Augsburgh,  
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(as is before signified,) and, upon the same, brought forth to the place of execution, was there  
tied to the stake, and then strangled first by the hangman, and afterwards with fire consumed in  
the morning, at the town of Filford, A.D. 1536; crying thus at the stake with a fervent zeal and a  
loud voice, "Lord! open the king of England's eyes."  
Such was the power of his doctrine, and the sincerity of his life, that during the time of  
his imprisonment, (which endured a year and a half,) it is said, he converted his keeper, the  
keeper's daughter, and others of his household. Also the rest that were with Tyndale conversant  
in the castle, reported of him that if he were not a good Christian man, they could not tell whom  
to trust.  
The procurator-general, the emperor's attorney, being there, left this testimony of him,  
that he was "a learned, a good, and a godly man."  
The same morning in which he was had to the fire, he delivered a letter to the keeper of  
the castle, which the keeper himself brought to the house of the aforesaid Pointz in Antwerp,  
shortly after; which letter, with his examinations and other his disputations, I would might have  
come to our hands; all which I understand did remain, and yet perhaps do, in the hands of the  
keeper's daughter. For so it is of him reported, that as he was in the castle prisoner, there was  
much writing, and great disputation to and fro, between him and them of the university of  
Louvain, (which was not past nine or ten miles from the place where he was prisoner,) in such  
sort, that they all had enough to do, and more than they could well wield, to answer the  
authorities and testimonies of the Scripture, whereupon he most pithily grounded his doctrine.  
That traitor, worse than Judas to man's judgment, (only not comparing this to the case of  
Christ, and that the Scripture hath already judged Judas,) was otherwise in the act — doing not  
so good; for Judas, after he had betrayed his Master and Friend, was sorry, acknowledged and  
confessed his fact openly, declared his Master to be the very Truth, and despising the money that  
he had received for doing the act, brought it again and cast it before them. This traitor Philips,  
contrariwise, not lamenting, but rejoicing in what he had done, not declaring the honest goodness  
and truth of his friend, but applying, in all that he could devise, to declare him to be false and  
seditious, and not despising the money that he had received, not bringing it again, but procuring  
and receiving more, wherewith to follow the suit against that innocent blood to the death; which  
case of things endured about one whole year and a half, in which he lost no time, but all that time  
followed Pointz with most diligent attendance to and fro, and from Louvain to Brussels, and to  
Filford, with process to have sentence against him. And having there no other thing to do, he  
applied himself to nothing else; which was not done with small expenses and charges, from  
whomsoever it came. And, as I hare heard say there in that country, Master Tyndale found them  
in the university of Louvain with enough to do.  
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Tyndale at the stake  
And yet, in all that while, if they had not taken to help them an ordinance of the  
emperor's making, (which ordinance was made by the advice and counsel of the pope's soldiers,  
for the upholding of his kingdom, and also joined with his own laws,) they knew not else how to  
have brought him to his death by their disputing with him in the Scriptures; for he was permitted  
to dispute, in answering to them, by writing. And that traitor Philips was not satisfied with that,  
but he knew that he should have money enough, as himself before had said to Pointz. But, as  
when Judas did run away with the bag when he went to betray Christ, with which he went his  
way, the other apostles thought he had gone to have bought things necessary, (although he went  
to appoint with the Jews for the taking of his Master, Christ,) so, in like manner, this traitor  
Philips, the same morning that he brought his treachery to purpose, with bringing Master  
Tyndale into the hands of God's enemies, took money of him under a colour of borrowing, and  
put it into his bag, and then incontinent went his ways therewith, and came with his company of  
soldiers, who laid hands upon him as before, and led him away. And about one whole year and a  
half after, he was put to death at Filford, with fire; and, albeit this Philips rejoiced awhile, after  
that he had done it, yet the saying so goeth, that he not long time after enjoyed the price of  
innocent blood, but was consumed at last with lice.  
The worthy virtues and doings of this blessed martyr, who, for his painful travails and  
singular zeal to his country, may be called, in these our days, an apostle of England, it were long  
to recite. Among many others, this, because it seemeth to me worthy of remembrance, I thought  
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not in silence to overpass, which hath unto me credibly been testified by certain grave merchants,  
and some of them also such as were present the same time at the fact, and men yet alive the story  
whereof is this: There was at Antwerp on a time, amongst a company of merchants as they were  
at supper, a certain juggler, which through his diabolical enchantments of art magical, would  
fetch all kind of viands and wine from any place they would, and set them upon the table  
incontinent before them, with many other suchlike things. The fame of this juggler being much  
talked of, it chanced that as Master Tyndale heard of it, he desired certain of the merchants, that  
he might also be present at supper, to see him play his parts. To be brief, the supper was  
appointed, and the merchants, with Tyndale, were there present. Then the juggler, being required  
to play his feats, and to show his cunning, after his wonted boldness began to utter all that he  
could do, but all was in vain. At last, with his labour, sweating, and toiling, when he- saw that  
nothing would go forward, but that all his enchantments were void, he was compelled openly to  
confess, that there was some man present at supper, which disturbed and letted all his doings. So  
that a man, even in the martyrs of these our days, cannot lack the miracles of true faith, if  
miracles were now to be desired.  
As concerning the works and books of Tyndale, which extend to a great number, thou  
vast told before, loving reader! how the printer hereof mindeth, by the Lord's leave, to collect  
them all in onevolume together, and put them out in print. Wherefore it shall not greatly at this  
time be needful to make any several rehearsal of them. And as touching his translation of the  
New Testament, because his enemies did so much carp at it, pretending it to be so full of  
heresies; to answer therefore to their slanderous tongues and lying lips, thou shalt hear and  
understand what faithful dealing and sincere conscience he used in the same, by the testimony  
and allegation of his own words, written in his epistle to John Frith, as followeth: "I call God to  
record against the day we shall appear before our Lord Jesus, to give our reckoning of our  
doings, that I never altered one syllable of God's word against my conscience, nor would do this  
day, if all that is in earth, whether it be honour, pleasure, or riches, might be given me," &c.  
And as ye have heard Tyndale's own words, thus protesting for himself, now let us hear  
likewise the faithful testimony of John Frith, for Tyndale his dear companion and brother, thus  
declaring in his answer to Master More, as followeth:  
The testimony of John Frith, in his book of the sacrament, concerning William Tyndale.  
"And Tyndale I trust liveth, well content with such a poor apostle's life as God gave his  
Son Christ, and his faithful ministers in this world, who is not sure of so many mites, as ye be  
yearly of pounds, although I am sure that for his learning and judgment in Scripture, he were  
more worthy to be promoted than all the bishops in England. I received a letter from him, which  
was written since Christmas, wherein, among other matters, he writeth this: I call God to record  
against the day we shall appear before our Lord Jesus, to give a reckoning of our doings, that I  
never altered one syllable of God's word against my conscience, no would do this day, if all that  
is in earth, whether it be honour, pleasure, or riches, might be given me. Moreover, I take God to  
witness to my conscience, that I desire of God to myself in this world, no more than that, without  
which I cannot keep his laws,' &c. Judge, Christian reader, whether these words be not spoken of  
a faithful, clear, innocent heart. And as for his behaviour, it is such that I am sure no man can  
reprove him of any sin, howbeit no man is innocent before God, who beholdeth the heart."  
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Thus much out of Frith. And thus, being about to conclude and finish with the life and  
story of William Tyndale, it shall be requisite now that the reader do hear something likewise of  
his supplications made to the king and nobles of the realm, as they are yet extant in his works to  
be seen, and worthy in all ages to be marked, the tenor whereof tendeth to this effect as  
followeth.  
Tyndale's supplication to the king, nobles, and subjects of England.  
"
I beseech the king's most noble Grace, well to consider all the ways by which the  
cardinal, and our holy bishops, have led him since he was first king; and to see whereunto all the  
pride, pomp, and vain boast of the cardinal is come, and how God hath resisted him and our  
prelates in all their wiles. We, having nothing to do at all, have meddled yet with all matters, and  
have spent for our prelates causes more than all Christendom, even unto the utter beggaring of  
ourselves; and have gotten nothing but rebuke and hate among all nations, and a mock and a  
scorn of them whom we have most holpen. For the Frenchmen (as the saying is) of late days  
made a play, or a disguising, at Paris, in which the emperor danced with the pope and the French  
king, and wearied them; the king of England sitting on a high bench, and looking on. And when  
it was asked why he danced not, it was answered, that he sat there but to pay the minstrels their  
wages: as one who should say, we paid for all men's dancing. We monied the emperor openly,  
and gave the French king double and treble secretly, and to the pope also. Yea, and though  
Ferdinand had money sent openly to blind the world withal, yet the saying is, through all Dutch-  
land, that we sent money to the king of Poland, &c.  
"Furthermore, I beseech his Grace also to have mercy on his own soul, and not to suffer  
Christ and his holy Testament to be persecuted under his name any longer, that the sword of the  
wrath of God may be put up again, which, for that cause, no doubt, is most chiefly drawn.  
"Thirdly, my petition is to his Grace, to have compassion on his poor subjects, that the  
realm utterly perish not with the wicked counsel of our pestilent prelates. For if his Grace, who is  
but a man, should die, the lords and commons not knowing who hath most right to enjoy the  
crown, the realm could not but stand in great danger.  
"My fourth suit and exhortation is to all the lords temporal of the realm, that they come  
and fall before the king's Grace, and humbly desire his Majesty to suffer it to be tried, who of  
right ought to succeed: and if he or she fail, who next, and who third. And let it be proclaimed  
openly; and let all the lords temporal be sworn thereto, and all the knights, and squires, and  
gentlemen, and the commons above eighteen years old, that there be no strife for the succession.  
If they try it by the sword, I promise them, I see no other likelihood, but it will cost the realm of  
England, &c.  
"Further, of all the subjects of England this I crave — that they repent; for the cause of  
evil rulers is the sin of the subjects, as testifieth the Scripture. And the cause of false preachers is,  
that the people have no love unto the truth, saith Paul, in 1 Thess. ii. We be all sinners a hundred  
times greater than all that we suffer. Let us, therefore, each forgive others, remembering, the  
greater sinners the more welcome, if we repent; according to the similitude of the riotous son.  
For Christ died for sinners, and is their Saviour, and his blood is their treasure, to pay for their  
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sins. He is that fatted calf which is slain to make them good cheer withal, if they will repent and  
come to their Father again; and his merits are the goodly raiment to cover the naked deformities  
of their sins.  
"Finally, if the persecution of the king's Grace, and other temporal persons, conspiring  
with the spiritually, be of ignorance, I doubt not but that their eyes shall be opened shortly, and  
they shall see and repent, and God shall show them mercy. But if it be of a set malice against the  
truth, and of a grounded hate against the law of God, by the reason of a full consent they have to  
sin, and to walk in their old ways of ignorance, whereunto, being now past all repentance, they  
have utterly yielded themselves, to follow with full lust, without bridle or snaffle, (which is the  
sin against the Holy Ghost,) then ye shall see, even shortly, that God shall turn the point of the  
sword wherewith they now shed Christ's blood, homeward, to shed their own again, after all the  
examples of the Bible."  
These things thus discoursed, pertaining to the story and doings of Tyndale, finally it  
remaineth to infer certain of his private letters and epistles, whereof, among divers others which  
have not come to our hands, two special he wrote to John Frith, one properly, under his own  
name, another under the name of Jacob; but, in very deed, it was written and delivered to John  
Frith, being prisoner then in the Tower, as ye shall further understand by the sequel hereafter.  
The copy and tenor of the epistles here followeth.  
A letter sent from William Tyndale unto Master Frith, being in the Tower.  
"The grace and peace of God our Father, and of Jesus Christ our Lord, be with you,  
Amen. Dearly beloved brother John! I have heard say, how the hypocrites, now that they have  
overcome that great business which letted them, or at the least way have brought it to a stay, they  
return to their old nature again. The will of God be fulfilled, and that which he hath ordained to  
be, ere the world was made, that come, and his glory reign over all!  
"Dearly beloved! however the matter be, commit yourself wholly and only unto your  
most loving Father, and most kind Lord. Fear not men that threat, nor trust men that speak fair;  
but trust him that is true of promise, and able to make his word good. Your cause is Christ's  
gospel, a light that must be fed with the blood of faith. The lamp must be dressed and snuffed  
daily, and that oil poured in every evening and morning, that the light go not out. Though we be  
sinners, yet is the cause right. If when we be buffeted for well doing, we suffer patiently and  
endure, that is acceptable to God; for to that end we are called. For Christ also suffered for us,  
leaving us an example, that we should follow his steps, who did no sin. Hereby have we  
perceived love, that he had lain down his life for us; therefore we ought also to lay down our  
lives for the brethren. Rejoice and be glad, for great is your reward in heaven. For we suffer with  
him, that we may also be glorified with him; who shall change our vile body, that it may be  
fashioned like unto his glorious body; according to the working whereby he is able even to  
subject all things unto him.  
"Dearly beloved! be of good courage, and comfort your soul with the hope of this high  
reward, and bear the image of Christ in your mortal body, that it may, at his coming, be made  
like to his, immortal; and follow the example of all your other dear brethren, which choose to  
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suffer in hope of a better resurrection. Keep your conscience pure and undefiled, and say against  
that, nothing. Stick at necessary things, and remember the blasphemies of the enemies of Christ,  
saying, they find none but that will abjure, rather than suffer the extremity. Moreover, the death  
of them that come again after they have once denied, though it be accepted with God, and all that  
believe, yet it is not glorious: for the hypocrites say, 'He must needs die; denying helpeth not.  
But, might it have holpen, they would have denied five hundred times; but seeing it would not  
help them, therefore, of pure pride and mere malice together, they spake with their mouths what  
their conscience knoweth false.' If you give yourself, cast yourself, yield yourself, commit  
yourself, wholly and only to your loving Father; then shall his power be in you, and make you  
strong; and that so strong that you shall feel no pain, which should be to another present death:  
and his Spirit shall speak in you, and teach you what to answer, according to his promise. He  
shall set out his truth by you wonderfully, and work for you above all that your heart can  
imagine: yea, and you are not yet dead, though the hypocrites all, with all that they can make,  
have sworn your death. Una salus victis nullam sperare salutem; to look for no man's help,  
bringeth the help of God to them that seem to be overcome in the eyes of the hypocrites: yea, it  
shall make God to carry you through thick and thin for his truth's sake, in spite of all the enemies  
of his truth. There falleth not a hair, till his hour be come; and when his hour is come, necessity  
carrieth us hence, though we be not willing. But if we be willing, then have we a reward and  
thank.  
"Fear not the threatening therefore, neither be overcome of sweet words, with which  
twain the hypocrites shall assail you; neither let the persuasions of worldly wisdom bear rule in  
your heart; no, though they be your friends that counsel you. Let Bilney be a warning to you; let  
not their visor beguile your eyes. Let not your body faint. He that endureth to the end shall be  
saved. If the pain be above your strength, remember, Whatsoever ye shall ask in my name, I will  
give it you. And pray to your Father in that name, and he shall ease your pain, or shorten it. The  
Lord of peace, of hope, and of faith, be with you, Amen.  
WILLIAM TYNDALE.  
"Two have suffered in Antwerp, In die sanctæ crucis, unto the great glory of the gospel;  
four at Risele in Flanders, and at Lucca hath there one at the least suffered; and all the same day.  
At Rouen in France they persecute, and at Paris are five doctors taken for the gospel. See, you  
are not alone; be cheerful, and remember that among the hard-hearted in England, there is a  
number reserved by grace; for whose sakes, if need be, you must be ready to suffer. Sir, if you  
may write, how short soever it be, forget it not, that we may know how it goeth with you, for our  
heart's ease. The Lord be yet again with you with all his plenteousness, and fill you that you flow  
over, Amen.  
"
If, when you have read this, you may send it to Adrian, do, I pray you, that he may know  
how that our heart is with you.  
"George Joy at Candlemas, being at Barrois, printed two leaves of Genesis in a great  
form, and sent one copy to the king, and another to the new queen, with a letter to N., to deliver  
them; and to purchase licence, that he might so go through all the Bible. Out of this is sprung the  
noise of the new Bible; and out of that is the great seeking for English books at all printers and  
bookbinders in Antwerp, and for an English priest, that should print.  
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This chanced the ninth day of May.  
Sir, your wife is well content with the will of God, and would not, for her sake, have the  
"
"
glory of God hindered.  
WILLIAM TYNDALE."  
Another notable and worthy letter of Master William Tyndale, sent to the said John Frith, under  
the name of Jacob.  
"The grace of our Saviour Jesus, his patience, meekness, humbleness, circumspection,  
and wisdom, be with your heart, Amen.  
"Dearly beloved brother Jacob, mine heart's desire in our Saviour Jesus, is, that you arm  
yourself with patience, and be cold, sober, wise, and circumspect, and that you keep you alow by  
the ground, avoiding high questions, that pass the common capacity. But expound the law truly,  
and open the veil of Moses to condemn all flesh; and prove all men sinners, and all deeds under  
the law, before mercy have taken away the condemnation thereof, to be sin and damnable; and  
then, as a faithful minister, set abroach the mercy of our Lord Jesus, and let the wounded  
consciences drink of the water of him. And then shall your preaching be with power, and not as  
the doctrine of the hypocrites; and the Spirit of God shall work with you, and all consciences  
shall bear record unto you, and feel that it is so. And all the doctrine that casteth a mist on those  
two, to shadow and hide them, (I mean the law of God, and mercy of Christ,) that resist you with  
all your power. Sacraments without signification refuse. If they put significations to them,  
receive them, if you see it may help, though it be not necessary.  
"Of the presence of Christ's body in the sacrament, meddle as little as you can, that there  
appear no division among us. Barnes will be hot against you. The Saxons be sore on the  
affirmative: whether constant or obstinate, I commit it to God. Philip Melancthon is said to be  
with the French king. There be in Antwerp that say, they saw him come into Paris with a hundred  
and fifty horses, and that they spake with him. If the Frenchmen receive the word of God, he will  
plant the affirmative in them. George Joy would have put forth a treatise of the matter, but I have  
stopped him as yet: what he will do if he get money, I wot not. I believe he would make many  
reasons little serving to the purpose. My mind is that nothing be put forth till we hear how you  
shall have sped. I would have the right use preached, and the presence to be an indifferent thing,  
till the matter might be reasoned in peace, at leisure, of both parties. If you be required, show the  
phrases of the Scripture, andlet them talk what they will: for as to believe that God is every  
where, hurteth no man that worshippeth him no where but within in the heart, in spirit, and  
verity; even so, to believe that the body of Christ is every where, (though it cannot be proved,)  
hurteth no man that worshippeth him no where save in the faith of his gospel. You perceive my  
mind: howbeit if God show you otherwise, it is free for you to do as he moveth you.  
"
I guessed long ago, that God would send a dazing into the head of the spiritualty, to  
catch themselves in their own subtlety, and I trust it is come to pass. And now methinketh I smell  
a counsel to be taken, little for their profits in time to come. But you must understand, that it is  
not of a pure heart, and for love of the truth, but to avenge themselves, and to eat the whore's  
flesh, and to suck the marrow of her bones. Wherefore cleave fast to the rock of the help of God,  
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and commit the end of all things to him: and if God shall call you, that you may then use the  
wisdom of the worldly, as far as you perceive the glory of God may come thereof, refuse it not;  
and ever among thrust in, that the Scripture may be in the mother tongue, and learning set up in  
the universities. But if aught be required contrary to the glory of God, and his Christ, then stand  
fast, and commit yourself to God, and be not overcome of men's persuasions; which haply shall  
say, We see no other way to bring in the truth. "Brother Jacob, beloved in my heart! there liveth  
not in whom I have so good hope and trust, and in whom my heart rejoiceth, and my soul  
comforteth herself, as in you; not the thousandth part so much for your learning, and what other  
gifts else you have, as because you will creep alow by the ground, and walk in those things that  
the conscience may feel, and not in the imaginations of the brain; in fear, and not in boldness; in  
open necessary things, and not to pronounce or define of hid secrets, or things that neither help  
nor hinder, whether it be so or no; in unity, and not in seditious opinions: insomuch that if you be  
sure you know, yet in things that may abide leisure, you will defer, or say, (till others agree with  
you,) 'Methinks the text requireth this sense or understanding.' Yea, and if you be sure that your  
part be good, and another hold the contrary, yet if it be a thing that maketh no matter, you will  
laugh and let it pass, and refer the thing to other men, and stick you stiffly and stubbornly in  
earnest and necessary things. And I trust you be persuaded even so of me: for I call God to  
record against the day we shall appear before our Lord Jesus, to give a reckoning of our doings,  
that I never altered one syllable of God's word against my conscience, nor would this day, if all  
that is in the earth, whether it be pleasure, honour, or riches, might be given me. Moreover, I take  
God to record to my conscience, that I desire of God, to myself in this world, no more than that,  
without which I cannot keep his laws.  
"Finally, if there were in me any gift that could help at hand, and aid you if need required,  
I promise you I would not be far off, and commit the end to God. My soul is not faint, though my  
body be weary. But God hath made me evil-favoured in this world, and without grace in the sight  
of men, speechless and rude, dull and slow-witted: your part shall be to supply what lacketh in  
me; remembering that as lowliness of heart shall make you high with God, even so meekness of  
words shall make you sink into the hearts of men. Nature giveth age authority, but meekness is  
the glory of youth, and giveth them honour. Abundance of love maketh me exceed in babbling.  
"Sir, as concerning purgatory and many other things, if you be demanded, you may say, if  
you err, the spiritualty hath so led you, and that they have taught you to believe as you do. For  
they preached you all such things out of God's word, and alleged a thousand texts, by reason of  
which texts you believed as they taught you; but now you find them liars, and that the texts mean  
no such things, and therefore you can believe them no longer; but are as you were before they  
taught you, and believe no such thing: howbeit you are ready to believe, if they have any other  
way to prove it; for without proof you cannot believe them, when you have found them with so  
many lies, &c. If you perceive wherein we may help, either in being still, or doing somewhat, let  
us have word, and I will do mine uttermost.  
"My lord of London hath a servant called John Tisen, with a red beard, and a black-  
reddish head, and who was once my scholar: he was seen in Antwerp, but came not among the  
Englishmen. Whether he is gone an ambassador secret, I wot not.  
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"The mighty God of Jacob be with you, to supplant his enemies, and give you the favour  
of Joseph: and the wisdom and the spirit of Stephen be with your heart, and with your mouth,  
and teach your lips what they shall say, and how to answer to all things. He is our God, if we  
despair in ourselves, and trust in him: and his is the glory. Amen.  
"
I hope our redemption is nigh.  
WILLIAM TYNDALE."  
This letter was written A.D. 1533, in the month of January: which letter, although it do  
pretend the name of Jacob, yet understand, good reader, that it was written in very deed to John  
Frith, as is above told thee. For the more proof and evidence hereof, read Frith's book of the  
sacrament, and there thou shalt find a certain place of this epistle repeated word for word,  
beginning thus; "I call God to record, against the day we shall appear before our Lord Jesus to  
give a reckoning of our doing, that I never altered one syllable of God's word against my  
conscience," &c.; which epistle John Frith himself witnesseth that he received from Tyndale, as  
in his testimony appeareth.  
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1
87. The Death of the Lady Katharine, Princess Dowager, and that  
of Queen Anne.  
HE same year in which William Tyndale was burned, which  
was A.D. 1536, in the beginning of the year, first died Lady  
Katharine, princess dowager, in the month of January.  
After whom, the same year also, in the month of May next  
following, followeth the death also of Queen Anne, who had  
now been married to the king the space of three years. In certain  
records thus we find, that the king, being in his jousts at  
Greenwich, suddenly with a few persons departed to  
Westminster, and, the next day after, Queen Anne, his wife, was  
had to the Tower, with the Lord Rochford her brother, and  
certain other, and, the nineteenth day after, was beheaded. The  
words of this worthy and Christian lady at her death were these:  
"Good Christian people! I am come hither to die, for according to the law, and by the  
law, I am judged to death; and therefore I will speak nothing against it. I am come hither to  
accuse no man, nor to speak any thing of that whereof I am accused and condemned to die; but I  
pray God save the king, and send him long to reign over you, for a gentler or a more merciful  
prince was there never; and to me he was ever a good, a gentle, and a sovereign lord. And if any  
person will meddle of my cause, I require them to judge the best. And thus I take my leave of the  
world, and of you all, and I heartily desire you all to pray for me. 0 Lord, have mercy on me! To  
God I commend my soul."  
And so she kneeled down, saying, "To Christ I commend my soul:" "Jesu, receive my  
soul." Repeating the same divers times, till at length the stroke was given, and her head was  
stricken off. And this was the end of that godly lady and queen. Godly I call her, for sundry  
respects, whatsoever the cause was, or quarrel objected against her. First, her last words spoken  
at her death declared no less her sincere faith and trust in Christ, than did her quiet modesty utter  
forth the goodness of the cause and matter, whatsoever it was. Besides that to such as wisely can  
judge upon cases occurrent, this also may seem to give a great clearing unto her, that the king,  
the third day after, was married in his whites unto another. Certain this was, that for the rare and  
singular gifts of her mind, so well instructed, and given toward God, with such a fervent desire  
unto the truth and setting forth of sincere religion, joined with like gentleness, modesty, and pity  
toward all men, there have not many such queens before her borne the crown of England.  
Principally this one commendation she left behind her, that during her life, the religion of Christ  
most happily flourished, and had a right prosperous course.  
Many things might be written more of the manifold virtues, and the quiet moderation of  
her mild nature, how lowly she would bear, not only to be admonished, but also of her own  
accord would require her chaplains plainly and freely to tell whatsoever they saw in her amiss.  
Also, how bountiful she was to the poor, passing not only the common example of other queens,  
but also the revenues almost of her estate; insomuch that the alms which she gave in three  
quarters of a year, in distribution, is summed to the number of fourteen or fifteen thousand  
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pounds; besides the great piece of money which her grace intended to impart into four sundry  
quarters of the realm, as for a stock there to be employed to the behoof of poor artificers and  
occupiers. Again, what a zealous defender she was of Christ's gospel all the world doth know,  
and her acts do and will declare to the world's end. Amongst which other her acts this is one, that  
she placed Master Hugh Latimer in the bishopric of Worcester, and also preferred Dr. Shaxton to  
his bishopric, being then accounted a good man. Furthermore, what a true faith she bare unto the  
Lord, this one example may stand for many: for that when King Henry was with her at  
Woodstock, and there, being afraid of an old blind prophecy, for the which neither he nor other  
kings before him durst hunt in the said park of Woodstock, nor enter into the town of Oxford, at  
last, through the Christian and faithful counsel of that queen, he was so armed against all  
infidelity, that both, he hunted in the aforesaid park, and also entered into the town of Oxford,  
and had no harm. But because, touching the memorable virtue of this worthy queen, partly we  
have said something before, partly because more also is promised to be declared of her virtuous  
life (the Lord so permitting) by other who then were about her, I will cease in this matter further  
to proceed.  
This I cannot but marvel at, why the parliament holden this year, that is, the twenty-  
eighth year of the king, (which parliament three years before had established and confirmed this  
marriage as most lawful,) should now so suddenly, and contrary to their own doings, repeal and  
disable the said marriage again as unlawful, being so lawfully before contracted. But more I  
marvel, why the said parliament, after the illegitimation of the marriage enacted, not contented  
with that, should further proceed, and charge her with such carnal desires of her body as to  
misuse herself with her own natural brother, the Lord Rochford, and other; being so contrary to  
all nature, that no natural man will believe it.  
But in this act of parliament did lie, no doubt, some great mystery, which here I will not  
stand to discuss, but only that it may be suspected some secret practising of the papists here not  
to be lacking, considering what a mighty stop she was to their purposes and proceedings, and on  
the contrary side, what a strong bulwark she was for the maintenance of Christ's gospel, and  
sincere religion, which they then in no case could abide. By reason whereof it may be easily  
considered, that this Christian and devout Deborah could lack no enemies amongst such a  
number of Philistines, both within the realm, and without.  
Again, neither is it unlike, but that Stephen Winchester, being then abroad in embassy,  
was not altogether asleep; the suspicion whereof may be the more conjectural, for that Edmund  
Bonner, archdeacon of Leicester, and then ambassador in France, succeeding after Stephen  
Winchester, did manifestly detect him of plain papistry, as in the sequel of their stories, when we  
come to the time, more amply (the Lord granting) shall be expressed.  
And as touching the king's mind and assent, although at that time, through crafty setters-  
on, he seemed to be sore bent both against that queen, and to the disheriting of his own daughter;  
yet unto that former will of the king so set against her then, I will oppose again the last will of  
the king, wherein, expressly and by name, he did accept, and by plain ratification did allow, the  
succession of his marriage to stand good and lawful.  
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Furthermore, to all other sinister judgments and opinions, whatsoever can be conceived  
of man against that virtuous queen, I object and oppose again (as instead of answer) the evident  
demonstration of God's favour, in maintaining, preserving, and advancing the offspring of her  
body, the Lady ELIZABETH, now queen, whom the Lord hath so marvellously conserved from  
so manifold dangers, so royally hath exalted, so happily hath blessed with such virtuous patience,  
and with such a quiet reign hitherto, that neither the reign of her brother Edward, nor of her sister  
Mary, to hers is to be compared; whether we consider the number of years of their reigns, or the  
peaceableness of their state. In whose royal and flourishing regiment we have to behold, not so  
much the natural disposition of her mother's qualities, as the secret judgment of God in  
preserving and magnifying the fruit and offspring of that godly queen.  
And finally, as for the blasphemous mouth both of Cardinal Pole, and of Paulus Jovius,  
that popish cardinal, who, measuring belike other women by his courtesans of Rome, so  
impudently abuseth his pen in lying and railing against this noble queen: to answer again in  
defence of her cause to that Italian, I object and oppose the consent and judgment of so many  
noble protestants and princes of Germany, who, being in league before with King Henry, and  
minding no less but to have made him the head of their confederation, afterwards, hearing of the  
death of this queen, utterly brake from him, and refused him only for the same cause.  
But all this seemeth (as is said) to be the drift of the wily papists, who, seeing the pope to  
be repulsed out of England, by the means chiefly of this queen, and fearing always the  
succession of this marriage in time to come, thought by sinister practice to prevent that peril  
before, whispering in the king's ears what possibly they could, to make that matrimony unlawful;  
and all for the disheriting of that succession.  
Again, Stephen Gardiner, (who was a secret worker against that marriage, and a perpetual  
enemy against Lady Elizabeth,) being then abroad with the French king, and the great master of  
France, ceased not, in his letters, still to put the king in fear, that the foreign princes and powers  
of the world, with the pope, would never be reconciled to the king, neither should he be ever in  
any perfect security, unless he undid again such acts before passed, for the ratification of that  
succession: which thing when they had now brought to pass after their own desire, (that both  
now the queen was beheaded, and Elizabeth the king's daughter disherited,) they thought all  
things to be sure for ever. But yet God's providence still went beyond them, and deceived them;  
for incontinently after the suffering of Queen Anne, the king, within three days after, married,  
Lady Jane Seymour, of whom came King Edward, as great an enemy to God's enemy the pope,  
as ever his father was, and greater too.  
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1
88. King Henry Refuses the Pope's Summons to Mantua  
In the mean time, as these troublous tumults were in doing in England, Paul the Third,  
bishop of Rome, for his part was not behind, to help forward for his own advantage; who, seeing  
his usurped kingdom and seat to be darkened in the countries of Germany, and also in England,  
thought it high time to bestir him; and therefore, to provide some remedy against further dangers,  
appointed a general council at Mantua in Italy, requiring all kings and princes either personally  
to be there, or else to send their ambassadors under fair pretences, as to suppress heresies, and to  
restore the church, and to war against the Turk, &c. This bull was subscribed with the hands of  
twenty-six cardinals, and set up in divers great cities, that it might be known and published to the  
whole world; unto the which bull first the protestants of Germany do answer, declaring sufficient  
causes why they refused to resort to that council, being indicted at Mantua, in the pope's own  
country. Whose declaration, with their causes grave and effectual, being set forth in print, and in  
the English tongue, although they were worthy here to he inserted, yet for brevity, and more  
speed in our story, I will pretermit the same, and only take the oration or answer of our king  
here; wherein he likewise rendereth reasons and causes most reasonable, why he refuseth to  
come or to send, at the pope's call, to this council indicted at Mantua: whose oration or  
protestation, because it containeth matter of some weight and great experience, I thought good  
here to express as followeth:  
"Seeing that the bishop of Rome calleth learned men from all parts, conducting them by  
great rewards, making as many of them cardinals as he thinketh most meet, and most ready to  
defend frauds and untruths; we could not but with much anxiety cast with ourselves, what so  
great a preparance of wits should mean. As chance was, we guessed even as it followed. We  
have been so long acquainted with Romanish subtleties and popish deceits, that we well and  
easily judged the bishop of Rome to intend an assembly of his adherents, and men sworn to think  
all his lusts to be laws: we were not deceived. Paul, the bishop of Rome, hath called a council, to  
which he knew well either few or none of the Christian princes could come. Both the time that he  
indicted it, and also the place where he appointed it to be, might assure him of this. But whither  
wander not these popish bulls? whither go they not astray? What king is not cited and summoned  
by a proud minister and servant of kings, to come to bolster up errors, frauds, deceits, and  
untruths, and to set forth this feigned general council? For who will not think that Paul, the  
bishop of Rome, goeth sooner about to make men believe that he pretendeth a general council,  
than that he desire one indeed? No! who can less desire it, than they that do despair of their  
cause, except they be judges, and give sentence themselves against their adversaries? We, which  
very sore against our will at any time leave off the procurement of the realm and common weal,  
need neither to come ourselves, nor yet to send our procurators thither; no, nor yet to make our  
excuse for either of both. For who can accuse us, that we come not at his call, who hath no  
authority to call us?  
"
But for a season let us (as a sort of blindlings do) grant that he may call us, and that he  
hath authority so to do, yet, we pray you, may not all men see, what availeth it to come to this  
council, where ye shall have no place, except ye be known both willing to oppress truth, and also  
ready to confirm and stablish errors? Do not all men perceive, as well as we, with what integrity,  
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fidelity, and religion, these men go about to discuss matters in controversy, that take them in  
hand in so troublesome a time as this is? Is it not plain what fruit the common weal of  
Christendom may look for there, whereas Mantua is chosen the place to keep this council at? Is  
there any prince not being of Italy, yea, is there of Italy any prince, or other dissenting from the  
pope, that dareth come to this assembly, and to this place? If there come none that dare speak for  
trodden truth, none that will venture his life, is it marvel if (the bishop of Rome being judge, no  
man repining, no man gainsaying) the defenders of the papacy obtain that popish authority, now  
quailing and almost fallen, be set up again?  
"
Is this the way to help things inflicted? to redress troubled religion? to lift up oppressed  
truth? Shall men this way know, whether the Roman bishops (which, in very deed, are, if ye look  
upon either their doctrine or life, far under other bishops) ought to be made their fellows, that is,  
to be pastors in their own diocese, and so to use no further power; or else, whether they may  
make laws, not only unto other bishops, but also to kings and emperors? Oh boldness! meet to be  
beaten down with force, and not to be convinced with arguments! Can either Paul that now  
lordeth, or any of his, earnestly go about (if they alone, or at least without any adversary, be thus  
in a corner assembled together) to heal the sicknesses, to take away the errors, to pluck down the  
abuses that now are crept into the church, and there to be bolstered up by such councils as now is  
like to be at Mantua?  
"
It is very like that these, which prowl for nothing but profit, will right gladly pull down  
all such things as their forefathers made, only for the increase of money. Whereas their  
forefathers, when their honour, power, and primacy were called into question, would either in  
despite of God's law maintain their dignity, or, to say better, their intolerable pride, is it like that  
these will not tread in their steps, and make naughty new canons, whereby they may. defend old  
evil decrees? Howbeit, what need we to care either what they have done, or what they intend to  
do hereafter, forasmuch as England hath taken her leave of popish crafts for ever, never to be  
deluded with them hereafter? Roman bishops have nothing to do with English people. The one  
doth not traffic with the other; at least, though they will have to do with us, yet we will none of  
their merchandise, none of their stuff. We will receive them of our council no more. We have  
sought our hurt, and bought our loss, a great while too long. Surely their decrees, either touching  
things set up or put down, shall have none other place with us than all bishops' decrees have; that  
is, if we like them, we admit them; if we do not, we 'refuse them. But lest, peradventure, men  
shall think us to follow our senses too much, and that we, moved by small or no just causes,  
forsake the authority, censures, decrees, and popish councils, we thought it best here to show our  
mind to the whole world.  
"Wherefore we protest, before God and all men, that we embrace, profess, and will ever  
so do, the right and holy doctrine of Christ. All the articles of his faith, no jot omitted, be all so  
dear unto us, that we would much sooner stand in jeopardy of our realm, than to see any point of  
Christ's religion in jeopardy with us. We protest that we never went from the unity of this faith,  
neither that we will depart an inch from it. No, we will much sooner lose our lives, than any  
article of our belief shall decay in England. We, which in all this cause seek nothing but the glory  
of God, the profit and quietness of the world, protest that we can suffer deceivers no longer. We  
never refused to come to a general council; no, we promise all our labour, study, and fidelity, to  
the setting up of trodden truth, and troubled religion, in their place again, and to do all that shall  
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lie in us, to finish such controversies as have a great while too long vexed Christendom. Only we  
will all Christian men to be admonished, that we can suffer no longer that they be esteemed  
willing to take away errors, which indeed, by all the ways their wits will serve them, go about  
this alone, that no man, under pain of death, may speak against any error or abuse.  
"We would have a council; we desire it, yea, and crave nothing so oft of God, as that we  
may have one. But yet we will that it be such as Christian men ought to have; that is, frank and  
free, where every man without fear may say his mind. We desire that it be a holy council, where  
every man may go about to set up godliness, and not apply all their study to the oppressing of  
truth. We will it be general, that is to say, kept at such time, and in such place, that every man  
who seeketh the glory of God may be present, and there frankly utter his mind: for then it shall  
seem general, either when no man that dissenteth from the bishop of Rome is compelled to be  
from it; or when they that be present are not letted by any just terror, to say boldly what they  
truly think: for who would not gladly come to such a council, except it be the pope, his cardinals,  
and popish bishops? On the other side, who is so foolish, where the chief point that is to be  
handled in this council is the pope's own cause, power, and primacy, to grant that the pope  
should reign, should be judge, should be president of this council? If he, which indeed can never  
think himself able to defend his cause before any other judge, be evermore made his own judge,  
and so controversies not decided, but errors set up, what can be devised in the commonwealth of  
Christendom more hurtful to the truth, than general councils?  
"And here to touch somewhat their impudent arrogancy: By what law, power, or honest  
title take they upon them to call kings, to summon princes to appear, where their bulls command  
them? In time past all councils were appointed by the authority, consent, and commandment of  
the emperor, kings, and princes: why now taketh the bishop of Rome this upon him? Some will  
say, 'It is more likely that bishops will more tender the cause of religion, gladlier have errors  
taken away, than emperors, kings, or princes.' The world hath good experience of them, and  
every man seeth how faithfully they have handled religious matters. Is there any man that doth  
not see how virtuously Paul now goeth about by this occasion to set up his tyranny again? Is it  
not like that he that chooseth such a time as this is to keep a council, much intendeth the redress  
of things that now are amiss? that he seeketh the restoring of religion, who now calleth to a  
council the emperor and the French king, two princes of great power, so bent to wars, that neither  
they, nor any other Christian prince, can, in a manner, do any thing but look for the end of this  
long war? Go to, go to, bishop of Rome I Occasion long wished for offereth herself unto you:  
take her! she openeth a window for your frauds to creep in at. Call your cardinals, your own  
creatures, show them that this is a jolly time to deceive princes in.  
"O fools! O wicked men! May we not justly so call you? Are ye not fools, who, being  
long suspected, not only by princes, but by all Christian people, in a manner, that in no case you  
could be brought to a general council, plainly show the whole world, that by these your  
conciliables, your butter-mutter in corners, you take away all hope of a lawful, catholic, and  
general council? Are you not wicked, which so hate truth, that except she be utterly banished, ye  
will never cease to vex her? The living God is alive, neither can truth, his darling, be being alive,  
be called to so great shame, contumely, and injury; or, if it may be called to all these, yet can it  
come to none of them. Who is he that grievously lamenteth not men to be of such shameful  
boldness, to show apertly that they be enemies unto Christ himself? on the other side, who will  
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not be glad to see such men as foolish as they be wicked? The world is not now in a light  
suspicion, as it hath been hitherto, that you will no reformation of errors; but every man seeth  
before his eyes your deceits, your wicked minds, your immortal hatred that ye bear against the  
truth. Every man seeth how many miserable tragedies your pretence of a unity and concord hath  
brought into Christendom. They see your fair face of peace hath served sedition, and troubled  
almost all Christian realms. They see ye never oppugn religion more than when ye will seem  
most to defend it. They be sorry to see that great wits a long season have spent their whole  
strength in defence of deceits: reason, to put his whole power to the promoting of pride and  
ungodliness; virtue to serve vice; holiness to be slave to hypocrisy; prudence to subtlety; justice  
to tyranny. They be glad that Scripture now fighteth for itself, and not against itself. They be glad  
that God is not compelled to be against God; Christ against Christ. They be glad that subtlety  
hath done no more hurt to religion in time past, than now constancy doth good to truth. They see  
the marks that ye have shot at, in all your councils past, to be lucre, money, gains. They see you  
sought your profit, yea, though it were joined with the slaughter of truth. They see ye would ever  
that sooner injury should be done to the gospel, than that your authority, that is to say, arrogant  
impudency, should in any point be diminished.  
"And, we pray you, what may Paul the bishop of Rome seem now to go about, who,  
seeing all princes occupied in great affairs, would steal (as he calleth it) a general council? what  
other thing, than hereby to have some excuse to refuse a general council hereafter, when time  
and place much better for the handling of matters of religion shall be given unto the princes of  
Christendom? He will think he may then do as princes now do. He will think it lawful not to  
come then, because princes now come not. We pray God that we ever brawl not one with another  
for religion: and whereas dissension is amongst us, we yet for our parts do say, that we, as much  
as men may, defend the better part, and be in the right way. We pray God that the world may  
enjoy peace and tranquillity, and that then we may have both time and place to settle religion: for  
except princes first agree, and so (war laid aside) seek peace, he loseth his labour that seeketh a  
general council If the bishop of Rome may keep his council while they thus be together, will not  
there be made many pretty decrees? If they, which would come if they had leisure, be absent, and  
we, which though we safely might come, will not lose any part of our right; trow you, in all our  
absence, that the bishop of Rome will not handle his profit and primacy well?  
"Paul! how can any of ours not refuse to come to Mantua, through so many perils, a city  
so far set from England, so nigh your friends, kinsmen, and adherents? Is he not unworthy of life,  
who, when he may tarry at home, will pass through so many jeopardies of life? Can he who  
cometh to Cremona, a city not far from Mantua, be safe if he be taken not to be the bishop of  
Rome's friend, that is, (as the common sort of deceived people do interpret,) a heretic? And if  
there come to Mantua such a number as would furnish a general council, may not Mantua seem  
too little to receive so many guests? Put these two together: all the way from England to Mantua  
is full of just perils, and yet if ye escape all those, the very plate where the council is kept is more  
to be suspected than all the way. Do ye not know all civil laws to compel no man to come to any  
place, where he shall be in jeopardy of his life all the way? We have no safe-conduct to pass and  
return by the dominions of other princes. And if we had a safe-conduct, yet should not we be  
charged with rashness, that where just terror might have dissuaded us from such a journey, we  
committed ourselves to such perils? Surely he, who, the time being as it is, things standing as  
they do, will go from England to Mantua, may be careless, if he lack wit: sure of his arrival, or  
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return from thence, he cannot be; for who doth not know how oft the bishops of Rome have  
played false parts with them that in such matters have trusted to their safe-conducts? How oft  
have they caused, by their perfidy, such men to be slain, as they have promised by their faith  
before, that they should both come safe, and go safe? These be no news, that popes are false, that  
popes keep no promise either with God or man; that popes, contrary to their oaths, do defile their  
cruel hands with honest men's blood. But we tarry too long in things that as well touch all men as  
us.  
"We will, these now laid apart, turn our oration unto such things, as privately touch both  
us, King Henry the Eighth, and all Englishmen. Is it unknown to any man, what mind Paul the  
bishop of Rome beareth to us King Henry the Eighth, to us his nobility, to us his Grace's bishops,  
and to us all his Grace's subjects, for the pulling down of his usurped power, and proud primacy?  
for expelling of his usurped jurisdiction, and for delivering of our realm from his grievous  
bondage and pollage? Who seeth not him even inflamed with hatred against us, and the flames to  
be much greater than he can now keep them in? He is an open enemy, he dissembleth no longer,  
provoking all men, by all the means that he can, to endamage us and our country. These three  
years he hath been occupied in no one thing so much, as how he might stir up the commons of  
England, now corrupting some with money, some with dignities. We let pass what letters he hath  
written to Christian princes: with how great fervent study he hath exhorted them to set upon us.  
The good vicar of Christ, by his doing, showeth how he understandeth the words of Christ. He  
thinketh he playeth Christ's part well, when he may say, as Christ did, I come not to make peace  
in earth, but to send swords about; and not such swords as Christ would his to be armed withal,  
but such as cruel man-quellers abuse in the slaughter of their neighbours. We marvel little though  
they vex other princes oft, seeing they recompense our favour showed to them with contumelies,  
our benefits with injuries.  
"We will not rehearse here how many our benefits bestowed upon Roman bishops be lost.  
God be with such ingrate carles, unworthy to be numbered amongst men: certes such, that a man  
may well doubt whether God or man hath better cause to hate them. But that we have learned to  
owe good will even to them that immortally hate us, what could we wish them so evil, but they  
have deserved much worse? We wish them this hurt alone, that God send them a better mind.  
God be thanked, we have made all their seditious intents sooner to show their great malice  
towards us, then to do us much hurt; yea, they have well taught us, ever. more to take good heed  
to our enemies. Undoubtedly it were good going to Mantua, and to leave their whelps amongst  
the lambs of our flock. When we be weary of our wealth, we will even do then, as they would  
have us now do. No, no! as long as we shall see his heart so good towards us, we trust upon his  
warning we shall well provide to withstand his cruel malice. No, let him now spend his deceits,  
when they can hurt none but such as would deceive, and are deceived.  
"They have, by sundry ways, made us privy, how much we be bound to them. It went  
nigh their hearts, to see the judgment of Julius, of Clement the Seventh, of Paul the Third,  
nothing to be regarded with us. They be afraid, if we should sustain no hurt because we justly  
rejected their primacy, that other princes would begin to do likewise, and to shake off their  
shoulders the heavy burdens that they so long have borne against Scriptures, all right, and reason.  
They be sorry to see the way stopped, that now their tyranny, avarice, and pride, can have no  
passage unto England, which was wont to walk, to triumph, to toss, to trouble all men. They can  
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scarce suffer privileges, that is to say, licence to spoil our citizens, given them by our forefathers,  
and brought in by errorful custom, to be taken from them. They think it unlawful that we require  
things lawful of them that will be under no laws. They think we do them wrong, because we will  
not suffer them to do us wrong any longer. They see their merchandise to be banished, to be  
forbidden. They see that we will buy no longer chalk for cheese. They see they have lost a fair  
fleece, vengeably sorry that they can despatch no more pardons, dispensations, totquots, with the  
rest of their baggage and trumpery. England is no more a babe. There is no man here, but now he  
knoweth that they do foolishly, who give gold for lead, more weight of that than they receive of  
this. They pass not, though Peter and Paul's faces be graven in the lead, to make fools fain. No,  
we be sorry that they should abuse holy saints' visages, to the beguiling of the world.  
"Surely, except God take away our right wits, not only his authority shall be driven out  
for ever, but his name also shortly shall be forgotten in England. We will from henceforth ask  
counsel of him and his, when we lust to be deceived, when we covet to be in error; when we  
desire to offend God, truth, and honesty. If a man may guess the whole work by the foundation,  
where deceits begin the work, can any other than deceits be builded upon this foundation? What  
can you look for in this Mantuan council, other than the oppression of truth and true religion? If  
there be any thing well done, think, as every man doth, bishops of Rome to be accustomed to do  
a few things well, that many evils may the better be taken at their hands. They, when they lust,  
can yield some part of their right. They are content that some of their decrees, some of their  
errors and abuses, be reprehended: but they are never more to be feared, than when they show  
themselves most gentle; for if they grant a few, they ask many; if they leave a little, they will be  
sure of a great deal. Scarce a man may know how to handle himself, that he take no hurt at their  
hands, yea, when they bless him; which seldom do good, but for an intent to do evil. Certainly,  
come whoso will to these shops of deceits, to these fairs of frauds, we will lose no part of our  
right in coming at his call, who ought to be called, and not to call. We will neither come at  
Mantua, nor send thither for this matter," &c.  
And so the king, proceeding in the said his protestation, declareth moreover, how the  
pope, after he had summoned his council first to be kept at Mantua, the twenty-third day of May,  
A.D. 1537, shortly after directed out another bull, to prorogate the same council to the month of  
November; pretending, for his excuse, that the duke of Mantua would not suffer him to keep any  
council there, unless he maintained a number of warriors for defence of the town. And therefore,  
in his latter bull, he prorogueth this assembly, commanding patriarchs, archbishops, abbots, and  
others of the spiritualty, by virtue of obedience, and under pain of cursing, to be present; but  
showeth no place at all where he would be, nor whither they should come. And in very deed no  
great matter though no place were named; for as good a council no where to be called, as where  
it could not be; and as well no place served him that intended no council, as all places. And to  
say truth, much better no place to be named, than to name such as he purposed not to come to;  
for so should he break no promise, which maketh none.  
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89. Rebellions in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire  
A little before the death of Queen Anne, there was a parliament at Westminster, wherein  
were given to the king, by consent of the abbots, all such houses of religion as were under three  
hundred marks; which was a shrewd prognosticate of the ruin of greater houses, which indeed  
followed shortly after, as was and might easily be perceived before of many, who then said, that  
the low bushes and brambles were cut down before, but great oaks would follow after.  
Although the proceeding of these things did not well like the minds of the pope's friends  
in England, yet, notwithstanding, they began again to take some breath of comfort, when they  
saw the aforesaid Queen Anne despatched. Nevertheless they were frustrated of their purpose (as  
is afore showed) and that double wise. For first, after they had their wills of Queen Anne, the  
Lord raised up another queen, not greatly for their purpose, with her son King Edward; and also  
for that the Lord Cromwell, the same time, began to grow in authority, who, like a mighty pillar  
set up in the church of Christ, was enough, alone, to confound and overthrow all the malignant  
devices of the adversaries, so long as God gave him in life here to continue; whose story  
hereafter followeth more at large.  
Shortly after this aforesaid marriage of the king with this queen Jane Seymour above  
mentioned, in the month of June, during the continuation of the parliament, by the consent of the  
clergy holding then a solemn convocation in the church of St. Paul, a book was set forth  
containing certain articles of religion necessary to be taught to the people; wherein they treated  
specially but of three sacraments, baptism, penance, and the Lord's supper; where also divers  
other things were published concerning the alteration of certain points of religion, as that certain  
holidays were forbidden, and many abbeys began to be suppressed. For this cause the rude  
multitude of Lincolnshire, fearing the utter subversion of their old religion, wherein they had  
been so long nursled, did rise up in a great commotion, to the number well near of twenty  
thousand, having for their captain a monk, called Doctor Makerel, calling himself then Captain  
Cobler; but these rebels, being repressed by the king's power, and desiring pardon, soon brake up  
their assembly. For they, hearing of the royal army of the king coming against them, with his  
own person there present, and fearing what would follow of this, first the noblemen and  
gentlemen, which before favoured them, began to withdraw themselves, so that they were  
destitute of captains; and at last they, in writing, made certain petitions to the king, protesting  
that they never intended hurt towards his royal person. These petitions the king received, and  
made this answer again to them as followeth  
The king's answer to the rebels in Lincolnshire.  
"First, we begin to make answer to the fourth and sixth articles, because upon them  
dependeth much of the rest. Concerning choosing of councillors, I never have read, heard, or  
known, that princes, councillors, and prelates, should be appointed by rude and ignorant common  
people, nor that they were persons meet, or of ability, to discern and choose meet and sufficient  
councillors for a prince. How presumptuous then are ye, the rude commons of one shire, and that  
one the most base of the whole realm, and of the least experience, to find fault with your prince,  
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for the electing of his councillors and prelates, and to take upon you, contrary to God's law and  
man's laws, to rule your princes, whom you are bound, by all law, to obey and serve with both  
your lives, lands, and goods, and for no worldly cause to withstand.  
"As for the suppression of religious houses and monasteries, we will that ye and all our  
subjects should well know, that this is granted us by all the nobles spiritual and temporal of this  
realm, and by all the commons in the same, by act of parliament; and not set forth by any  
councillor or councillors upon their mere will and fantasy, as you full falsely would persuade our  
realm to believe.  
"And where ye allege that the service of God is much diminished, the truth thereof is  
contrary; for there be no houses suppressed where God was well served, but where most vice,  
mischief, and abomination of living was used; and that doth well appear by their own  
confessions, subscribed with their own hands, in the time of their visitations, and yet we suffered  
a great many of them (more than we needed by the act) to stand; wherein if they amend not their  
living, we fear we have more to answer for, than the suppression of all the rest. And as for the  
hospitality for the relief of the poor, we wonder ye be not ashamed to affirm that they have been  
a great relief of poor people, when a great many, or the most part, have not past four or five  
religious persons in them, and divers but one, which spent the substance of the goods of their  
houses in nourishing of vice, and abominable living. Now what unkindness and unnaturality may  
we impute to you, and all our subjects that be of that mind, which had rather that such an unthrift  
sort of vicious persons should enjoy the possessions, profits, and emoluments, which grow of the  
said houses, to the maintenance of their unthrifty life, than we, your natural prince, sovereign  
lord, and king, which do and have spent more of our own in your defences, than six times they be  
worth?  
"As touching the Act of Uses, we marvel what madness is in your brain, or upon what  
ground ye would take authority upon you, to cause us to break those laws and statutes, which, by  
all the noble knights and gentlemen of this realm, (whom the same chiefly toucheth,) have been  
granted and assented to, seeing in no manner of things it toucheth you, the base commons of our  
realm.  
"Also, the grounds of all those uses were false, and never admitted by law, but usurped  
upon the prince, contrary to all equity and justice, as it hath been openly both disputed and  
declared by all the well learned men in the realm of England, in Westminster Hall: whereby ye  
may well perceive how mad and unreasonable your demands be, both in that, and in the rest; and  
how unmeet it is for us, and dishonourable, to grant or assent unto, and less meet and decent for  
you, in such a rebellious sort, to demand the same of your prince.  
"As touching the Fifteenth which you demand of us to be released, think ye that we be so  
faint-hearted, that perforce ye of one shire (were ye a great many more) could compel us with  
your insurrections, and such rebellious demeanour, to remit the same? or think you that any man  
will or may take you to be true subjects, that first make and show a loving grant, and then  
perforce would compel your sovereign lord and king to release the same, the time of payment  
whereof is not yet come? Yea, and seeing the same will not countervail the tenth penny of the  
charges which we have, and daily do sustain, for your tuition and safeguard, make you sure that  
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by your occasions of these ingratitudes, unnaturalness, and unkindness to us now administered,  
ye give us cause (which have always been as much dedicated to your wealth, as ever was king)  
not so much to set our study for the setting forward of the same, seeing how unkindly and  
untruly ye deal now with us, without any cause or occasion: and doubt ye not, though you have  
no grace nor naturalness in you to consider your duty of allegiance to your king and sovereign  
lord, the rest of our realm, we doubt not, hath; and we and they shall so look on this cause, that  
we trust it shall be to your confusion, if, according to your former letters, you submit not  
yourselves.  
"As touching the first-fruits, we let you to wit, it is a thing granted us by act of parliament  
also, for the supportation of part of the great and excessive charges, which we support and bear  
for the maintenance of your wealths and other our subjects: and we have known also that ye our  
commons have much complained also in times past, that the most part of our goods, lands, and  
possessions of the realm, were in the spiritual men's hands; and yet, bearing us in hand that ye be  
as loving subjects to us as' may be, ye cannot find in your hearts that your prince and sovereign  
lord should have any part thereof, (and yet it is nothing prejudicial unto you our commons,) but  
do rebel and unlawfully rise against your prince, contrary to the duty of allegiance and God's  
commandment. Sirs! remember your follies and traitorous demeanours, and shame not your  
native country of England, nor offend any more so grievously your undoubted king and natural  
prince, which always hath showed himself most loving unto you; and remember your duty of  
allegiance, and that ye are bound to obey us your king, both by God's commandment and the law  
of nature.  
"Wherefore we charge you eftsoons, upon the aforesaid bonds and pains, that you  
withdraw yourselves to your own houses every man, and no more to assemble contrary to our  
laws and your allegiances, and to cause the provokers of you to this mischief, to be delivered to  
our lieutenant's hands or ours,and you yourselves to submit you to such condign punishment as  
we and our nobles shall think you worthy of: for doubt you not else, that we and our nobles  
neither can nor will suffer this injury at your hands unrevenged, if ye give not to us place of  
sovereignty, and show yourselves as bounden and obedient subjects, and no more to intermeddle  
yourselves from henceforth with the weighty affairs of the realm, the direction whereof only  
appertaineth to us your king, and such noblemen and councillors as we list to elect and choose to  
have the ordering of the same.  
"And thus we pray unto Almighty God, to give you grace to do your duties, to use  
yourselves towards us like true and faithful subjects, so as we may have cause to order you  
thereafter; and rather obediently to consent amongst you to deliver into the hands of our  
lieutenant a hundred persons, to be ordered according to their demerits, at our will and pleasure,  
than, by your obstinacy and wilfulness, to put yourselves, your wives, children, lands, goods, and  
chattels, besides the indignation of God, in the utter adventure of total destruction, and utter ruin,  
by force and violence of the sword."  
After the Lincolnshire men had received this the king's answer aforesaid, made to their  
petitions, each mistrusting the other, who should be noted to be the greatest meddler, even very  
suddenly they began to shrink, and out of hand they were all divided, and every man at home in  
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his own house in peace: but the captains of these rebels escaped not all clear, but were afterwards  
apprehended, and had as they deserved.  
After this, immediately, within six days upon the same, followed a new insurrection. in  
Yorkshire for the same causes, through the instigation and lying tales of seditious persons,  
especially monks and priests; making them believe, that their silver chalices, crosses, jewels, and  
other ornaments, should be taken out of their churches; and that no man should be married, or eat  
any good meat in his house, but should give tribute there-for to the king: but their especial malice  
was against Cromwell and certain other counsellors.  
The number of these rebels was nearly forty thousand, having for their badges the five  
wounds, with the sign of the sacrament, and "Jesus" written in the midst.  
This their devilish rebellion they termed by the name of a Holy Pilgrimage; but they  
served a wrong and a naughty saint. They had also in the field their streamers and banners,  
whereupon was painted Christ hanging upon the cross on the one side, and a chalice, with a  
painted cake in it, on the other side, with other such ensigns of like hypocrisy and feigned  
sanctity, pretending thereby to fight for the faith and the right of holy church.  
As soon as the king was certified of this new seditious insurrection, he sent with all speed  
against them, the duke of Norfolk, the duke of Suffolk, the marquis of Exeter, the earl of  
Shrewsbury, and others, with a great army, forthwith to encounter with the rebels.  
These noble captains and councillors, thus well furnished with habiliment of war,  
approaching towards the rebels, and understanding both their number, and how they were full  
bent to battle, first with policy went about to essay and practise how to appease all without  
bloodshedding; but the northern men, stoutly and sturdily standing to their wicked cause and  
wretched enterprise, would in no case relent from their attempts: which when the nobles  
perceived, and saw no other way to pacify their furious minds, utterly set on mischief, they  
determined upon a battle. The place was appointed, the day assigned, and the hour set; but see  
the wondrous work of God's gracious providence! The night before the day of battle came, (as  
testifieth Edward Hall,) fell a small rain, nothing to speak of, but yet, as it were by a great  
miracle of God, the water which was but a very small ford, and that men in a manner, the day  
before, might have gone dry-shod over, suddenly rose of such a height, deepness, and breadth,  
that the like no man that there did inhabit could tell they ever saw before; so that that day, even  
when the hour of battle should come, it was impossible for the one army to come at the other.  
After this, that the appointment made between both of the armies (being thus  
disappointed, as it is to be thought, only by God, who extended his great mercy, and had  
compassion on the great number of innocent persons that in that deadly slaughter had like to  
have been murdered) could take no place; then, by the great wisdom and policy of the said  
captains, a communication was had, and a pardon of the king's Majesty obtained for all the  
captains and chief doers of this insurrection; and they were promised that, for such things as they  
found them aggrieved withal, they should gently be heard, and their reasonable petitions granted;  
and that their articles should be presented to the king, that by his Highness's authority, and the  
wisdom of his council, all things should be brought to good order and conclusion: and with this  
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order every man quietly departed, and those who before were bent as hot as fire to fight, being  
Jetted thereof by God, went now peaceably to their houses, and were as cold as water.  
In the time of this ruffle in Yorkshire, and the king lying the same time at Windsor, there  
was a butcher dwelling within five miles of the said town of Windsor, who caused a priest to  
preach that all they that took part with the Yorkshire men, whom he called God's people, did  
fight in God's quarrel; for which both he and the priest were apprehended and executed.  
Divers other priests also, with others about the same time, committing, in like sort,  
treason against the king, suffered the like execution. Such a business had the king then to rid the  
realm from the servitude of the Romish yokes.  
But God's hand did still work withal, in upholding his gospel and trodden truth against all  
seditious stirs, commotions, rebellions, and whatsoever was to the contrary; as both by the stories  
before pass ed, and by such also as hereafter follow, may notoriously appear.  
The next year after this, which was A.D. 1537, after the great execution had been done  
upon certain rebellious priests, and a few other laymen, with certain noble persons also and  
gentlemen, amongst whom were the Lord Darcy, the Lord Hussy, Sir Robert Constable, Sir  
Thomas Percy, Sir Francis Bygot, Sir Stephen Hamilton, Sir John Bulmer and his wife, William  
Lomeley, Nicholas Tempest, with the abbots of Jervaux and of Rivaulx, &c.  
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9. Edmund Bonner  
In the month of October, the same year following, was born Prince Edward; shortly after  
whose birth, Queen Jane, his mother, the second day after, died in childbed, and left the king  
again a widower, who so continued the space of two years together.  
Here, by the way, is to be understood, that during all this season, since the time that the  
king of England had rejected the pope out of the realm, both the emperor, the French king, and  
the king of Scots, with other foreign potentates, (which were yet in subjection under the pope,)  
bare him no great good favour inwardly, whatsoever outwardly they pretended. Neither was here  
lacking privy setters-on, nor secret working among themselves how to compass ungracious  
mischiefs, if God, by contrary occasions, had not stopped their intended devices. For first the  
pope had sent Cardinal Pole to the French king, to stir him to war against the realm of England.  
Secondly, whereas the French king, by treaty of perpetual peace, was bound yearly to pay  
to the king of England, at the first days of May and November, about ninety-five thousand  
crowns of the sun, and odd money, and over that ten thousand crowns at the said two terms, for  
recompence of salt-due, as the treaties thereof did purport, that pension remained now unpaid  
four years and more.  
Furthermore, the emperor and the French king, both, retained Grancetor, a traitorous  
rebel against the king, and condemned by act of parliament, with certain other traitors more, and  
yet would not deliver him unto the king at his earnest suit and request.  
The French king also, digressing from his promise and treaty, made alliance with  
Clement, the bishop of Rome, in marrying the dauphin to his niece, called Katharine de Medicis.  
The said French king .moreover, contrary to his contract made, married his daughter to  
the king of Scots: all which events were prejudicial; and put the king, no doubt, in some fear and  
perplexity (though otherwise a stout and valiant prince) to see the pope, the emperor; the French  
king, and the king of Scots, so bent against him.  
And yet, all this notwithstanding, the Lord still defended the justness of his cause against  
them all. For although the French king was so set on by the pope, and;so linked in marriage with  
the Scots, and lacked nothing now but only occasion to invade the realm of England, yet  
notwithstanding he, hearing now of the birth of Prince Edward, the king's son by Queen Jane,  
and understanding also, by the death of the said Queen Jane, that the king was a widower, and  
perceiving, moreover, talk to be that the king would join in marriage with the Germans, began to  
wax more calm and cold, and to give much more gentle words, and to demean himself more  
courteously, labouring to marry the Queen of Navarre, his sister, to the king.  
The ambassadors resident then in France for the king, were Stephen Gardiner, with Dr.  
Thirleby, &c.; which Stephen Gardiner, what he wrought secretly for the pope's devotion, I have  
not expressly to charge him. Whether he so did, or what he did, the Lord knoweth all! But this is  
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certain, that when Dr. Bonner, archdeacon then of Leicester, was sent into France by the king,  
(through the means of the Lord Cromwell;) to succeed Stephen Gardiner in embassy, which was  
about A.D. 1538, he found such dealing in the said bishop of Winchester as was not greatly to be  
trusted: besides the unkind parts of the said bishop against the aforesaid Bonner, coming then  
from the king and Lord Cromwell, as were not to be liked.  
Long it is to recite from the beginning, and few men peradventure would believe, the  
brawling matters, the privy complaints, the contentious quarrels and bitter dissensions, between  
these two; and especially what despiteful contumelies Dr. Bonner received at the hands of  
Winchester. For understand, good reader! that this Dr. Bonner all this while renamed yet, as he  
seemed, a good man, and was a great furtherer of the king's proceedings, and a favourer of  
Luther's doctrine, and was advanced only by the Lord Cromwell, whose promotions are here to  
rehearse: first, he was archdeacon of Leicester, parson of Blaydon, of Dereham, Chiswick, and  
Cheryburton; then he was made bishop of Hereford, and, at last, preferred to be bishop of  
London: the chief of which preferments and dignities were conferred unto him only by the means  
and favour of the Lord Cromwell, who was then his chief and only patron and setter-up; as the  
said Bonner himself, in all his letters, doth manifestly protest and declare; the copies of which his  
letters I could here produce and exhibit, but for prolonging my story with superfluous matter. Yet  
that the world and all posterity may see how the coming up of Dr. Bonner was only by the  
gospel, (howsoever he was afterwards unkind unto the gospel,) this one letter of his, which I will  
here infer, written to the Lord Cromwell out of France, may stand for a perpetual testimony, the  
tenor whereof here ensueth:  
"My very singular especial good Lord, as one most bounden, I most humbly commend  
me unto your honourable good Lordship. And whereas in times past it hath liked the same,  
without any my deserts or merits, even only of your singular exceeding goodness, to bestow a  
great deal of love, benevolence, and good affection, upon me so poor a man, and of so small  
qualities, expressing indeed sundry ways the good effects thereof to my great preferment, I was  
very much bound thereby unto your honourable good Lordship, and thought it always my duty,  
(as indeed it was,) both to bear my true heart again unto your Lordship, and also, remembering  
such kindness, to do unto the same all such service and pleasure as might, then lie in my small  
power to do.  
"
But where, of your infinite and inestimable goodness, it hath further liked you of late,  
first to advance me unto the office of legation from such a prince as my sovereign lord is, unto  
the emperor and French king; and next after, to procure and obtain mine advancement to so  
honourable a promotion as the bishopric of Hereford, I must here acknowledge the exceeding  
greatness of your Lordship's benefit, with mine own imbecility to recompense it.  
"Surely, my good Lord, I neither am, neither shall be able to requite this your Lordship's  
most special kindness and bountiful goodness at any time, unless I should use that civil remedy  
called in law 'acceptilation,' which great debtors especially are accustomed to procure at the  
hands of their creditors; whereby yet nevertheless your goodness, the only doer thereof, should  
rather be increased, than my duty towards the same thereby diminished. And cessio bonorum  
(the only extreme refuge and help of poor debtors, devised also in civil) might somewhat help  
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herein, saying that it is not possible that I should come ad tam pinguem fortunam, (whereupon  
that remedy is grounded,) whereby I may recompense and requite this debt worthily.  
"So that in conclusion there resteth this; that unless your Lordship's self do loose me, as  
you have bound me, I shall (and that full gladly) remain continually your most bounded  
beadsman. And, sir, I most humbly beseech your good Lordship, in the honour of God, seeing  
this thing is begun and advanced only by your goodness and means, you will, to the intent the act  
may be wholly your own, stretch out your goodness, not suffering the rest to be perfected  
otherwise than by your own hands; wherein, as I must and shall acknowledge myself to be  
exceedingly beholden unto your good Lordship, so shall I the same more esteem and set by,  
during my life, having so attained it by your only goodness: and verily, if your good Lordship be  
not better to me herein than I can (unless it be of your own goodness) desire you, I know not how  
I shall be able to overcome the great charges annexed to this promotion. For though my  
promotions afore were right, honest, and good, yea, and such as one of far better qualities than I  
was, or am of, ought therewith to have been contented; yet, considering that divers of them, that  
is to wit, Leicester, Blaydon, Dereham, Chiswick, and Cheryburton, the first-fruits, tenths, and  
charges borne, I have not received clearly one penny, I am now never a whit the more able to  
bear the great charges of this.  
"
I shall therefore herein, and in all things else pertaining hereunto, seeing your Lordship  
is so great a patron, and will needs bind me for ever to be your own, (as indeed I will,) refer  
altogether unto your goodness, beseeching you to take the order and disposition of all into your  
hands. I cannot tell whether the late bishop standeth bounden for the first-fruits, tenths, or other  
duties which by statute may be demanded of his successor; but I fear it greatly, and beseech your  
Lordship that I may be holpen therein. My charges now here enforce me the more to speak and  
trouble your good Lordship, which at the beginning are not a few, and yet not ended. Of my  
fidelity to your good, I have, of five hundred crowns, remaining forty, bestowed upon horses,  
mules, mulets, raiment, and other necessaries, standing debtor to Master Thirleby nevertheless,  
and also to Master Dr. Heynes, for one hundred marks, or fast upon, to them both. And besides  
this, such is my chance now at the beginning, divers of my servants have fallen sick, being in  
great peril and danger, putting me to no little charges.  
"Over and besides these displeasures coming unto me by not having their service, and  
others to keep them, and also wanting mine other servants in England, which, though I have sent  
for them, yet neither they, neither my horses or stuff, are come, I must and do take patience,  
trusting it will mend.  
"Upon the closing up of this letter, and depeach of this bearer, God willing, I will pack up  
my gear, and to-morrow betimes follow the French king, who yesterday departed from  
Shambour, and maketh haste toward Paris. And thus our blessed Lord long and well preserve  
your good lordship in health.  
"At Blois, the second of September, in the evening.  
"Scribbled by the weary hand of him that is bounden to be, and is indeed, your Lordship's  
beadsman, and at commandment,  
EDMUND BONNER."  
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Divers other letters besides this, of Dr. Bonner, remain in writing, unto the like effect and  
purport, which here also I might add for a further demonstration hereof; but this one, instead of  
many, may suffice. Now to our purpose again, which is to declare how this Dr. Bonner, in the  
time of his first springing up, showed himself a good man, and a fast friend to the gospel of  
Christ and to the king's proceedings; and contrariwise, how Stephen Gardiner did halt then both  
with God and with the king: also what unkindness and contumelies the said Bonner received at  
Gardiner's hands; what rancour and heart-burning was between them; and what complaints the  
one moved against the other, remain, consequently, by their writings and records, to be opened.  
For the more evident demonstration whereof, they that have the letters of the said Dr. Bonner,  
written from France to the king and the Lord Cromwell, may right well perceive. And first, to  
note what a gospeller he was: in his letter from Rouen, he, speaking of his trusty companion, and  
bearer of his letters, (who was belike Dr. Heynes,) he giveth this report both of him and of  
himself; saying, "If this bearer had been so much desirous to please the emperor, and follow his  
religion, as he was studious to serve truly your Grace, and to advance the truth, he had not  
wanted," &c. And again: "And besides that, he hath not wanted the evil report of naughty  
fellows, naming him a Lutheran, wherein, for company, I was joined, such was their goodness,"  
&c. Again, in another letter written to the Lord Cromwell, these words he hath, speaking of his  
companion Dr. Heynes: "Especially for that the said Dr. Heynes, by his upright dealing herein,  
and professing the truth, neither got thanks nor reward, but was blazed abroad by honest folks to  
be a Lutheran. The less he pleaseth in Spain, the better argument it is, that his intent was to serve  
none but the king's Highness and the truth," &c.  
And furthermore, in another minute, writing to the Lord Cromwell of Stephen  
Winchester, and of his churlishness toward him, thus he saith: "And there found I, in Master Dr.  
Thirleby, much kindness, and in the bishop of Winchester as little," &c. And in the same letter it  
followeth: "And if I had received any entertainment of the bishop of Winchester, I would  
likewise have sent you word. I thank God I need not, for I had nothing of him," &c.  
Also in another letter, the said Bonner, writing to the Lord Cromwell concerning one  
Barnaby and himself, what cold welcome they both had at the hands of Winchester, used these  
words following: "And, my good Lord, I beseech you to continue your good favour to this honest  
poor man Barnaby, who is body and soul assuredly your own, and as well beloved of the bishop  
of Winchester as I am: and of my troth I suppose and believe verily, one of the chief grudges the  
bishop hath against him, is because your Lordship, of your charitable goodness, doth love and  
favour him.  
Another letter of Dr. Bonner to the Lord Cromwell, complaining of Winchester, and also  
declaring how he was promoted by the said Lord Cromwell, to the bishopric of Hereford.  
"My very singular especial good Lord, according to my most bounden duty, I recommend  
me right humbly unto your good Lordship, advertising the same, that the twenty-ninth of the last  
month, about four of the clock at afternoon, there arrived here Barnaby with your Lordship's  
letters, dated at Eutrecht the twenty-fourth of the same: and thinking that, at his said arrival, the  
bishop of Winchester, Master Thirleby, and I, had been all lodged together, whereas in very deed  
we had several lodgings, he went straight to the bishop of Winchester's lodging,. (Master  
Thirleby and I being then walking in the fields,) and the bishop incontinently inquired of him,  
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not how the king's Grace did, as was his duty, but, (as Barnaby told me,) inquired of him where  
he left the king's Grace at his coming away: whether he had brought any letters for him: whether  
Master Brian and Master Wallop were in the court at his departing: and finally, what news were  
in England. To the which questions, when Barnaby had made answer, saying that he left the  
king's Grace at Berlin, and that Master Brian and Master Wallop were in the court at his  
departing; and withal, that he had no letters from them, nor any other to him; and finally, for the  
news that the king's Highness had given me the bishopric of Hereford; the bishop (as Barnaby  
reporteth, and I doubt not but he saith truly) cast down his head, making a plaice-mouth with his  
lip, and afterwards lifting up his eyes and hands, (as cursing the day and hour it chanced,)  
seemed so evil contented therewith, that he would neither bid Barnaby drink, or tarry supper, nor  
yet further commune with him, but turning from him, called one Master Medow, and showed  
him of the same tidings, taking it (as it appeared) very heavily; semblably as he doeth every thing  
that is or may be for my preferment. And when Barnaby perceived that I was not there, and that  
also this comfortable countenance and good cheer were made unto him, he went thence and  
searched for me, who then was walking with Master Thirleby, as is before; and was by chance  
communing with him of the bishop of Winchester, giving him advertisement that he should not  
be abused by the said bishop, whom, I said, made him, not for any hearty love, I thought, he bare  
unto him, but either in despite of me, to whom he thought it should be greatly displeasant; either  
else under colour thereof, and by familiarity, for to grope him, and to serve his own crafty  
purposes by him.  
"And soon after the departure of Master Thirleby from me, who then went to the bishop  
to supper, I returned towards my lodging, and by the way met with Barnaby, whose salutation  
was after that sort, that it caused me to wonder at it, especially I having no expectation or hope of  
such thing as he rehearsed unto me. And surely, my good Lord, I would not believe him in the  
thing he told, till I perceived the same by the superscription of your Lordship's letter, which he  
afterwards delivered unto me: declaring withal (to my great comfort) the prosperous estate of the  
king's Highness, and of your good Lordship. Which known, I besought Almighty God to grant  
the long continuance thereof, and also, as was my duty, did give most humble thanks to the  
king's Highness, and to your said good Lordship. And hereupon, keeping your Lordship's letters  
still in my hands unbroken, I went incontinently to the lodging of Master Thirleby, which was in  
my way, to communicate these my news and great good fortune with him; and not finding him  
there, I read over your Lordship's letters, sending the same afterwards to Master Thirleby; and  
perceiving, by Barnaby, that he had other letters for me, which he told me he must deliver unto  
me secretly, I went to mine own lodging with him, and there receiving them accordingly, did  
read them over, both that, your Lordship's second letter sent to me, and also the other sent to  
Master Wyat, &c.  
Your Lordship's most bounden beadsman, And always at commandment,  
EDMUND BONNER."  
When the king, by the advice of the Lord Cromwell, and others of his council, had  
appointed Dr. Edmund Bonner to return from the emperor, and to be resident in France, in the  
place of Winchester and of Dr. Thirleby, he sent his letters to the said bishop of Winchester, and  
to Master Thirleby, showing his pleasure unto them in that behalf, with this clause in the same  
letters contained in express words as followeth:  
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"And whereas the said Master Bonner wanteth furniture of stuff and plate meet for that  
office, our pleasure is that you, Master Thirleby, shall deliver unto him by indenture, all the plate  
you have of ours in your custody, and that you, my Lord of Winchester, shall furnish him with  
all such other stuff, as shall be necessary for him; wherein as you shall do unto us pleasure, so  
we shall be content at your return, to satisfy you for the same," &c.  
The bishop of Winchester receiving these letters of the king, and being loth to come into  
England, (whatsoever the matter was,) also hearing that Dr. Bonner should succeed him, his  
disdainful nature did stomach him exceedingly. But because there was no other remedy but that  
the king's commandment must be done, first he sendeth the king's letter, with his also, to the  
emperor's court, unto Master Bonner, and to Dr. Heynes, willing them in all haste to repair to  
Lyons within two days. Beside these letters of Winchester, Dr. Thirleby adjoined his letters also,  
with like quickness, to the said Dr. Heynes and to Bonner, the contents whereof here follow:  
"With my hearty commendations, and the desire of your company, and now so much  
rather that I shall thereby have a great benefit, viz. the deliverance from trouble to ease, from a  
strange country to mine own, from the waiting upon him that forceth as little for me, as I am  
acquainted with him, to the service of him whose prosperity and love I account as my life; these  
shall be to pray you to make no less speed hither, than you would make to a good feast when that  
you be hungry. Master Bonner shall know many things, but when you come I shall tell you more,  
so that you haste you. Come, I pray you; I would fain be at home. I saw not my master these four  
months. When you, Master Bonner, shall come to Lyons, it shall be good to go to Bonvise; he is  
a good money-maker: in faith Ican write no more, but bid you come heartily, hastily,' I would  
have written, and the sooner the better welcome to Lyons, where this was given the last of July.  
By him that hath loved you well,  
And now will love you better,  
If you haste you hither,  
THOMAS THIRLEBY."  
At the receipt of these letters, Dr. Bonner and Dr. Heynes did put themselves in a  
readiness to repair incontinent unto Lyons, thinking there to have found Winchester and  
Thirleby, according to the purport of their letters. But Winchester and Thirleby, not abiding their  
coming, made haste away from Lyons to La Barella, where Bonner, riding in post after  
Winchester, overtook him. With whom what entertainment and talk he had, and what accusations  
he laid to his charge, and what brawling words passed between them, and what great misliking  
Bonner had of him for special causes here in this brabling matter or brawling dialogue, under  
following, may appear; which, for thy recreation, and the further understanding of Winchester's  
qualities, I wish thee, loving reader! to peruse and consider.  
But first, here is to be noted, that the king and the Lord Cromwell, at what time they had  
appointed Dr. Edmund Bonner to be resident ambassador in France, required in their letters, that  
he should advertise them by writing, what he did mislike in the doings and behaviour of certain  
persons whom they did note then unto him. Whereupon the said Dr. Bonner sendeth this  
declaration of Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, as followeth:  
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"First, I mislike in the bishop of Winchester, that when any man is sent in the king's  
affairs, and by his Highness's commandment, the bishop, unless he be the only and chief inventor  
of the matter and setter-forth of the person, he will not only use many cavillations, but also use  
great strangeness in countenance and cheer to the person that is sent: over and besides, as small  
comfort and counsel as may be in the matter; rather dissuading and discouraging the person  
earnestly to set forward his message, than imboldening and comforting him, as is his duty, with  
help and counsel to adventure and do his best therein. The experience whereof I have had myself  
with him, as well at Rouen, the first time I was sent to Rome, commanded by the king's Highness  
to come by him, and at Marseilles, the time of the intimation of the king's protestation,  
provocation, and appeal; as also lately, going to Nice, touching the general council, and the  
authority of the bishop of Rome; and finally, now last of all, at my return from Spain, where  
neither my diligence in coming to him, and using him in the beginning with all the reverence I  
could, neither the king's letters written unto him in my favour, nor yet other thing could mollify  
his hard heart and cankered malicious stomach, but that he would spitefully speak, and unkindly  
do; as indeed he did, to his great shame and my dishonesty, as followeth:  
"When riding in post I came to La Barella, a post on this side Lyons, the seventh day of  
August, he being in bed there, I tarried till he, rising up and making himself ready, came at last  
out to me, standing and tarrying for him in a second chamber; and at his coming thither, he said,  
'What, Master Bonner! good morrow! Ah sir, ye be welcome;' and herewithal he put out his  
hand, and I, kissing mine, took him by it, and incontinently after he said, 'Come on, let us go and  
walk awhile into the fields;' and withal drew towards the door, preparing him to walk. To whom  
I said, I would wait upon him. His going to the fields, (as appeared afterwards,) was not so much  
to walk, as to have a place where he might speak loud, and triumph alone against me, calling in  
his words again, if he spake any amiss; or utterly deny them, if that made for his purpose. And by  
chance, rather than by good wisdom, afore I went forth, I asked for Master Thirleby, and desired  
I might see him and speak with him. The bishop that perceiving, and, withal, that I stuck upon it,  
he commanded one of his servants to call Master Thirleby; but yet, afore his coming, the bishop  
could not be idle, but said this to me: 'Master Bonner! your servant was yesterday with me, and  
as I told him, I will tell you: In good faith you can have nothing of me.' 'Nothing, my Lord!'  
quoth I, merrily speaking, marry, God forbid! that is a heavy word, and much uncomfortable to  
him that wanteth all things, and trusteth much upon your goodness that hath a great deal.' 'In  
faith,' quoth he, 'ye shall have nothing of me: marry, ye shall have of Master Thirleby, his  
carriage, mules, his bed, and divers other things, that he may spare; and which he hath kept for  
you.' 'Well, my Lord!' quoth I, 'if I shall have nothing of you, I must make as good shift as I can  
for myself otherwise, and provide it where I may get it.'  
"And here the bishop, because I would not give him thanks for that thing which was not  
worthy thanks, and that also I would not show myself greatly contented and pleased, though I  
received nothing at his hands, he began somewhat to kindle, and asked what I wanted. I told him  
again, that I wanted all things saving money and good will to serve the king's Highness. 'Tell me  
one thing,' quoth he, 'that you want.' 'One thing,' quoth I, 'marry, amongst many things that I  
want, I want napery.' 'That shall ye not need,' quoth he, 'here in this country:' and here he began  
to tell a long tale, that none used that, but Master Wallop and he, in the beginning: which is not  
true generally. And from this he began to go, descending by his negatives: 'My mulets,' said he,  
'
ye cannot have, for if ye should, I must needs provide others for them again: my mulet-cloths ye  
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cannot have, because mine arms are on them, not meet for you to bear: my raiment, (I being  
bishop,) that is not meet for you.' And so proceeding forth in the rest, nothing had he for me, and  
nothing should I have.  
"And here came Master Thirleby, who welcomed me very gently, and after an honest  
sort: to whom the bishop rehearseth again his negatives, and maketh a long discourse, bringing in  
conclusion, for all that he could do, that nothing I should have of him and this rehearsed he still  
on end I am sure above a dozen times, and that with a pilot's voice; so that all his company,  
standing more than three or four pair of butt lengths off, heard him.  
"When I saw that he would make no end, but ever rehearsed one thing still, I said to him,  
'My Lord! I beseech you, seeing I shall have nothing of you, but of Master doctor here, let me  
give him thanks that deserveth it, and trouble you therein no more: but leaving communication  
therein, let me desire and pray you, that we may commune of the king's matters; and that I may  
have therein knowledge, as well of the state thereof, as also of your counsel in that behalf.'  
"The bishop was so hot and warm in his own matters, that he would not hear, but needs  
would return again, and show why that I could have nothing of him. 'My Lord!' quoth I, 'here is  
still on end one tale, which methinketh, seeing that I understand it, ye need not so oft repeat it,  
especially seeing that it cometh always to this conclusion, that I shall have nothing of you.' 'Ye  
lie,' quoth he, 'I said not so.' 'I report me,' quoth I, 'to Master Thirleby here present, whom I shall  
desire to bear record of your sad and discreet honest behaviour with me.' 'I say you lie,' quoth he.  
'My Lord!' quoth I, 'I thank you.' 'I do not say,' quoth he, 'that ye shall have nothing of me; but I  
say you can have nothing of me. And though the one here comprehendeth the other, yet there is a  
great diversity between these two manners of speaking: I can spare nothing unto you, and  
therefore ye shall have nothing; and though I can spare you, yet you shall have nothing; — for in  
the one is an honesty in the speaker, which would, if he could, do pleasure; and in the other there  
lacketh that honesty.  
"
'My Lord!' quoth I, 'to examine whether I shall have nothing, because ye can spare  
nothing: or shall have nothing, though ye have plenty, because ye will I shall have nothing, it  
shall not much help me in my journey. Wherefore, seeing ye bide upon this, that I shall have  
nothing, I will thank you for nothing, and provide otherwise for myself.' 'Dirt in your teeth!'  
quoth he, 'and provide as ye will.' 'Bishop-like spoken, by my faith,' quoth I, 'and well it  
becometh you to speak thus to me.' 'Yea marry! doth it become me,' quoth he: and repeating, the  
words again, said with a sharp accent, 'Have nothing of me? Dirt in your teeth!' 'Well, my Lord!'  
quoth I, this needeth not, saving that ye have a full stomach, and your wit abroad, willingly  
hereby to ease your stomach against me.' 'Yes, marry,' quoth he, 'it needeth for me, though it  
needeth not for you; for I intend,' quoth he, 'I would ye should know it, to justify myself to the  
king in all things.' 'If ye do so,' quoth I, 'ye shall do the better.' 'Nay,' quoth he, 'I do it, and will  
do it.' 'Well,' quoth I, 'ye are the more to be commended, if ye so can do.' 'Yes,' quoth he, 'I can  
do it.'  
"
'Now, by my troth,' quoth I, 'seeing the king's Highness hath written so tenderly for me  
unto you, as appeareth by his Highness's letters that his Grace hath done, me thinketh, ye having  
so great plenty of all things, and I so great need thereof, coming post, as I do, ye go about as evil  
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to justify yourself to the king, as any one that I have seen. And I wish, my Lord,' quoth I, 'I  
would have reckoned, that coming as I do come, I should have been both better welcome, and  
better treated of you, than now I am, even and it had been for no other respect, than because I am  
an Englishman.'  
"
'I shall tell you,' quoth he, 'for the king's sake, ye may look to have: but for your own  
sake, ye get nothing.' 'Well,' quoth I, 'then having nothing, I will give no thanks at all; and having  
any thing, I shall give thanks to the king, and none to you.' 'I tell you,' quoth he, 'ye get nothing:'  
'and I tell you again,' quoth I, 'that I will thank you for nothing.' And here the flesh of his cheek  
began to swell and tremble, and he looked upon me as he would have run me through; and I  
came and stood even by him, and said, 'Trow you, my Lord!' quoth I, 'that I fear your great  
looks? Nay, faith! do I not. Ye had need to get another stomach to whet upon than mine, and a  
better whetstone than any ye have; for, I assure you, you shall not whet me to your purpose: and  
if ye knew how little I do set by this unloving and indiscreet behaviour of yours, ye wouldnot use  
it upon me. And I shall tell you,' quoth I, 'if I were not bridled, and had not other respects both to  
the king's Highness, my sovereign lord, and also unto others that may command me, I would  
have told you, ere this time, my mind after another sort.' 'Tell me?' quoth he, 'dirt in your teeth!'  
'Well, my Lord!' quoth I, 'ye would, I perceive by you, and by your words, provoke me to speak  
as indiscreetly and bedlamly, as ye do: but surely ye shall not, howsoever ye shall speak. But this  
will I tell you, I shall show you how I am handled of you.' 'Marry, spare not,' quoth he. 'Well, my  
Lord!' quoth I, 'you have here full well played the part of a bishop, and it is great joy of you, that  
with this your furious anger and choler, ye can make all the company here about you to be  
ashamed of you, as I am sure they are. And for my part, if ye yourself be not ashamed, or,  
coming to yourself, (for now your anger is such that you hear not yourself,) be not displeased, I  
shall be ashamed, and pity this your doing without wisdom; and the oftener you use this manner,  
the more shall it be to your dishonesty.'  
"
'Lo!' quoth he, 'how fondly he speaketh, as who saith, I were all in the blame. Will you  
not hear,' quoth he, 'this wise man?' 'My Lord!' quoth I, 'I would you could hear with indifferent  
ears, and see with indifferent eyes, yourself. Ye have made a brabling here for nothing, and  
would that I should give you thanks for that thing which Master Thirleby hath done for me.' 'I  
look for no thanks of you,' quoth he; and said withal, looking spitefully, that he knew me well  
enough; and that he was not deceived in me. 'Well!' quoth I, 'and methinks I know you well  
enough too; wherefore, as ye say you are not deceived in me, so I trust I will not be deceived by  
you. But I pray you, sir,' quoth I, 'because ye say ye know me well enough, and that ye be not  
deceived in me, How do you know me? for honest and true, or otherwise? If you do, say it, and I  
shall make answer.'  
"
I could not drive him to answer hereunto; so that I suppose, either of his own naughty  
nature he hath made me an image after his own fantasy, or else believed the report of such in  
conditions as he is himself, who, in malice, I suppose, and disdain, may be compared to the devil  
in hell, not giving place to him in pride at all. In communication he repeated oft the provision of  
the thousand crowns. I told him they went in my diets, and that it would be a good while afore  
they were come out. And further I said, that seeing they had been simpliciter given to me, I  
would never thank him for them, but the king's Highness; and I said, that if they were twenty  
thousand, he should break so many sleeps, afore he should have any part thereof, entreating me  
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as he did. 'Well,' quoth he, you have them.' 'That is truth,' quoth I, 'and nothing thankful to you.'  
'
Why then,' quoth he, 'seeing you have here divers things of Master Thirleby's, and all other  
things are parabilia pecunia, which you have, ye may make thereby good provision for yourself.'  
That is truth,' quoth I; 'and that can I and will do, though ye tell me not, seeing I have nothing of  
'
you, and afore this had provided at Lyons for all things necessary, if ye without necessity had not  
made that great haste to depart thence, enforcing me thereby to follow you. And yet,' quoth I,  
'one thing may I tell you: ye are very desirous I should be provided well for, as appeareth in that  
you have taken away at Lyons one horse that Francis had provided for me, and also your servant  
Mace, having a horse to sell, and knowing my need, by your consent hath sold his horse to a  
stranger, rather than he would sell him to me. So that nothing suffering me to have of you, and  
taking away that provision which I make, and go about to make, you well declare how heartily  
you desire I should be provided for.' 'In faith,' quoth he, 'choose you, ye may provide and you  
will; and seeing your journey hither from Lyons is vain, you may thither return again, and make  
there provision for yourself.' 'I thought,' quoth he, 'departing from Lyons, to have made easy  
journeys, and to have followed the court till you had come, and now come you, squirting in post,  
and trouble all.' 'I came forth in post,' quoth I, 'by the commandment of the king my master, and  
had liberty to return at pleasure by his Grace's letters; and seeing that I had no horses for the  
journey, methought better to ride in post than go afoot.' 'Well,' quoth he, 'I will not depart hence  
this twelvemonth, except ye be otherwise provided.' 'Provided?' quoth I, 'I must tarry till I may  
be provided for horses, if ye speak of that provision: and seeing that this riding in post grieveth  
you, it causeth me to think you are loth to depart, and angry that I shall succeed you. I have here  
already two gowns and a velvet jacket, so that you shall not be letted an hour by me.'  
"
'I tell you,' quoth he, 'ye shall otherwise provide, or else I will not depart. For I tell you,'  
quoth he, 'though you care not for the king's honour, but wretchedly do live with ten shillings a-  
day, as ye did in yonder parts, you and your companion, I must and will consider the king's  
honour.' 'And I tell you again,' quoth I, 'I will and do consider the king's honour as much as ye at  
any time will do, and as sorry will be, that it should be touched by any negligence or default in  
me: yea, and I say more to you,' quoth I, 'though ye may spend far above me, I shall not stick, if  
any thing be to bespent for the king's honour, to spend as liberally as you, so long as either I have  
it, or can get it to spend. And whosoever informed you of the wretchedness and spending  
scarcely of my companion and me in the parts where we have been, made a false lie, and ye  
show your wisdom full well in so lightly believing and rehearsing such a tale.' 'I cannot tell,'  
quoth he, 'but this was openly rehearsed by Master Brian's servants at my table.' 'Yea, was it?'  
quoth I. 'Yea, marry was it,' quoth he. 'Now, by my troth,' quoth I, 'then was the fare that was  
bestowed upon them very well cast away: for, of my fidelity, that week that Master Brian and his  
servants were with us at Villa Franca, it cost my companion and me five and twenty pounds in  
the charges of the housel' 'This, they say,' quoth he. 'Yea,' quoth I, 'and therein they lie.'  
"And here I showed him, that being well settled at Nice, and having made there good and  
honest provision, to our no little charges, Master Wyat would not rest till he had gotten us to  
Villa Franca, where, even upon the first words of Master Heynes, he was right well content to  
take of us twenty shillings by the day; which was not during ten days: whereas, at his coming to  
us to Nice, himself and all his servants, and then tarrying with us two days, we took not one  
penny of him. And moreover, at the departing of Master Wyat from Villa Franca, in post, into  
England, we found ourselves, our servants, all Master Wyat's servants, to the number of sixteen,  
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all his acquaintance, which, dinner and supper, continually came to us; sometimes twelve,  
sometimes ten, and, when they were least, six or eight; and for this we had not one penny of  
Master Wyat. And yet at our coming from Barcelona, where we tarried about eight days, we  
gave to Master Wyat twenty-eight livres, and to his servants five livres, besides forty shillings  
that privately I gave to some, being of gentle fashion, out of mine own purse: so that I told him,  
it was neither Master Wyat, nor Mason, that found us and our servants, but we paid for the  
finding of them: and here it chanced to us to have all the charge, and other men to have all the  
thanks.  
"The bishop when he heard this was amazed, and stood still, finally saying, 'By my troth,'  
quoth he, 'I tell you as it was told me, and Master doctor here can tell whether it was so or no.  
Yea, and I will tell you more,' quoth he, 'they said that Master Heynes would have been more  
liberal a great deal, if you had not been.' '.Now, by my troth,' quoth I, 'I shall therein make  
Master Heynes himself judge thereof, who can best tell what communication hath been between  
him and me therein.'  
"Thinking that this communication had driven the other matters out of the bishop's wild  
head, I held my peace and by and by was he in hand again with them, as hot as ever he was. 'My  
Lord!' quoth I, 'I desired ere while your Lordship to make an end of this communication, wherein  
the longer ye talk, the more ye make me believe that you would, (where ye have spoken  
undiscreetly, yea, and unkindly, not regarding the king's letters,) with multitude of words, and  
great countenance, I should think ye had not done amiss. But surely you lose your labour, for ye  
shall never make me think that ye are desirous to do me pleasure, neither for mine own sake, nor  
for the king's: for if your words be well weighed, I have as much of you indeed for mine own  
sake, as I have for the king's sake; that is, nothing at all.'  
"Here both of us were talking together; but I held on still, and ever enforced him to this:  
'My Lord!' quoth I, 'this is the thing that I shall only desire of you; that whereas the king's Grace  
hath here, in the French court, divers affairs, (as I take it,) ye would therein instruct me in the  
state thereof, and give me your best counsel and advice: and this I protest unto you, that if ye this  
will do, I will attentively hear you and if ye will not, I shall with pain hear you in your other  
things, but I will make no answer at all.'  
"For all this the bishop ended not; but in conclusion, when he saw that he could by no  
means induce me to answer, he returned homewards, and I brought him unto his lodging and  
chamber.  
"
It being dinner time, and all things provided, and standing afore him, and he turning his  
back from me into a window — I, at his turning towards me again, put off my bonnet, and said,  
God be with you, my Lord!' He gave no answer to me at all, nor countenance, but suffered me to  
'
go. Whereupon, returning to my lodging, which was in Master Thirleby's chamber, I caused my  
dinner to be provided; and when it was almost ready, the bishop's steward, called Myrrel, came  
for me, (whether sent from the bishop or not, I cannot tell,) and I told him my dinner was  
provided for, and withal, that my Lord, his master, had given me such a breakfast, that I needed  
no dinner nor supper; and so the steward, drinking with me, returned again, and I went to dinner  
at Master Thirleby's lodging, and after dinner I went to the bishop's lodging, who, at my coming,  
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very gently put off his bonnet, and so we walked together quietly awhile; and shortly after, the  
bishop began after this manner: 'Master Bonner! to-day we communed of provision for you, and  
because ye shall lay no blame upon me, I will tell you what I will do for you: I will provideand  
make ready for you mules, mulets, horses, servants, money; yea, and all things that shall be  
necessary.'  
"
'My Lord!' quoth I, 'here is a large offer, and a great kindness come upon you; I marvel,'  
quoth I, 'that I could hear nothing of this to-day in the morning.' 'I tell you,' quoth he, 'this will I  
do; for know you, that I will consider the king's honour and pleasure, and doubt not but the king  
will pay me again.' 'My Lord!' quoth I, 'I have sent my servant already to Lyons, to make  
provision for me, and I have sent others abroad here into the town and country, to do the same:  
ye shall never need to trouble yourself herewith.' 'I will,' quoth he, 'you shall not say, another  
day, that ye could not be provided for.' 'My Lord!' quoth I, 'let me have instructions in the king's  
matters, and as for other things, I shall not ask of you, because this day ye made me so plain  
answer.'  
"After much communication I departed from him lovingly, telling him that I would be at  
Ferrara that night, where he intended to be lodged. And so the bishop, bidding me farewell, took  
soon after his horse, riding to Ferrara to bed; and by the way I overtook him, and passing by,  
doing my duty to him and his company, I came to Ferrara, lodging at the post-house, and even as  
the bishop came into the town, stood at the post-house door; to whom the bishop said, 'We shall  
see you soon, Master Bonner!' 'Yea, my Lord!' quoth I, thinking that thereby he had desired me  
to supper, and at supper-time I went to his lodging, having others to eat my supper at home; and  
glad he appeared to be that I was come, making merry communication all supper while, but  
nothing at all yet speaking to me, or giving any thing to me, saving, at the doming of the fruit, he  
gave me a pear, I trow, because I should remember mine own country. After supper, he walked,  
taking Master Thirleby with him, and I walked with an Italian, being ambassador for the Count  
Mirandula; and after a good space we returned, and bade the bishop good night.  
"
I did not after that night dine or sup with the bishop, till he came to Bourges in Berry,  
where, upon the depeach of Francis, and closing up of our letters sent to the king's Highness, the  
supper was so provided, and set upon the board; and the bishop in washing, standing so between  
me and the door that I could not get out; and there would he needs that I should wash with him  
and sup. And I suppose, all the way from Barella to Blois, he talked not above four times with  
me, and at every time, saving at Moulines, (where he by mouth told me somewhat of the king's  
affairs here in France,) and at Varron, (when he, answering to my request in writing, delivered  
me his book of his own hand for mine instructions, the copy whereof is now sent herewithal,)  
there was quick communication between us. His talking by the way was with Master Thirleby,  
who, I think, knoweth a great deal of his doing, and will, if he be the man I take him for, tell it  
plainly to your Lordship. I myself was out of credence with the bishop, not being appliable to his  
manners and desires.  
"And surely, as Master Thirleby told me at his first coming to Lyons, and then speaking  
with the bishop, the bishop seemed to be so well content to return, and so glad of his coming to  
succeed him, that his flesh in his face began all to tremble, and yet would the bishop make men  
believe, that he would gladly come home: which thing, believe it who will, I will never believe;  
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for ever he was looking for letters out of England, from Master Wallop and Master Brian, whom  
he taketh for his great friends. And Master Wyat himself reckoned, that the bishop should have  
come into Spain, or else my lord of Durham; so that the bishop of Winchester ever coveted to  
protract the time, desiring yet withal to have some shadow to excuse and hide himself; as  
tarrying at Barella, he made excuse by my not coming to Lyons: and coming to Varennes, and  
there, hearing by the ambassadors of the Venetians a flying tale of the going of the French king  
towards Bayonne, to meet the emperor, by and by he said, 'Lo! where is Master Diligence now?  
If he were now here, (as then I was that night,) we would to the court and present him, and take  
our leave.' But when I in the morning was up afore him, and ready to horse, he was nothing  
hasty. No; coming to Moulines afore him, and there tarrying for him, the French king lying at  
Schavenna, three small leagues off, he made not half the speed and haste that he pretended.  
"
I mislike in the bishop of Winchester, that he cannot be content that any, joined in  
commission with him, should keep house, but to be at his table. Wherein either he searcheth  
thereby a vain glory and pride to himself, with some dishonour to the king, as who saith, there  
was among all the king's ambassadors but one able to maintain a table, and that were he; or else  
he doth the same for an evil intent and purpose, to bring them thereby into his danger, that they  
shall say and do as liketh him alone; which, I suppose verily, hath been his intent.  
"
I mislike in the said bishop, that where he, for his own pomp and glory, hath a great  
number of servants in their velvets and silks, with their chains about their necks, and keepeth a  
costly table withexcessive fare, and exceeding expenses many other ways, he doth say, and is not  
ashamed to report, that he is so commanded to do by the king's Grace; and that is his answer  
commonly, when his friends tell him of his great charges; and so, under colour of the king's  
commandment and honour, he hideth his pride, which is here disdained.  
"
I mislike in the said bishop, that he, having private hatred against a man, will rather  
satisfy his own stomach and affection, hindering and neglecting the king's affairs, than, relenting  
in any part of his sturdy and stubborn will, give familiar and hearty counsel (whereby the king's  
Highness's matters and business may be advanced and set forth) to him that he taketh for his  
adversary.  
"
I mislike in the said bishop, that he ever continually, here in this court of France, made  
incomparably more of the emperor's, king of Portugal's, Venetians', and duke of Ferrara's  
ambassadors, than of any Frenchmen in the court, which, with his pride, caused them to disdain  
him, and to think that he favoured not the French king, but was imperial.  
"
I mislike in the bishop, that there is so great familiarity and acquaintance, yea, and much  
mutual confidence, between the said bishop and M., as naughty a fellow, and as very a papist, as  
any that I know, where he dare express it. The bishop, in his letters to Master Wyat, ever sendeth  
special commendations to Mason, and yet refuseth to send any to Master Heynes and me, being  
with Master Wyat, as we perceived by the said letters. And Mason maketh such foundation of the  
bishop, that he thinketh there is none such; and he told me at Villa Franca, that the bishop, upon  
a time, when he had fallen out with Germain, so trusted him, that weeping and sobbing he came  
unto him, desiring and praying him that he would speak with Germain, and reconcile him, so that  
no words were spoken of it: and what the matter was, he would not tell me; that young fellow  
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Germain knoweth all. And Preston, who is servant to the bishop of Winchester, showed me one  
night in my chamber at Blois, after supper, that Germain is ever busy in showing the king's  
letters to strangers, and that he himself hath given him warning thereof. This thing Preston told  
me the night before that the bishop departed hence, and when I would have had more of him  
therein, be, considering how the bishop and I stood, kept him more close, and would say no  
further."  
In this declaration of Dr. Edmund Bonner, above prefixed, sent to the Lord Cromwell,  
divers things we have to note: First, as touching Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester; here  
we have a plain demonstration of his vile nature and pestilent pride, joined with malice and  
disdain intolerable: whereof worthily complaineth Dr. Bonner aforesaid, showing six special  
causes, why and wherefore he misliketh that person, according as he was willed before, by the  
king's commandment, so to do.  
Secondly, In the said Stephen Winchester, this we have also to note and understand, that  
as he here declareth a secret inclination from the truth (which he defended before in his book De  
Obedientia) to papistry, joining part and side with such as were known papists; so he seemeth  
likewise to bear a like secret grudge against the Lord Cromwell, and all such whomsoever he  
favoured.  
Thirdly, As concerning the before-named Dr. Edmund Bonner, the author of this  
declaration, here is to be seen and noted, that he, all this while, appeared a good man, and a  
diligent friend to the truth; and that he was favoured of the Lord Cromwell for the same.  
Fourthly, That the said Dr. Bonner was not only favoured of the Lord Cromwell, but also  
by him was advanced first to the office of legation, then to the bishopric of Hereford, and lastly  
to the bishopric of London; whom the said Dr. Bonner, in his letters, agnizeth, and confesseth to  
be his only patron, and singular Mecænas.  
Which being so, we have in this said Dr. Bonner greatly to marvel, what should be the  
cause that he, seeing all his setting-up, making, and preferring, came only by the gospel, and by  
them of the gospel's side, he, being then so hated of Stephen Gardiner, and such as he was; being  
also at that time such a furtherer and defender of the gospel, (as appeareth both by his preface  
before Gardiner's book De Obedientia. and by his writings to the Lord Cromwell; also by helping  
forward the printed bibles at Paris,) could ever be a man so ungrateful and unkind afterwards, to  
join part with the said Stephen Gardiner against the gospel, (without the which gospel he had  
never come to be bishop, either of Hereford, or yet of London,) and now to abuse the same  
bishopric of London, to persecute that so vehemently which before so openly he defended?  
Wherein the same may well be said to him in this case, that he himself was reported once to say  
to the French king in the cause of Grancetor; to wit, that he had done therein against God, against  
his honour, against justice, against honesty, against friendship, against his own promise and his  
oath so often made, against his own doctrine and judgment which then he professed, against all  
truth, against the treaties and leagues between him and his setters-up, and against all together;  
and, to conclude, against the salvation of his own soul, which would God he would have mercy  
upon, although he had showed want of mercy unto others!  
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But to refer this to the book of His accounts, who shall judge one day all things uprightly,  
let us proceed further in the continuation of this Dr. Bonner's legation; who, being now  
ambassador in the court of France, as ye have heard, had given him in commission from the king  
to treat with the French king for sundry points, as for the printing of the New Testament in  
English, and the Bible at Paris; also for slanderous preachers, and malicious speakers against the  
king; for goods of merchants taken and spoiled; for the king's pension to be paid; for the matters  
of the duke of Suffolk; for certain prisoners in France. Item, For Grancetor the traitor, and certain  
other rebels, to be sent into England, &c. Touching all which affairs, the said Dr. Bonner did  
employ his diligence and travail to the good satisfaction and contentment of the king's mind, and  
discharge of his duty in such sort as no default could be found in him; save only that the French  
king, one time, took displeasure with him, for that the said Bonner, being now made bishop of  
Hereford, and bearing himself somewhat more seriously and boldly before the king, in the cause  
of Grancetor the traitor, (wherein he was willed, by the advertisement of the king's pleasure, to  
wade more deeply and instantly,) used these words to the French king, (as the French king  
himself did afterwards report them,) saying, that he had done, in deliverance of that aforesaid  
Grancetor, being an Englishman, against God, against his honour, against justice, against reason,  
against honesty, against friendship, against all law, against the treaties and leagues between him  
and his brother the king of England; yea, and against all together, &c. These words of Bishop  
Bonner, although he denieth to have spoken them in that form and quality, yet; howsoever they  
were spoken, did stir up the stomach of the French king to conceive high displeasure against him,  
insomuch that he, answering the lord ambassador again, bade him write these three things unto  
his master:  
First, Among other things, that his ambassador was a great fool.  
Secondarily, That he caused to be done better justice there in his realm in one hour, than  
they did in England in a whole year.  
Thirdly, That if it were not for the love of his master, he should have a hundred strokes  
with a halbert, &c.  
And furthermore, the said French king beside this, sending a special messenger with his  
letters to the king of England, willed him to revoke and call this ambassador home, and to send  
him another. The cause why the French king took these words of Bishop Bonner so to stomach,  
(as the lord chancellor said,) was this: For that the kings of France, standing chiefly, and in  
manner only, upon their honour, can suffer that in no case to be touched. Otherwise, in those  
words (if they had been well taken) was not so much blame, perchance, as boldness, being  
spoken somewhat vehemently in his master's behalf. But this one thing seemeth to me much  
blameworthy, both in this bishop, and many others, that they, in earthly matters, and to please  
terrene kings, will put forth themselves to such a boldness and forwardness; and in Christ's  
cause, the King of all kings, whose cause they should only attend upon and tender, they are so  
remiss, cold, and cowardly.  
To these letters of the French king, the king of England sent answer again by other letters,  
in which he revoked and called home again Bishop Bonner, giving unto him, about the same  
time, the bishopric of London; and sent in supply of his place Sir John Wallop, a great friend to  
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Stephen Gardiner: which was in February, about the beginning of the year of our Lord 1540.  
Here now followeth the oath of Bonner to the king, when he was made bishop of London.  
The oath of Dr. Edmund Bonner, when he was made bishop of London, against the pope of  
Rome.  
"Ye shall never consent nor agree that the bishop of Rome shall practise, exercise, or  
have any manner of authority, jurisdiction, or power within this realm, or any other the king's  
dominion; but that you shalt resist the same at all times, to the uttermost of your power: and that  
from henceforth ye shall accept, repute, and take the king's Majesty to be the only supreme head  
in earth of the Church of England; and that to your cunning, wit, and uttermost of your power,  
without guile, fraud, or other undue mean, ye shall observe, keep, maintain, and defend, the  
whole effects and contents of all and singular acts and statutes made, and to be made, within this  
realm, in derogation, extirpation, and extinguishment of the bishop of Rome, and his authority;  
and all other acts and statutes made, and to be made, in reformation and corroboration of the  
king's power of supreme head in the earth of the Church of England. And this ye shall do against  
all manner of persons, of what estate, dignity, degree, or condition they be; and in no wise do, or  
attempt, or to your power suffer to be done or attempted, directly or indirectly, any thing or  
things, privily or apertly, to the let, hinderance, damage,or derogation thereof, or of any part  
thereof, by any manner of means, or for any manner of pretence. And in case any oath be made,  
or hath been made, by you to any person or persons in maintenance or favour of the bishop of  
Rome, or his authority, jurisdiction, or power, ye repute the same as vain and annihilated. So  
help you God, &c.  
"
In fidem præmissorum ego Edmundus Bonner, electus et confirmatus Londinensis  
episcopus, huic præsenti chartæ subscripsi."  
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1
91. Ecclesiastical Matters, A.D. 1538.  
It will be judged, that I have lingered, peradventure, too much in these outward affairs of  
princes and ambassadors: wherefore, leaving these by-matters pertaining to the civil state awhile,  
I mind (the Lord willing) to put my story in order again, of such occurrents as belong unto the  
church, first showing such injunctions and articles as were devised and set forth by the king, for  
the behoof of his subjects. Wherein, first, is to be understood, that the king, when he had taken  
the title of supremacy from the bishop of Rome, and had translated the same to himself, and was  
now a full prince in his own realm, although he well perceived, by the wisdom and advice of the  
Lord Cromwell and other of his council, that the corrupt state of the church had need of  
reformation in many things; yet because he saw how stubborn and untoward the hearts of many  
papists were, to be brought from their old persuasions and customs, and what business he had  
with them only about the matter of the pope's title, he durst not by and by reform all at once,  
(which notwithstanding had been to be wished,) but leading them fairly and softly, as he might,  
proceeded by little and little, to bring greater purposes to perfection (which he no doubt would  
have done, if the Lord Cromwell had lived); and therefore first he began with a little book of  
articles, (partly above touched;) bearing this title: "Articles devised by the king's Highness, to  
stable Christian quietness and unity among the people," &c.  
Articles devised by the king.  
In the contents of which book, first he set forth the articles of our Christian creed, which  
are necessarily and expressly to be believed by all men. Then, with the king's preface going  
before, followeth the declaration of three sacraments; to wit, of baptism, of penance, and of the  
sacrament of the altar; in the tractation whereof, he altereth nothing from the old trade received  
heretofore from the Church of Rome.  
"Further then, proceeding to the order and cause of our justification, he declareth, that the  
only mercy and grace of the Father, promised freely unto us for his Son's sake Jesus Christ, and  
the merits of his passion and blood, be the only sufficient and worthy causes of our justification;  
yet good works, with inward contrition, hope, and charity, and all other spiritual graces and  
motions, be necessarily required, and must needs concur also in remission of our sins; that is, our  
justification: and afterwards, we, being justified, must also have good works of charity, and  
obedience towards God, in the observing and fulfilling outwardly of his laws and  
commandments, &c.  
"As touching images, he willeth all bishops and preachers to teach the people in such sort  
as they may know how they may use them safely in churches, and not abuse them to idolatry, as  
thus: that they be representers of virtue and good example, and also, by occasion, may be stirrers  
of men's minds, and make them to remember themselves, and to lament their sins; and so far he  
permitteth them to stand in churches. But otherwise, for avoiding of idolatry, he chargeth all  
bishops and preachers diligently to instruct the people, that they commit no idolatry unto them,  
in censing of them, in kneeling and offering to them, with other like worshippings, which ought  
not to be done, but only to God.  
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"And likewise for honouring of saints, the bishops and preachers be commanded to  
inform the people, how saints, hence departed, ought to be reverenced and honoured, and how  
not: that is, that they are to be praised and honoured as the elect servants of Christ, or rather  
Christ to be praised in them for their excellent virtues planted in them, and for their good  
example left us, teaching us to live in virtue and in goodness, and not to fear to die for Christ, as  
they did. And also as advancers of our prayers in that they may; but yet no confidence, nor any  
such honour to be given unto them, which is only due to God; and so forth: charging the said  
spiritual persons to teach their flock, that all grace, and remission of sins, and salvation, can no  
otherwise be obtained but of God only, by the mediation of our Saviour Christ, who only is a  
sufficient Mediator for our sins: that all grace and remission of sin must proceed only by the  
mediation of Christ and no other.  
"From that he cometh further to speak of rites and ceremonies in Christ's church; as in  
having vestments used in God's service, sprinkling of holy water, giving of holy bread, bearing  
of candles on Candlemas-day, taking of ashes, bearing of palms, creeping to the cross, setting up  
the sepulchre, hallowing of the font, with other like customs, rites,and ceremonies; all which old  
rites and customs the aforesaid book doth not by and by repeal, but so far admitteth them for  
good and laudable, as they put men in remembrance of spiritual things: but so that the people  
withal must be instructed, how the said ceremonies contain in them no such power to remit sin,  
but that to be referred unto God only, by whom only our sins be forgiven us.  
"And so, concluding with purgatory, he maketh an end of those articles, thus saying  
thereof, that because the book of Maccabees alloweth praying for souls departed, he therefore  
disproveth not that so laudable a custom, so long continued in the church. But because there is no  
certain place named, nor kind of pains expressed in Scripture, he therefore thinketh necessary  
such abuses clearly to be put away, which under the name of purgatory have been advanced; as  
to make men believe, that by the bishop of Rome's pardons, or by masses said at Scala Cœli, or  
other where, in any place, or before any image, souls might clearly be delivered out of purgatory,  
and from the pains thereof, to be sent straight to heaven; and such other like abuses," &c.  
And these were the contents of that book of articles, devised and passed, by the king's  
authority, a little before the stir of Lincolnshire and Yorkshire; wherein, although there were  
many and great imperfections and untruths not to be permitted in any true reformed church, yet  
notwithstanding, the king and his council, to bear with the weaklings which were newly weaned  
from their mother's milk of Rome, thought it might serve somewhat for the time, instead of a  
little beginning, till better come.  
And so consequently, not long after these articles thus set forward, certain other  
injunctions were also given out about the same year 1536, whereby a number of holy-days were  
abrogated; and especially such as fell in the harvest time, the keeping of which redounded greatly  
to the hinderance of gathering in their corn, hay, fruit, and other such-like necessary  
commodities; the copy and tenor of which injunctions I have also hereunto annexed, as under  
followeth:  
"Forasmuch as the number of holy-days is so excessively grown, and yet daily more and  
more, by men's devotion, yea, rather superstition, was like further to increase, that the same was,  
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and should be, not only prejudicial to the common weal, by reason that it is occasion as well of  
much sloth and idleness, the very nurse of thieves, vagabonds, and of divers other unthriftiness  
and inconvenience, as of decay of good mysteries and arts profitable and necessary for the  
commonwealth, and loss of man's food, (many times being clean destroyed through the  
superstitious observance of the said holy-days, in not taking the opportunity of good and serene  
weather offered upon the same in time of harvest,) but also pernicious to the souls of many men,  
which being enticed by the licentious vacation and liberty of those holy-days, do upon the same  
commonly use and practise more excess, riot, and superfluity, than upon any other days. And  
since the sabbath day was used and ordained but for man's use, and therefore ought to give place  
to the necessity and behoof of the same, whensoever that shall occur, much rather than any other  
holy-day instituted by man; it is therefore by the king's Highness's authority, as supreme head in  
earth of the Church of England, with the common assent and consent of the prelates and clergy  
of this his realm, in convocation lawfully assembled and congregated, amongst other things,  
decreed, ordained, and established:  
"First, That the feast of dedication of churches shall, in all places throughout this realm,  
be celebrated and kept on the first Sunday of the month of October, for ever, and upon none  
other day.  
"
Item, That the feast of the patron of every church within this realm, called commonly the  
Church Holy-day, shall not from henceforth be kept and observed as a holy-day, as heretofore  
hath been used; but that it shall be lawful to all and singular persons . resident or dwelling within  
this realm, to go to their work, occupation, or mystery; and the same truly to exercise and occupy  
upon the said feast, as upon any other work-day, except the said feast of Church Holy-day be  
such as must be else universally observed and kept as a holy-day by this ordinance following.  
"Also, that all those feasts or holy-days which shall happen to fall or occur either in the  
harvest-time, which is to be counted from the first day of July unto the twenty-ninth .day of  
September, or else in the term time at Westminster, shall not be kept or observed from  
henceforth as holy-days; but that it may be lawful for every man to go to his work or occupation  
upon the same, as upon any other work-day, except always the feasts of the Apostles, or of the  
Blessed Virgin, and of St. George, and also such feasts as wherein the king's Highness's judges at  
Westminster do not use to sit in judgment; all which shall be kept holy and solemnly of every  
man, as in time past hath been accustomed. Provided always, that it may be lawful unto all  
priests and clerks, as well secular as regular, in the aforesaid holy-days now abrogated, to sing or  
say their accustomed service for those holy-days, in their churches;: so as they do not the same  
solemnly, nor do ring to the same, after the manner used in highholy-days, nor do command or  
indict the same to be kept or observed as holy-days.  
"Finally, That the feasts of the Nativity of our Lord, of Easter-day, of the Nativity of St.  
John the Baptist, and of St. Michael the Archangel, shall be from henceforth counted, accepted,  
and taken for the four general offering days.  
"And for further declaration of the premises, be it known that Easter term beginneth  
always the eighteenth day after Easter-day, reckoning Easter-day for one, and endeth the  
Monday next following the Ascension-day.  
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"Trinity term beginneth always the Wednesday next after the Octaves of Trinity Sunday,  
and endeth the eleventh or twelfth day of July.  
"Michaelmas term beginneth the ninth or tenth day of October, and endeth the twenty-  
eighth or twenty-ninth day of November.  
"Hilary term beginneth the twenty-third or twenty-fourth day of January, and endeth the  
twelfth or thirteenth day of February.  
"
In Easter term, upon the Ascension-day; in Trinity term, upon the Nativity of St. John  
Baptist; in Michaelmas term, upon Allhallows-day; in Hilary term, upon Candlemas-day, the  
king's judges at Westminster do not use to sit in judgment, nor upon any Sunday."  
After these articles and injunctions thus given out by the king and his council, then  
followed moreover, as time served, other injunctions besides, concerning images, relics, and  
blind miracles, and for abrogating of pilgrimages, devised by superstition, and maintained for  
lucre's sake; also for the Pater-noster, Creed, and God's commandments, and the Bible to be had  
in English, with divers other points more, necessary for religion.  
By these articles and injunctions coming forth one after another, for the necessary  
instruction of the people, it may appear how well the king deserved then the title of his supreme  
government, given to him over the Church of England; by which title, and authority he did more  
good for the redressing and advancing of Christ's church and religion here in England in these  
three years, than the pope, the great vicar of Christ, with all his bishops and prelates, had done  
the space of three hundred years before. Such a vigilant care was then in the king and in his  
council, how by all ways and means to redress religion, to reform errors, to correct corrupt  
customs, to help ignorance, and to reduce the misleading of Christ's flock, drowned in blind  
popery, superstition, customs, and idolatry, to some better form of more perfect reformation:  
whereunto he provided not only these articles, precepts, and injunctions above specified, to  
inform the rude people, but also procured the bishops to help forward, in the same cause of  
decayed doctrine, with their diligent preaching and teaching of the people; according as ye heard  
before, how that in the year 1534, during the whole time of parliament, there was appointed  
every Sunday a bishop to preach at Paul's Cross, against the supremacy of the bishop of Rome.  
Amongst which bishops, John Longland, bishop of Lincoln, the king's confessor, and a  
great persecutor of the poor flock of Christ, (as is before sufficiently recorded,) made a sermon  
before the king, upon Good Friday, this present year 1538, at Greenwich, seriously and  
effectuously preaching, on the king's behalf, against the usurped supremacy of the bishop of  
Rome; the contents of whose sermon wholly to express, were here too long and tedious.  
You heard before, by the king's injunctions above expressed, and directed out, A.D. 1538,  
how all such images and pictures which were abused with pilgrimage or offerings of any  
idolatry, were abolished; by virtue of which injunctions, divers idols, and especially the most  
notable stocks of idolatry, were taken down the same year, 1538, as the images of Walsingham,  
Ipswich, Worcester, the Lady of Wilsdon, Thomas Becket, with many more; having engines to  
make their eyes to open and roll about, and other parts of their body to stir, and many other false  
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jugglings, as the blood of Hayles, and such like, wherewith the simple people a long time had  
been deceived: all which were espied out, and destroyed.  
Among divers other of these foul idols, there went also, in the same reckoning, a certain  
old idolatrous image in Wales, named Darvell Gatheren; which, in the month of May, in the year  
above mentioned, was brought up to London, and burned in Smithfield; with which idol also was  
burned at the same time, and hanged for treason, Friar Forrest, of whom some mention was  
partly touched before, in the story of Cardinal Wolsey.  
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1
92. Friar Forrest.  
Forasmuch as the number of years doth lead us thereunto, we will somewhat touch and  
speak of Friar Forrest; although he be unworthy of a place, and not to be numbered in this  
catalogue. .  
This Forrest was an Observant Friar, and had secretly, in confessions, declared to many  
of the king's subjects, that the king was not supreme head; and being thereof accused and  
apprehended, he was examined how he could say that the king was not supreme head of the  
church, when he himself had sworn to the contrary? He answered, "that he took his oath with his  
outward man, but his inward man never consented thereunto." And being further accused of  
divers damnable articles, and thereupon convicted, he gladly submitted himself to abide the  
punishment of the church. Upon this his submission having more liberty than before he had, to  
talk with whom he would, he became as far from his submission as ever he was; and when his  
abjuration was sent him to read, he utterly refused it, and obstinately persevered in his errors:  
wherefore he was justly condemned, and after hanged in Smithfield in chains, upon a gallows  
quick, by the middle and arm-holes, and fire was made under him, and so was he consumed and  
burned to death.  
In the place of execution, there was a scaffold prepared for the king's .most honourable  
council, and the nobles of the realm, to sit upon, to grant him pardon, if he had any spark of  
repentance in him. There was also a pulpit prepared, where the right reverend father, Hugh  
Latimer, bishop of Worcester, declared his errors, and manifestly confuted them by the  
Scriptures, with many godly exhortations to move him to repentance; but he was so froward, that  
he neither would hear, nor speak. A little before, the aforesaid image, called Darvell Gatheren,  
coming out of Wales, was brought to the gallows, and there also with the aforesaid friar, as is  
said, was set on fire; which the Welchmen much worshipped, and had a prophecy amongst them,  
that this image should set a whole forest on fire: which prophecy took effect; for he set this Friar  
Forrest on fire, and consumed him to nothing. The friar, when he saw the fire come, and that  
present death was at hand, caught hold upon the ladder, and would not let it go, but so  
impatiently took his death, as never any man that put his trust in God, at any time so ungodly or  
unquietly ended his life.  
In the months of October and November the same year, shortly after the overthrow of  
these images and pilgrimages, followed also the ruin of the abbeys and religious houses, which,  
by the special motion of the Lord Cromwell, (or rather and principally, by the singular blessing  
of Almighty God,) were suppressed, being given a little before by act of parliament into the  
king's hand; whereupon not only the houses were razed, but their possessions also disparkled  
among the nobility, in such sort as all friars, monks, canons, nuns, and other sects of religion,  
were then so rooted out of this realm from the very foundation, that there seemeth, by God's  
grace, no possibility hereafter left, for the generation of those strange weeds to grow here any  
more, according to the true verdict of our Lord and Saviour Christ in his gospel, saying, Every  
plantation, being not planted of my Father, shall be plucked up by the roots, &c.  
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1
93. John Lambert  
The history of the worthy martyr of God, John Lambert, otherwise named Nicholson, with his  
troubles, examinations, and answers, as well before Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, and  
other bishops, as also before King Henry the Eighth, by whom at length he was condemned to  
death, and burned in Smithfield, in A.D. 1538.  
MMEDIATELY upon the ruin and destruction of the monasteries,  
the same year, and in the month of November, followed the trouble  
and condemnation of John Lambert, the faithful servant of Jesus  
Christ, and martyr of blessed memory. This Lambert, being born and  
brought up in Norfolk, was first converted by Bilney, and studied in  
the university of Cambridge; where after that he had sufficiently  
profited both in Latin and Greek, and had translated out of both  
tongues sundry things into the English tongue, being forced at last by  
violence of the time, he departed from thence to the parts beyond the  
seas, to Tyndale and Frith, and there remained the space of a year  
and more, being preacher and chaplain to the English House at  
Antwerp, till he was disturbed by Sir Thomas More, and, by the accusation of one Barlow, was  
carried from Antwerp to London; where he was brought to examination first at Lambeth, then at  
the bishop's house at Otford, before Warham, the archbishop of Canterbury, and other  
adversaries; having five and forty articles ministered against him, whereunto he rendered answer  
again by writing: the which answers, forasmuch as they contain great learning, and may give  
some light to the better understanding of the common causes of religion now in controversy, I  
thought here to exemplify the same, as they came right happily to our hands. The copy both of  
the articles, and also of his answers, here in order followeth.  
"
"
Imprimis, Whether thou wast suspected or infamed of heresy?  
II. Whether ever thou hadst any of Luther's books, and namely, since they were  
condemned? and how long thou didst keep them, and whether thou hast spent any study on  
them?  
"
"
III. Whether thou wast constituted priest, and in what diocese, and of what bishop?  
IV. Whether it be lawful for a priest to marry a wife, and whether a priest in some case  
be bound by the law of God to marry a wife?  
"V. Whether thou believest that whatsoever is done of man, whether it be good or ill,  
cometh of necessity?  
"VI. Whether the sacrament of the altar be a sacrament necessary unto salvation? and  
whether after the consecration of the bread and wine done by the priest, as by the minister of  
God, there is the very body and blood of Christ, in likeness of bread and wine?  
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"VII. Item, What opinion thou holdest touching the sacrament of baptism? whether thou  
dost believe that it is a sacrament of the church, and a necessary sacrament unto salvation, and  
that a priest may baptize; and that the order of baptizing ordained by the church, is necessary and  
wholesome?  
"VIII. Item, Whether thou believest that matrimony be a sacrament of the church  
necessary to be observed in the church, and that the order appointed by the church for the  
solemnizing thereof is allowable and to be holden?  
"
IX. Item, Whether thou dost believe orders to be a sacrament of the church, and that  
saying of mass, ordained by the church, is to be observed of priests? whether it be deadly sin or  
not, if it be omitted or contemned; and whether the order of priesthood were invented by man's  
imagination, or ordained by God?  
"X. Item, Whether penance be a sacrament of the church, and necessary unto salvation;  
and whether auricular confession is to be made unto the priest, or is necessary unto salvation?  
and whether thou believest that a Christian is bound, besides contrition of heart, having the free  
use of an apt or free priest, under necessity of salvation, to be confessed unto a priest, and not  
unto any layman, be he ever so good and devout; and whether thou believest that a priest, in  
cases permitted to him, may absolve a sinner (being contrite and confessed) from his sins, and  
enjoin him wholesome penance?"  
"XI. Item, Whether thou dost believe and hold, that the sacrament of confirmation and  
extreme unction be sacraments of the church, and whether that they do profit the souls of them  
that receive them? and whether thou believest the aforesaid seven sacraments to give grace unto  
them that do duly receive them?  
"XII. Whether all things necessary unto salvation are put in Holy Scripture, and whether  
things only there put be sufficient? and whether some things upon necessity of salvation are to be  
believed and observed, which are not expressed in Scripture?  
"XIII. Whether thou believest that purgatory is, and whether that souls departed be  
therein tormented and purged?  
"XIV. Whether holy martyrs, apostles, and confessors departed from this world, ought to  
be honoured and called upon, and prayed unto?  
"XV. Whether the saints in heaven, as mediators, pray for us?  
"XVI. Whether thou believest that oblations and pilgrimages may be devoutly and  
meritoriously done to the sepulchres and relics of saints?  
"XVII. Whether the fast in Lent, and others appointed by the canon law, and received in  
common usage of Christian people, (unless necessity otherwise requireth,) are to be observed?  
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"XVIII. Whether it be laudable and profitable, that worshipful images be set in churches  
for the remembrance of Christ and his saints?  
"XIX. Whether thou believest that prayers of men living, do profit souls departed, and  
being in purgatory?  
"XX. Whether men may merit and deserve, both by their fastings and also by their other  
deeds of devotion?  
"XXI. Whether thou dost believe that men, prohibited of bishops to preach, as suspected  
of heresy, ought to cease from preaching and teaching, until they have purged themselves of  
suspicion before a higher judge?  
"XXII. Whether thou believest that it is lawful for all priests freely to preach the word of  
God, or no?  
"XXIII. Whether thou believest that it is lawful for laymen of both kinds, that is to wit,  
both men and women, to sacrifice and preach the word of God?  
"XXIV. Whether excommunication, denounced by the pope against all heretics, doth  
oblige and bind them before God?  
"XXV. Whether every priest is bound to say daily his matins and even-song, according as  
it is ordained by the church; or whether he may leave them unsaid without offence or deadly sin?  
"XXVI. Whether thou believest that the heads or rulers, by necessity of salvation, are  
bound to give unto the people Holy Scripture in their mother-language?  
"XXVII. Whether is it lawful for the rulers, for some cause, upon their reasonable  
advisement, to ordain that the Scripture should not be delivered unto the people in the vulgar  
language?  
"XXVIII. Whether thou believest that consecrations, hallowings, and blessings used in  
the church, are to be praised?  
"XXIX. Whether thou believest that the pope may make laws and statutes, to hind all  
Christian men to the observance of the same, under pain of deadly sin, so that such laws and  
statutes be not contrary to the law of God?  
"XXX. Whether thou believest that the pope and other prelates, and their deputies in  
spiritual things, have power to excommunicate priests and lay-people, that are inobedient and  
sturdy, from entering into the church, and so suspend or let them from administration of the  
sacraments of the same?  
"XXXI. Whether faith only, without good works, may suffice unto a man fallen into sin  
after his baptism, for his salvation and justifying?  
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"XXXII. Whether a priest, marrying a wife, and that without the dispensation of the pope,  
and begetting also children of her without slander-giving, do sin deadly?  
"XXXIII. Item, Whether a Latin priest, after he hath taken the order of priesthood, being  
sore troubled and stirred with pricking of lust and lechery, and therefore marrying a wife for  
remedy of the same, do sin deadly?  
"XXXIV. Item, Whether thou dost ever pray for John Wickliff, John Huss, or Jerome of  
Prague, condemned of heresy in the council of Constance, or for any of them, since they died? or  
whether thou hast done openly or secretly any deeds of charity for them, affirming them to be in  
bliss, and saved?  
"XXXV. Item, Whether thou hast accounted them, or any of them, to be saints, and  
worshipped them as saints?  
"XXXVI. Item, Whether thou dost believe, hold, and affirm, that every general council,  
and the council of Constance also, doth represent the universal congregation or church?  
"XXXVII. Item, Whether thou dost believe the same things which the council of  
Constance, representing the universal church, hath approved and doth approve, for the  
maintenance of faith, and soul's health, and that the same is to be approved and holden of all  
Christians?  
"XXXVIII. Whether the condemnations of John Wickliff, John Huss, and Jerome of  
Prague, done upon their persons, books, and documents, by the whole general council of  
Constance, were duly and rightly done, and so, for such, by every catholic person they are to be  
holden?  
"XXXIX. Whether thou believest that John Wickliff of England, John Huss of Bohemia,  
and Jerome of Prague, were heretics, and for heretics to be named, and their books and doctrines  
to have been, and now be, perverse; for the which books, and pertinacy of their persons, they are  
condemned by the holy council of Constance for heretics?  
"XL. Item, Whether thou believest or affirmest, that it is not lawful in any case to swear?  
"XLI. Whether thou believest that it is lawful, at the commandment of a judge, to make  
an oath to say the truth, or any other oath in case convenient, and that also for purgation of  
infamy?  
"XLII. Item, Whether a Christian person, despising the receipt of the sacraments of  
confirmation, extreme unction, or solemnizing of matrimony, doth sin deadly?  
"XLIII. Item, Whether thou believest that St. Peter, as Christ's vicar, hath power upon  
earth to bind and loose?  
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"XLIV. Item, Whether the pope, ordinarily chosen for a time, his proper name being  
expressed, be the successor of St. Peter?  
"XLV. Item, Whether thou hast ever promised at any time, by an oath, or made any  
confederacy or league with any person or persons, that you would always hold and defend  
certain conclusions or articles, seeming to you and your accomplices right and consonant unto  
the faith; and that you certify us touching the order and tenor of the said opinions and  
conclusions, and of the names and surnames of them that were your adherents, and promised to  
be adherent unto you in this behalf?"  
The answers of John Lambert to the forty-five articles.  
"Unto your first demand, wherein you do ask whether I was suspected of or infamed of  
heresy, I answer, that I am not certain what all persons at all seasons have deemed or suspected  
of me; peradventure some better, some worse; like as the opinion of the people was never one,  
but thought diversely of all the famous prophets, and of the apostles, yea, and of Christ himself:  
as appeareth in St. John, how, when he came into Jerusalem in the feast called Scenopegia, anon  
there arose upon him a great noise, some saying that he was a very good man; others said nay,  
and called him a seducer, because he led the people from the right ways of Moses's law into  
error. Seeing therefore that all men could not say well by Christ, which is the author of verity and  
truth, yea, the very truth itself, and likewise of his best servants; what should I need to regard if  
at some time some person, for a like cause, should suspect of me amiss, and evil report of me?  
seeing moreover, it is said in the Gospel, Woe be to you, when all men speak well of you; for so  
did their fathers to the false prophets. If therefore at any season such infamy was put upon me, I  
am glad that I have so little regarded the same, that now I have forgotten it. And though I did  
remember any such, yet were I more than twice a fool to show you thereof; for it is written in  
your own law, No man is bound to bewray himself. But this I insure you: I was never so charged  
with suspicion or infamy of crime, that I was therefore at any time convented and reproved  
before any judge before that I was troubled for these causes, for which I was at the first put into  
your hands: and of them, seeing you could not prove me faulty, I wonder why you would never  
yet pronounce me quit and innocent, according as I have even lowly desired of you, and required  
full instantly the same. But letting those things pass, you have imagined new matters to charge  
me with, wherein I think certainly, that you could no more have proved me culpable, than you  
did in the first; that is to wit, no whit culpable in either, had it not been that by long  
imprisonment you forced me to tell what I thought in them, which I have and will freely do; and  
that, indifferently considered, I suppose shall not deserve any sore punishment, unless you will  
beard the truth, whereunto I hope it shall not disagree.  
"To your second demand, where you do inquire whether I had ever any of Luther's books,  
and namely, since they were condemned, and how long I kept them, and whether ever I have  
spent any study in them; I say that indeed I have had of them, and that both before they were  
condemned and also since; but I neither will nor can tell you how long I kept them. But truth it  
is, that I have studied upon them, and I thank God that ever I so did; for by them hath God  
showed unto me, and also to a huge multitude of others, such light as the deceivable darkness of  
them (I beseech God to amend it) that name themselves, but amiss, to be the holy church, cannot  
abide. And that appeareth evidently, for they dare not stand to any trial. He coveteth above all  
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things, as all his adversaries do well know, that all his writings, and the writings of all his  
adversaries, might be translated into all languages, to the intent that all people might see and  
know what is said of every part; whereby men should the better judge what the truth is. And in  
this methinketh he requireth nothing but equity; for the law would have no man condemned, nor  
justified, until his cause were beard and known.  
"
But the contrary part, I mean our over-rich prelacy, who are so drowned in voluptuous  
living that they cannot attend to study God's Scripture, nor preach the same, which should be the  
principal part of their office, abhor this fashion (albeit it is right indifferent and full of equity) no  
less than they do abhor death. And no marvel, for doubtless, if it so could be obtained that the  
writings of all parties might be openly seen and conferred, we should soon see their sleightly  
dealing, and facing doctrine, with all other cloaked abusion, lightly overthrown, as appeareth  
well in Almain: for there be the books of every party seen openly, and translated into the vulgar  
language, that all people may see and read upon them; and so, upon the sight of the books, they  
lightly follow the true light of God's.word, refusing the horror of darkness and false doctrine,  
whereby, before, they have been seduced from the right teaching and way showed in the Bible.  
And this is done, not by a hundred, nor by a thousand; but generally by whole cities and  
countries, both high and low; few or none excepted.  
"
But our prelates, seeing this, and that their dealing should, if this light were set up, soon  
be detected and discovered, have sent out commandments, that if any person should adventure to  
keep any such books, they shall, for so doing, be excommunicated from God, and all his saints,  
and cursed as black as pitch, whether the books be in Latin, English, French, Dutch, or any other  
tongue; as indeed men, seeing the fruit contained in them, have set them forth in all languages.  
But this ought not Christian men to think any novelty; for so did their forefathers, the prelates in  
Christ's time and afterwards, to the apostles; yea, and if it were well tried, I think it should soon  
be found out, that they have so dealt ever since unto this day. For when Christ went about  
preaching, the scribes and Pharisees, who were bishops then and prelates, gave a general  
commandment, that whosoever confessed him to be Christ should be accursed, and put out of the  
synagogue, that we call the church; and so they were.  
"
Look in the Acts of the Apostles, and you shall find how they were in like manner  
served; yea, look in the Old Testament, and you shall find (as I remember) how they procured of  
one that was a temporal ruler at that season, to have the prophecy of Jeremy (for he of all others  
is most vehement against the dissimulation of priests) to be burned. Why then should we eschew  
them, or their works, (unless we knew a better cause why,) whom our prelates reject and cast  
away, seeing they render no reasonable cause of their enterprise? but, presuming of their power,  
without any due authority, that I can find, granted unto them so to do, will, because they so  
command, so have all done? according to the tyrannical saying, as I trow, of Sardanapalus, Sic  
solo, sic jubeo; stat pro ratione voluntas; that is to say, So will I, so do I command; and let my  
will for reason stand.  
But I would to God that such knew what spirit they have in them; for if they had indeed  
the spirit which they claim and pretend to have, I mean the Spirit of Christ, I dare say it should  
soon alter them from such haughty language and doting, and cause them to turn a new leaf; for  
that Spirit is full of softness and lenity, lowliness and humility, patience and temperancy; void of  
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all wilfulness and tyranny: yea, it should cause them not to prevent, but easily to follow, the  
counsel and doctrine of Christ's apostles and holy saints, that be their interpreters. As St. Paul,  
which writing unto the Thessalonians, would have them all to prove all things, and to retain or  
bold that only which is good; refraining from all that hath semblance of evil. And St. John would  
have Christian people to try the spirit of them that should speak; whether they were of God or no.  
Also, writing in another Epistle unto a noble woman, and unto her children, he saith, If any  
person shall come unto you, bringing .with them the doctrine that is not of Christ, receive him  
not into your house, nor make him any cheer. So that in this he would have women to know the  
doctrine of Christ, and to love that, refusing to give credence unto foreign teaching; not  
favouring the same.  
"
In the First Epistle also to the Corinthians, St. Paul, writing in general to all the  
inhabitants of that city, saith, Brethren, be ye not children in wit and understanding; but as  
concerning maliciousness, be you children. In wit I would have you perfect. And why? Verily for  
no other cause, but that we should (as he writeth unto the Hebrews) have discretion to judge the  
good from ill, and the ill from the good, and so to be like men differing from beasts, according  
unto the saying of the prophet, See that ye be not like unto a horse or a mule, which lack  
understanding. And we should pray with him in another Psalm, O Lord! teach me the way that I  
should walk in, for I lift up my soul unto thee.  
"St. Chrysostom, according unto this, in a certain book of his Commentaries upon  
Matthew, (the book is called, Opus Imperfectum,) writeth after this fashion, as near as my  
remembrance doth serve, and certain I am that I shall not misreport him, and in that I will be  
tried whensoever it shall please you to bring the book. 'The priests that were Pharisees in the  
time,' saith he, 'of Christ, made an ordinance, that whosoever should acknowledge Jesus to be  
Christ, should be accursed and excommunicated. If then the Pharisees or priests that now do  
occupy their rooms should make a like ordinance, because they would not have Christ's doctrine  
to be professed for hindering of their lucre, should we therefore give in all points credence unto  
them, and leave off to seek after the knowledge of Christ's doctrine? Nay truly. Why,' quoth he,  
'shall we not be excused herein by ignorance, seeing we be forefended by the rulers to have  
knowledge?' He answereth, 'No verily; for if,' saith he, 'when thou desirest to buy cloth, thou wilt  
not be content to see one merchant's ware, but go from the first to the second, from the second to  
the third, and so further, to know where is the best cloth, and best cheap, thou, using such careful  
diligence for a temporal profit, art well worthy great reproach, that wilt be more remiss and  
negligent for thy soul's health. Seek therefore about from one doctor or teacher unto another, that  
thou mayst know who doth most duly and truly teach Christ, and him follow according to the  
saying of the apostle, Prove all, and hold the good; and as it is said in the Gospel, that thou mayst  
know who be true or lawful changers or coiners, and who be not.  
"He also addeth another similitude or parable. 'When thou goest,' quoth he, 'a journey, not  
knowing perfectly the way, thou wilt, lest thou shouldst fail of the right way, inquire of one man,  
and after of another; and if thou shouldst chance to go somewhat wide, yet thou wilt not so leave  
off thy journey undone, but make inquisition again to come where thou wouldst rest. So  
likewise,' saith he, 'ought we to seek about intentively for the wealth of our soul, who are the  
right key-bearers, and who not;' meaning there by the key-bearers, Christ's apostles, and the  
bearers of his testimony or message. Which saving, although it were written of no authentical  
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author, (howbeit it is written even of him whom I showed you in the said work,) but uttered of  
one that were in little estimation, every indifferent person having wit and reason would answer, I  
doubt not, that it is full true.  
"The same author also, in an epistle which you shall find in a work called Psegmata  
Chrysostomi, showeth, as I remember, how certain men deemed ill of him, because he did study  
Origen's works, who before was condemned for a heretic: but he maketh an apology to the same,  
showing, that Christian men ought not to be reprehended for so doing; in which apology he  
bringeth for his defence the saying of Paul above rehearsed, Prove all things, &c. Likewise did  
St. Jerome, I wot not well in what place of his works, but you shall find it in a Treatise called  
Unio Dissidentium, where he treateth De mandatis Hominum. When it was objected against him  
that he retained by him the works of Eusebius and of Origen, studying upon them, he bringeth  
for him, that it was so lawful, the said place of the apostle,, making therewith an assent, worthy  
to be greatly noted.  
"The same is also reported in the book called Ecclesiastica Historia, or else Historia  
Tripartita, I wot not now precisely whether. So that these and other authorities of the Scripture,  
and semblable ensamples of holy interpreters, shall prove, that I and other may safely (no good  
law inhibiting, unless constitutions pharisaical) read and search the works not only of Luther, but  
also of all others, be they ever so ill or good; namely, seeing I am a priest: whom the bishop of  
Norwich ought not to have admitted into orders, unless he had seen me to have had judgment to  
discern good from ill; neither ought any of you to give orders to any such, in whom ye do not  
find like ability to judge the light from darkness, and the truth from falsehood: and therefore, if  
for this you would punish me, I cannot see but you shall condemn yourselves, judging rather of  
sensual pleasure than of equity, which, in men of your order, were a great shame, and much  
uncomely.  
"Unto your third demand, wherein you do ask whether I was constituted a priest, and in  
what diocese, and by what bishop; I say that I was made a priest in Norwich, and by the bishop's  
suffragan of the same diocese.  
"Unto the fourth, wherein you do demand whether it be lawful for a priest to marry a  
wife, and whether a priest in some case be bound by the law of God to marry a wife I say that it  
is lawful, yea and necessary, for all men that have not given to them of God the gift of chastity,  
to marry a wife; and that show both Christ and St. Paul. In Matthew xix., Christ, speaking unto  
the Pharisees that came to tempt him, in the conclusion, saith in this wise, 'Whosoever shall  
forsake his wife, except it be for fornication, and marrieth another, committeth adultery; and  
whosoever marrieth her so forsaken, committeth adultery.'  
"With that say his disciples, 'If thus the case stand betwixt a man and his wife, it shall be  
hurtful, and not expedient to contract matrimony.' He made answer, 'Every man cannot away  
with that saying, but they unto whom it is given of God;' meaning, that every man could not  
abide single or unmarried, but such unto whom was given of God a special grace so to continue.  
And if, with your better advice, I might herein be somewhat bold, I would suppose that whereas  
he doth say, Non omnes sunt capaces hujus dicti, (Every man cannot away with that saying,) this  
word non omnes ought to be here taken as it is in many other places of Scripture; as where, in the  
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Psalm, it is said, Non justificabitur in conspectu tuo omnis vivens, it is meant that no person  
living shall be justified before God. And in the Epistle to the Galatians, and to the Romans,  
where it is said, By the works of the law no flesh shall be justified in his sight, it is meant thereby  
nulla caro: so that, non omnis, after the rule of equipollence, should be taken for as much as  
nullus, and then the sense should be thus, Nulli sunt capaces hujus dicti nisi hi quibus datum sit.  
No man can be capax of this saying, or can so pass his life without marriage, except those who  
have it given them, by a singular grace of God, to live chaste.  
Then he proceeded further, saying, There be eunuchs that so were born from the mother's  
womb; and there be some eunuchs that have been so made by men; and there be eunuchs that  
have so made themselves, for love of the kingdom of heaven. In conclusion he saith, Who, that  
receiveth this saying, (thinking that it should be inexpedient for him to marry, and that he may  
live chaste through the gift given him of God,) let him take it and so live. So he leaveth  
singleness of life to all men's election, without any compelling them thereto.  
"Hereunto assenteth St. Paul: when that by many reasons he had persuaded the  
Corinthians to single life, finally he concludeth thus, This, quoth he, say I unto you, willing that  
which should be for your profit, but not to bring you in bondage. And a little before, I would,  
quoth he, that all men were even as myself am. But every one hath a several gift of God, one one  
wise, another otherwise: showing thereby, that unto some it is given of God to live continently,  
and to others to engender and procreate children, and therefore his will cannot come to effect.  
Which thing you may easily perceive in this, that after he had showed forth his good wish and  
desire, saying, I would that all men were even as I am, he putteth a conjunction adversative, that  
declareth an obstacle or stop, saying, But every man hath his proper gift of God. Upon this he  
proceedeth further, whereby you may apertly see, that he would have all men, none except, to  
marry, wanting the gift of continency. This, quoth he, I say to the unmarried and widows;  
expedient it were for them to remain as I do: but if they cannot live continent, let them contract  
marriage; for better is it to marry than to burn. This proveth well, that all priests, wanting  
continency of heart, had need to marry for to avoid burning lust, unless they be inobedient to the  
mind of Christ that spake in Paul, in observing the traditions of men. In the beginning of the  
same chapter also he saith, It is good that a man should not deal with a woman: notwithstanding,  
for avoiding fornication, quoth he, let every man have his wife, and every woman have her  
husband. He saith here, every man and every woman; and not some man or some woman. He  
excepteth neither priest nor nun, but every one, both man and woman, is bound, for avoiding of  
burning and fornication, to marry, not having the gift given of chastity.  
"The same also confirmeth your own law, where it is written thus, 'If any man do hold  
that a priest, being married, in that respect that he is married, ought not to minister in his  
function, be he accursed.' And, 'If any man shall find fault with matrimony, and detest a faithful  
and devout woman lying with her husband, and think her culpable, as one that could not  
therefore enter into the kingdom of God, be he accursed.' And every where else such-like are to  
be seen.  
"Moreover, in Historia Tripartita it is written, that a noble martyr of Christ called  
Paphnutius, in the Nicene council, when all other bishops were purposed to have enacted there,  
that priests should live unmarried, this holy man resisted them so mightily both with reasons, and  
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also with authority of Scripture, that then their purpose altered, and their first device could not  
pass. And one authority I remember was this, which he borrowed of Paul in the Second Epistle to  
Timothy: Your device, quoth he, may have a semblance of holiness, but indeed, it shall be the  
destruction and undoing of the same.  
"Moreover, in one of the principal histories of France, called Les Illustrations de Galles,  
whosoever please may there read it as it standeth, within six leaves afore the end of the same;  
how the author with deep sorrow lamenteth the ordinance that first decreed priests to live  
unmarried, showing, and that amply, the miseries that have ensued in France thereby, imputing it  
unto Calixtus the pope, of whom he maketh a doleful mention in metre, whereof the first I yet  
remember, and it is thus: 'O holy Calixtus! all the world hateth thee;' which followeth in writing,  
to all that lust to behold therein. But what need I to make longer treatise hereof, forasmuch as  
you do daily both hear and see, what foul abomination ariseth in every corner, of this piteous  
law, made of men that would presume to be wiser than God; thinking (as we ever do) that either  
he would not, or else for lack of wisdom he could not, show us a sufficient law or way, to direct  
our life and conversation to come to the joy and resting-place by him promised, and so by us  
longed and looked for; whereby both we be far unreasonable in so deeming of him after our  
unwise wit, and he much dishonoured. The which I beseech him to help. Amen.  
"Unto the fifth, where ye do ask, whether I believe that whatsoever is done of man,  
whether it be good or ill, cometh of necessity; that is (as you construe) to wit, whether man hath  
free-will, so that he may deserve joy or pain I say (as I said at the beginning) that unto the first  
part of your riddle, I neither can nor will give any definitive answer, forasmuch as it surmounteth  
my capacity; trusting that God shall send hereafter others that shall be of better learning and wit  
than I, for to indite it. As concerning the second part, where you do interpret; that is to say,  
whether man hath free-will or no, so that he may deserve joy or pain: as for our deserving  
specially of joy, I think it very slender or none, even when we do the very commandments and  
law of God. And that I am taught by our Saviour in St. Luke, where he saith thus, Which of you,  
quoth he, having a servant that hath eared your land, or fed your beasts, will say unto him, when  
he cometh home out of the field, Go thy way quickly, and sit down to thy meat; and rather will  
not say unto him, Make ready my supper; serving me thereat till I have made an end thereof, and  
afterwards take thyself meat and drink? Think you that he is bound to thank his servant which  
thus shall do his commandment? I trow, saith he, nay. Even so you, saith he, when you have  
done all things to you commanded, say yet you be unprofitable servants, and have done that  
which you were bound to do.  
"
In which words you may clearly see, that he would not have us greatly esteem our  
merits, when we have done that is commanded by God, but rather, reckon ourselves to be but  
servants unprofitable to God, forasmuch as he hath no need of our well-doing for his own  
advancement, but only that he loveth to see us do well for our own behoof; and moreover, that  
when we have done his bidding, we ought not so to magnify, either ourself, or our own free will,  
but laud him with a meek heart, through whose benefit we have done, (if at any time we do it) his  
liking and pleasure; not regarding our merit, but his grace and benefit, whereby only is done all  
that in any wise is to him acceptable. And thus, if we ought not to attend our merits in doing the  
commandment of God, much less should we look for merit for observing of our own inventions  
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or traditions of men, unto which there is no benefit in all Scripture (which Paul calleth the word  
of truth and of faith) promised.  
"
But here may be objected against me, that the reward is promised in many places to  
them that do observe the precepts of God. That I affirm to be very sooth. Notwithstanding such  
reward shall never be attained of us, except by the grace and benefit of Him who worketh all  
things in all creatures. And this affirmeth well St. Augustine, with St. Ambrose, Fulgentius, and  
others, as you may see everywhere in their works, and especially in the treatise called 'Unio  
Dissidentium,' wherein Jerome treateth 'De Gratia et Meritis.' And of St. Augustine I remember  
two or three right notable sentences, concerning the same. One is in the ninth book of his  
Confessions, in this form; 'Woe be to the life of men, be they ever so holy, if Thou shalt examine  
them, setting thy mercy aside. Because thou dost not exactly examine the faults of men, therefore  
we have a vehement hope and trust to find some place of mercy with thee. And whosoever  
recounteth unto thee his merits, what other thing doth he recount but thy benefits? O would to  
God all men would see and know themselves, and that he who glorieth, would glory in the Lord.'  
Again, in the first book, he saith thus unto God: 'Doth any man give what he oweth not unto thee,  
that thou shouldest be in his debt? and hath any man aught that is not thine? Thou renderest debt,  
and yet owest to no man. Thou forgivest debts, and yet losest nothing.' And therefore his usual  
prayer was this: 'Lord give that thou commandest, and command what thou wilt.'  
"Also in the book called Manuale Augustini, or De Contemplatione Christi, he saith in  
this wise, 'All my hope is in the Lord's death. His death is my merit, my refuge, my health, and  
my resurrection. My merit is the mercy of the Lord. I am not without merit, so long as the Lord  
of mercy shall continue; and if the mercies of the Lord be great and rich, then am I also great and  
rich in merits.'  
"And to conclude, they be Christ's own merits and good works, (as saith St. Ambrose  
well-nigh every where,) that he worketh in us, which he doth reward and crown; and not ours, if  
one should look narrowly upon the thing, and speak properly. Howbeit, they yet nevertheless are  
ours by him, forasmuch as his merciful bounty imputeth his goods to be ours; so that in this, I  
wot not how others do mean, which lust to sell their merits unto their neighbours, who haply  
have scarcely enough for themselves: but I do wholly deem and believe, according as the  
Scriptures, with these holy doctors and such other, do teach, wishing that men ever, for good  
doing, should not so much (as the common people do) regard their merit Or reward, for that is  
not the thing that engendereth the love of God in us, but rather maketh men to honour God in a  
servile fashion, and for the love of themselves, in doing works for love of reward, or for dread of  
pain, more than because it so pleaseth God, and liketh him: whereas, if we regarded first, yea and  
altogether, that it is our duty to do well, (which is the keeping of his commandments,) and that so  
we should content his pleasure, reward should undoubtedly ensue good deeds, although we  
minded no whit the same, as heat followeth evermore the fire unseparate therefrom. And thus,  
we should serve God with hearty love as children, and not for meed or dread, as unloving thralls  
and servants.  
"Concerning free-will, I mean altogether as doth St. Augustine, that of ourselves we have  
no liberty nor ability to do the will of God, but are subject unto sin and thralls of the same, 'shut  
up and sold under sin,' as witness both Isaiah and also Paul but, by the grace of God, we are rid  
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and set at liberty, according to the portion that every man hath taken of the same, some more,  
some less.  
"Whereas, in your sixth demand, you do inquire whether the sacrament of the altar be a  
sacrament necessary unto salvation, and whether after the consecration of the bread and wine  
done by the priest, as by the minister of God, there is the very body and blood of Christ in  
likeness of bread and wine, I neither can nor will answer one word otherwise than I have told  
since I was delivered into your hands. Neither would I have answered one whit thereunto,  
knowing so much at the first as now I do, till you had brought forth some that would have  
accused me to have trespassed in the same; which I am certain you cannot do, bringing any that  
is honest and credible.  
"As concerning the other six sacraments, I make you that same answer that I have done to  
the sacrament of the altar, and no other; that is, I will say nothing until some men appear to  
accuse me in the same, unless I know a more reasonable cause than I have yet heard, why I so  
ought to do. But as touching the form and fashion, I shall answer willingly so far forth as my  
rudeness will serve. I hold well that such as be duly elected ministers in the church, ought to  
baptize, except necessity require otherwise; and that the form used in the church is, in mine  
opinion, not uncommendable. Nevertheless it should edify much more, if it were uttered in the  
vulgar language, and cause people, in the baptism of children, more effectuously to thank God  
for his institution, and the high benefit thereby represented.  
"
In like condition do I also deem of ministration in all the others, that it should be  
expedient to have them ministered openly in the vulgar language, for the edifying of the people.  
As concerning the form used in matrimony, I like it right well, and think it commendable, saving  
in all countries lightly Judas hath set in his foot over far, and taketh in hand to sell his Master,  
accompanied with Simon Magus, saying, 'What will you give me, if I deliver unto you Christ?'  
This is the saying of all them that require, without any lawful authority, in some places  
twelvepence, in some sixpence, in some more, in some less, but in every place lightly some  
money, when a couple should he married: and this they call 'the church's right.' Moreover, that  
they will not suffer marriage to be solemnized at all times of the year, I think it standeth not with  
Christ's rule, but rather is against the same; and that they will not suffer the bans upon all holy-  
days to be proclaimed, unless a dispensation for money be purchased there-for. All this God  
forbiddeth. Finally, like as no money ought to be given for this, no more should any be taken for  
any other. But the contrary is seen, which is great pity; yea, even at the receiving of the  
sacrament of the altar, priests every where use to claim somewhat, and in some parts of the west  
country, no less than twopence, of every poll.  
"As touching priesthood in the primitive church, when virtue bare (as ancient doctors do  
deem, and Scripture, in mine opinion, recordeth the same) most room, there were no more  
officers in the church of God, than bishops and deacons; that is to say; ministers: as witnesseth,  
besides Scripture fully apertly, Jerome, in his Commentaries upon the Epistles of Paul, where he  
saith, that those whom we call priests, were all one and none other but bishops; and the bishops  
none other but priests; men ancient both in age and learning, so near as they could be chosen.  
Neither were they instituted and chosen, as they be now-a-days, with small regard by a bishop or  
his officer, only opposing them if they can construe a collect; but they were chosen not only by  
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the bishop, but also with the consent of the people among whom they should have their living, as  
showeth St. Cyprian; and the people (as he saith) ought to have power to choose priests that be  
men of good learning, of good and honest report. But, alack for pity! such elections are now  
banished, and new fashions brought in; which if we should confer with the form of the election  
showed of Christ by his apostle Paul, we should find no small diversity, but all turned upside  
down. To conclude, I say, the order or state of priests and deacons was ordained by God; but  
subdeacons and conjurers, otherwise called Exorcistæ and Accolitæ, which we call Benet and  
Collet, were instituted by the invention of men. And this you may find in the law, Dist. 21, and in  
other places where it is written, 'Subdeaconship, in the time of the apostles, was no holy order.'  
"As touching ear-confession, I say that the common fashion now used, was never  
ordained by Christ's law, that is, written in the Bible; neither can you prove by any authority of  
the same, that we ought to confess all our offences particularly, with the circumstances of all and  
of every such, to any man. Again, for the maintenance of this which I have said, you shall know  
that Chrysostom standeth stiffly with me, in his Commentaries upon the Epistle to the Hebrews;  
in a homily also that he maketh upon the Psalm Miserere; and moreover in a sermon that he  
maketh, De Pœnitentia, besides many other treatises, wherein he continueth ever one, testifying  
in semblable wise.  
"
In like manner doth one of your principal doctors, writing upon your canon law, named  
Panormitane, testify that it is made by the law of man, and not of God, in cap. Omnis utriusque  
sexus. In the book also called Historia Tripartita, you shall find how it was first instituted, (as I  
remember,) and afterwards undone again, because of a huge villany committed with a woman by  
a minister of the church, through confession.  
"Also it is mentioned in the end of the first Distinction De Pœnitenti, how the Greek  
church, whom I think you do not note to be heretics, will not yet hitherto allow it. There are also  
many reasons brought forth, both to prove that confession made to a priest should not be  
necessary, and also that confession made unto God should suffice, concluding in this wise,  
Quibus authoritatibus, &c. I could bring forth others that be yet living, men of surmounting and  
excellent literature, who exactly, by many and mighty both authorities and reasons, do show and  
confirm this my saying to be just: but I keep silence, and will not name them, lest I should bring  
them into hatred. Notwithstanding, I never said, nor will say, but that men feeling themselves  
aggrieved in conscience with some great temptation, had need to go unto such whom they know  
and trust to he of stedfast credence, and to have good skill in the law of God, opening their grief  
unto them, to the intent they may know, through counsel, some ease and remedy thereof.  
"
But in this I mean not that they ought to go unto their curate, or to any other priest,  
whose credence they deem not at all trusty, or their counsel not sage, but to any other,  
whatsoever he be, whom they know most sufficient in properties above-showed, when their  
curate doth lack them. And this thing is most behoveable, when men, needing counsel, be so void  
of knowledge in Christ's law, that they cannot find therein remedy themselves. For the doctrine  
of Christ, if it were well known, containeth remedies for all infirmities and maladies of the mind,  
so that men, by spiritual knowledge, might ease themselves.  
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"To the other part of your question, where you do ask whether a priest, in cases unto him  
limited, may loose a sinner confessed and contrite for his sin, enjoining him wholesome penance;  
I say that only Christ looseth a sinner who is contrite, by his word and promise,, and the priest  
doth nothing but show and declare the word: neither doth declaration or ministry of the priest any  
whit avail for to loose any person, unless he that should be loosed give credence unto the word  
ministered and showed by the priest, which word or promise of Christ is called the word of  
reconciliation or atonement making betwixt God and man. And this testified St. Paul, in the  
Corinthians, where he saith in this wise, God hath reconciled us unto him through Jesus Christ.  
See how it is God that looseth us from sin, who is to make reconciliation or atonement  
betwixt us and him, and that through Christ, whom he caused to die for the same purpose. And  
he, quoth St. Paul, hath ordained us ministers of the said atonement. See how Christ's apostles  
called not themselves the authors of binding and loosing, but ministers; For he, that is to wit,  
God, reconciled the world unto him, forgiving their sins (where you may know what reconciling  
is); and hath committed, saith Paul, unto us, to be messengers of the same word, or tidings of  
atonement or reconciling.  
"Also, that the power whereby men are loosed from sin is not the priest's power, you may  
know by the vulgar saying, which is right true; yea, and with leisure, I doubt not but that I can  
show the same in the Decrees, which is thus, 'Only God forgiveth and pardoneth us of our sins.'  
And this was preached at Paul's Cross the Sunday next after the Epiphany last, the bishop of  
London sitting by; the preacher speaking after this form, treating of this text, 'Behold the Lamb  
of God, which taketh away the sins of the world.' In that, 'said the preacher, 'testimony is given  
of Christ to be a lamb, it is showed that he was an innocent man. But in that it is said, that he  
taketh away the sins of the world, is showed that he was God;' alleging there, for the  
confirmation of this part of his purpose, the vulgar saying above said by me, Solus Deus remittit  
peccata. And the same proposition, or another equal with the same, useth St. Chrysostom, in a  
homily that is made upon this text of St. Matthew, His name shall be called Jesus; for he shall  
save his people from their sins. Also St. Chrysostom, in Opus lmperfectum, upon this text, Woe  
be unto you, scribes and Pharisees! because ye shut up the kingdom of heaven before men, &c.  
As near as my remembrance doth serve me, or else in some other place, but in the book, (as I  
suppose,) he affirmeth that the keys of heaven are the word and doctrine of God. This witnesseth  
moreover St. Gregory, I trow, in his book called Pastoralia, or else it is an epistle that he writeth  
to the bishop of Constantinople, in these words: 'The key of loosing is the word of the corrector,  
who, rebuking, doth disclose the fault, which many times he knoweth not, that committeth the  
same.'  
"St. Ambrose, agreeing to the same, saith, 'The word of God forgiveth sin.' But shall we  
then say that God's ministers do not bind and loose? I say, No, not as the authors of so doing; but  
they do loose and bind in like manner as it is said of Paul in the Acts of the Apostles, where our  
Saviour spake unto him in this manner,: I shall, said our Saviour, deliver thee from the people  
and nations unto whom I send thee, that thou shouldest open their eyes, that they may be  
converted from darkness to light. Here Paul is said to open the eyes of men's hearts, albeit to  
speak properly, it is God that so doth; and therefore David prayeth unto him, Open mine eyes, O  
Lord. And in like manner it is spoken of John Baptist, that he should go before Christ in the spirit  
and power of Elias, and turn the hearts of the fathers to their children, and the unbelievers to the  
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wisdom of the righteous: albeit to turn men's hearts, and to work in them, belongeth to God; but  
so use we to speak metonymice. As, if your Lordship had defined to me to be excommunicated,  
and thereupon should send a commandment to the parson of Knoll, to declare the same, the  
people would say, that the parson of Knoll, proclaiming your commandment, had accursed me;  
but yet doth he not properly curse me, but you rather, when he, in pronouncing the same, doth  
your act and commandment, rather than his own.  
"Touching cases limited to priests and ministers, for loosing from sin, or binding in the  
same, I do know no such things showed in Scripture, which is the perfect way of our life: neither  
can any man, I suppose, show by authority thereof, that one should have more or less limited him  
than another. And if you can or will thereby teach it me, I shall thank you for your doing, and  
pray God to requite you.  
"Concerning enjoining of penance, I know of none that men need to admit, nor you to put  
or enjoin the same, except it be renovation of living in casting apart old vice, and taking them  
unto new virtue, which every true penitent intendeth, or ought to intend, verily by the grace and  
assistance of our Saviour Christ, to show and perform.  
"Unto the eleventh article I say, that grace is given unto them that duly receive the  
sacraments of Christ and his church; but whether by them or no, that I cannot define; for God  
sendeth his grace where he pleaseth, either with them, or without them, and when he pleaseth: so  
that it is at his arbitrement, how and when. Moreover, many a lewd person receiveth the  
sacraments, who is destitute of grace, to his confusion. So that I cannot affirm that the  
sacraments give grace; yet, in due receipt of the sacraments, I suppose and think, that God giveth  
unto them grace that so take them, as he doth unto all good, even without them also.  
"Whereas in your twelfth article you do ask, whether all things necessary unto salvation  
are put in Holy Scripture, and whether things only there put be sufficient, and whether some  
things, upon necessity of salvation, are to be believed and observed, which are not expressed in  
Scripture: this is the question, as great learned men have showed me, whom I do count my  
friends, since the time I appeared at your Lordship's assignment before Master doctor Lesse, and  
Master Melling, with other, in your chapel of Lambeth, when these questions were first  
propounded: this, I say, is the question, which, as they told me, is the head and whole content of  
all others objected against me. Yea, this is both the helm and stern of all together, and that which  
they contended right sorely to impugn: but love of the truth (wherewith in this point I reckoned  
me well fenced) would not suffer me to apply and yield to their will, thinking 'that the truth  
ought to be preferred before all friendship and amity; 'and also, If thy right hand offend, it ought  
to be cut off, and cast away.  
"
But touching an answer unto this question, I suppose verily, that if I had St. Cyril's  
works by me, I should not need to show any other answer in this, than he hath showed  
beforetime, writing upon this saying of St. John, There are many things more which Jesus did.  
Notwithstanding, forasmuch as every man at all seasons cannot have what he would, and  
therefore must make other shift, such as he may, I say, that I suppose the first part of your  
question to be very true, and therefore to be affirmed, that is to wit, that all things needful for  
man's salvation be mentioned and showed in Holy Scripture, and that the things only there put be  
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sufficient for the regiment of spiritual living, and man's soul's health. And in this shall you find  
both the ancient doctors standing with me; and moreover, the suffrage of holy writ, whose  
authority is of most sovereign and infallible stedfastness.  
"
Look what St. Jerome saith upon this verse, The Lord shall rehearse it, when he writeth  
up the people. St. Ambrose also, in a treatise, De Paradiso, doth show likewise, where he  
bringeth this text of Paul, written in 2 Cor. xi., I am afraid lest it may, by some means, be  
brought to pass, that as the serpent deceived Eve through wiliness, so your minds may be  
corrupted from the simple verity that is in Christ. And also in his Commentaries upon the Epistle  
to the Colossians, upon this text, In Christ Jesus is all treasure of wisdom; and in divers other  
places of the same work.  
St. Chrysostom also, in his Commentaries upon Paul, declaring this saying, 'The whole  
Scripture given by inspiration of God,' &c. And in his book called Opus Imperfectum, I wot not  
precisely upon what text, but there you shall find, that he would have a true preacher of God's  
law not swerving therefrom, neither on the right hand, neither on the left, but keeping thereafter,  
according to the teaching of Solomon: for he that should thereunto add or withdraw, should  
enterprise, as saith St. Chrysostom, to be wiser than God. These, or else such like words, doth he  
say. I will be deemed by the book brought forth, because my remembrance cannot retain  
perfectly all such things.  
"St. Cyprian maintaineth well the same in an epistle that he writeth, Ad Cecilium  
Fratrem, which I would to God were in English, that all men might learn the devout goodness in  
it contained. In the same he teacheth clearly, how we ought to hear Christ only, and his learning,  
not regarding or attending to the traditions of men; like as he doth also in many other places. And  
this agreeth well with Scripture, which is called the word of salvation; the administration of  
righteousness; the word of truth, yea, and the truth itself; the rod of direction; our spiritual food;  
the spiritual sword that we ought to fight with against all temptations and assaults of our ghostly  
enemies; the seed of God; the kingdom of heaven, and the keys of the same; the power of God;  
the light of the world, which whoso followeth shall not be overcome with darkness; the law of  
God; his wisdom and testament. Of which words, and such like, every one will give matter of  
substantial argument, that we, following the same doctrine only, shall have sufficient safe-  
conduct to come unto the inheritance promised, albeit none other ways or means were annexed  
with the same. And certain I am, that in this blessed doctrine of Christ is taught how we ought to  
do truth and mercy, which is all that we need to do, as testifieth the Psalm, in these words, All  
the ways of the Lord are mercy and truth. And again, the prophet, willing us to do as he did, saith  
in this manner, I have cleaved to thy testimonies, O Lord; confound me not. In like manner the  
said whole Psalm warneth us; yea, all the Scripture biddeth us stick fast, to the steady and true  
word of God, saying, that he is true, and all his ways are truth; but all men are vain and liars. For  
that is the sure foundation which cannot fail them that ground thereupon, as reporteth Christ:  
Every one, saith he, that heareth my words, and doth them, is like to a wise man that buildeth  
upon a sure foundation. And there ought to be none other foundation to Christian men, but only  
the undoubted truth of Jesus to build our faith upon, and direct our living thereafter, as showeth  
St. Paul, saying, Other foundation can no man lay, than that which is laid, which is Jesus Christ.  
And likewise in, the Epistle unto the Ephesians, where he saith, Now ye are no more strangers  
and foreigners, but citizens with the, saints, and of the household of God. And in the same  
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Epistle, St. Paul, dilating of Christ's beneficence, showeth how that he ordained in the church  
divers officers, to the edifying of Christian people, that hecalleth Christ's body, until all we may  
come unto the unity of faith; which cometh by following of one doctrine, which is Christ's,  
whereby we may grow to be perfect men; and that we should not be here like to children, carried  
about with every wind of doctrine, by deceit and wiliness of men that study to deceive us.  
"
In like form doth he warn us, in the Epistle to the Hebrews, that we should not be carried  
about as the wind, with divers and strange doctrines, but continue in that which ever continueth  
like and all one, agreeable for all men in all parts, and that at all times; not being changeable, as  
men's constitutions be, whereof look what one doth counsel or ordain to be of effect, another  
annuls the same, according as men's minds do always alter, and are full unsteady. Neither do  
such pertain unto all men; for the Greeks, with others, (whom neither the pope, nor any of his  
people, will yet deny to be of Christ's church,) will in no condition admit such, neither for men to  
live after them, nor to believe them as pertaining to their faith. But they allow well the doctrine  
that persevereth every one, and is immutable, as showeth St. Paul, saying, Jesus Christ yesterday  
and to-day is all one, and so ever shall be. He is white bread, without any sour leaven of  
Pharisaical traditions; verity without guile; light without any darkness; the very straight way that  
hath neither hook nor crook. From this ought we not to turn, neither upon one hand nor the other,  
unless we will go from him that is our felicity and anchor of safety.  
"
But should I more treat of this, except I would recite all Scripture, which in every part is  
full of admonitions, exhorting and warning us to cleave fast unto this way, which is the doctrine  
of the gospel, which God, I beseech him, grant us all both to know and love, taking heed that in  
no wise we be seduced therefrom by laws and doctrines of men. Look also into Colossians ii.,  
and into the Epistles to Timothy and Titus. So that I conclude that in Holy Scripture is contained  
sufficiently enough of doctrine for the regiment and salvation of our souls; and because learned  
men do call this the head article laid against me, I would that all men should well note it, and  
record my saying therein hereafter, whatsoever shall betide of me; for the truth is so indeed, that  
hereupon hangeth the sum of all. Therefore I shall recite it once again. I say, that in Holy  
Scripture the doctrine there only contained, is sufficient for the salvation of Christian men's  
souls: God give us grace that we may know it, to build our faith stedfastly upon the same, in  
working thereafter  
"As touching the latter part of your question, I say that there are many things both to be  
observed, and to be believed, that are not expressed in Scripture; as the civil laws of princes and  
commonalties, ordained for civil regiment of the body, and all other, so that they be not hurtful to  
faith or charity, but helpful to the same: I reckon that we ought to keep them, not only for fear of  
punishment, but also for conscience' sake, although such ordinances be not expressly and  
particularly in Scripture expressed; for they are generally therein contained and spoken of.  
"Moreover, if you mean by this word 'expressed,' that which in Scripture is clearly  
showed out, and appeareth evidently to every reader or hearer that hath but a mean  
understanding, so do I affirm that there are some things which a man ought to believe, although  
they be not by him expressly understood: as I have ever believed that the Virgin Mary was, and  
is, a perpetual virgin, and that the same might be gathered by the Scripture. But if, by this word  
'expressed,' you mean comprehended or contained, (as methinks the mind of him that wrote the  
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demand should he,) so that he meaneth by this question thus: whether any thing ought to be  
observed and believed, which is not contained in Scripture, and that, upon necessity of salvation;  
then I say, that there is nothing either to be observed, or to be believed upon necessity of  
salvation, which is not contained in Scripture and mentioned in the same either generally or  
specially. Yet do I not deny but other things are to be believed, as I believed that Dr. Warham  
was archbishop of Canterbury, ere ever I saw your Lordship; and I believe that I knew verily  
who was my father and mother, albeit I had no intelligence when they begot me; and such like:  
and yet in such points, although a man have not a steady belief, he may be saved.  
"To the thirteenth article, where you do ask, whether I believe that purgatory is, and  
whether that souls departed be therein tormented and purged? I say that there is a purgatory in  
this world, and that doth the Scripture, and also do the holy doctors, call the fire of tribulation,  
through which all Christians shall pass, as testifieth St. Paul to Timothy, whose testimony is full  
notable and true, albeit that few do know it, and fewer, peradventure, will believe it. Mark you  
the words, good people! and know, that they be his, and not mine. They be thus, All that will live  
godly in Jesus Christ, shall suffer persecution. In this purgatory do I now reckon myself to stand;  
God send me well to persevere unto his honour! Of this speaketh also St. Peter in these words,  
which pertain to the instruction of all Christian people: Ye, quoth he, are preserved through the  
power of God, by faith, unto salvation, which is, prepared to be revealed in the last time; wherein  
ye now rejoice, though for a season (if need require) ye are sundry ways afflicted and tormented;  
that the trial of your faith, being much more precious than gold that perisheth, though it be tried  
with fire, might be found unto laud, glory, and honour, at the appearing of Jesu Christ, &c. Other  
purgatory know I none, that you can prove by Scripture, unless it be by one place of the same,  
which, well examined, I trow, shall make but little against me, for the maintenance of any other  
than I have showed.  
"
But whatsoever be brought against me, I trust that holy doctors shall, by their  
interpretation, sustain the part which I do take upon me, making answer for me sufficient; so that  
you shall say, it is no new thing which I have or shall speak. Yet, that you should see even now  
somewhat written of ancient doctors concerning the same, I shall show you what I have read in  
St. Augustine; first, in a sermon that he maketh De Ebrietate, in this wise, saying, 'Brethren! let  
no man deceive himself, for there be two places, and the third is not known. He that with Christ  
hath not deserved to reign, shall without doubt perish with the devil.' In another also that he  
maketh, it is said thus: 'Know you, that when the soul is departed from the body, it is incontinent,  
for its good deeds, put in paradise, or else thrown headlong into the dungeon of hell for its sins.  
Choose ye now which ye list, and purpose, while ye be here in this life, either to joy perpetually  
with the saints, or else to be tormented without end among wicked sinners.' Thus saith holy  
Augustine.  
"To make an end, I hope surely, that by the aid of our Saviour, I shall come to heaven,  
and reign with Christ, ere that I shall feel any purgatory beside that I have and shall sustain in  
this life. And he that believeth not stedfastly any other to be, shall yet be saved as well (and God  
wotteth whether better or no, but I think no whit less) as such as teach the people, or suffer them  
to be taught, that in going from this station to that, from one altar to another, they shall cause  
souls to be delivered: yea, and as well as such as say, that a man, being buried in a Grey Friar's  
frock, shall so have remission of the third part of his sins, (as is granted in a bull unto the said  
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religion,) and such like. For St. Augustine shall make with me in his book called Enchiridion,  
after he hath confuted the opinion of some that in the church of Christ, living in mischief,  
ungraciously, taking thereof no repentance, did yet falsely deem that they should be saved  
through the cleansing of purgatory, where he concludeth thus: 'Such a thing after this life to be,'  
saith he, 'is not incredible; but whether it be so or no, a doubt may be thereof moved, or a  
question demanded.' The same words doth he again recite in a book called Quæstiones ad  
Dulcium, or Dulcitium, I wot not 'whether it is called, and there he treateth of the same more  
copiously; and would I might see the place once again.  
"To this agreeth St. Paul, writing thus to the Corinthians, For we must all appear before  
the judgment-seat of Christ, that every man may receive the things which are done in his body,  
according to that he hath done, whether it be good or evil. And again, where he writeth unto the  
Hebrews, I trow it be said in this wise: Remember them that are in bonds, even as though you  
were bound with them; be mindful of them which are in affliction, as if ye were also afflicted in  
the body.  
"To the fourteenth article, where you ask whether holy martyrs, apostles, and confessors,  
departed from this world, ought to be honoured, called upon, and prayed unto? I answer, as  
touching the honouring of them, with the very words of St. Augustine, in his book De Vera  
Religione, in his last leaf, where he saith thus 'Non sit nobis religio cultus hominum mortuorum:  
quia si pie vixerunt, non sic habentur, ut tales quærant honores, sed ilium a nobis coli volunt, quo  
illuminante lætantur meriti sui nos esse consortes; honorandi stint ergo propter imitationem non  
adorandi propter religionem. Si autem male vixerunt, ubicunque sunt, non sunt colendi.' Again, a  
little after the same, he saith, 'Nam id ipsum actum est temporali dispensatione ad salutem  
nostram, ut naturam humanam ipsa Dei virtus, et Dei sapientia incommutabilis, et  
consubstantialis Patri et coæternus suscipere dignaretur, per quam nos doceret, id esse homini  
colendum, quod ab omni creatura intellectuali et rationali colendum est: hoc est, ipsos optimos  
angelos, et excellentissima Dei ministeria velle credamus, ut unum cum ipsis colamus Deum,  
cujus contemplatione beati sunt; neque enim et nos videndo angelum beati sumus, sed videndo  
veritatem, qua ipsos etiam diligimus angelos et his congratulamur.  
"Nec invidemus quod ea paratiores, vel nullis molestiis interpedientibus perfruuntur, sed  
magis eos diligimus, quoniam et nos tale aliquid operate a communi Domino jussi sumus. Quare  
honoramus eos charitate, non servitute; nec eis templa construimus. Nolunt enim se sic honorari  
a nobis, quia nos ipsi cum boni sumus, templa summi Dei esse noverunt. Recte itaque scribitur,  
hominem ab angelo prohibitum ne se adoraret, sed unum Deum, sub quo ille esset et conservus.'  
"Thus saith St. Augustine, handling the same matter a little after more at large.  
"The contents of this unto you I expound, that know no Latin; for I covet that all persons  
should know both my thought in this and all manner of doing, to the intent that of all persons I  
would have true report and testimony, whatsoever shall betide me. St. Augustine, in these words,  
would have that we should worship no men departed, be they ever so good and holy, (for they  
seek no such honour,) but would have us to worship God alone; no, nor yet any angel, nor  
honour the same, but only in imitation of them, following their good acts in our living, as they  
followed our most merciful God while they were alive; not building churches in the name or  
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honour of them, for they would have no such honour done unto them: it is to them no pleasure,  
but contrariwise. No, the angels will not that we should build any churches in reverence of them;  
but would that with them we should honour the original Maker and Performer of all. They refuse  
all honour, saving that which is called honor charitatis, which is nothing else but to be loved.  
Thus saith St. Augustine, Which love we shall testify in following their good acts, by helping the  
poor or helpless with alms and mercy, and dealing truly in word and deed, according to our state  
and calling, both towards God and man; which is no light matter to them that do consider the  
thing well. But whosoever shall truly and duly follow that trade, shall feel it, I dare say, as the  
burden of Christ's cross was unto him, right weighty and grievous when he bare it to Calvary;  
saving that we need not fear, for he hath promised to be with us in tribulation, to rid us from the  
same. For the prophet David saith, When a just person beginneth to fall, he shall not be borne flat  
down to be broken, for the Lord shall put his hand under him to rear him up again. And in the  
Gospel he biddeth, Come you unto me, all that do travail and are sore charged, and I shall  
comfort or refresh you. Take my yoke upon you, learning of me that am soft and meek-minded,  
and you shall find ease thereby in your souls, for my yoke is easy, and my burthen light. See you  
here how he is ever ready to support them that for truth shall sustain the chargeable and sore  
vexations put upon them by the world, which cannot endure the truth to prevail, and the untruth  
to be disclosed.  
"As touching invocation, that is, to wit, calling upon them, we have in Scripture, how we  
should call upon Almighty God in all necessities or tribulations. As in the Psalms every where;  
as in this, Call upon me in time of your tribulation, and I shall deliver you. Mark how he saith  
here, Call upon me, appointing neither St. Thomas, nor Master John Shorn. Also in another  
place, The Lord is nigh unto them that call upon him, that call upon him truly; and with that he  
showeth who calleth truly upon him, saying thus: He shall do the will or desire of them that  
reverence him, and shall hear graciously their prayer, and make them safe; for the Lord loveth all  
that love him, and all sinners shall be destroyed. And thus used the holy prophets, patriarchs,  
apostles, and other good faithful people in old time, in all tribulation and anguish, to resort unto  
the head fountain, which is of grace infinite, as is showed in other places in this wise: In my  
trouble I called upon the Lord, saith David, and he heard me graciously. When I was troubled, I  
cried unto the Lord, and he mercifully heard me. Also, I lift mine eyes unto the mountains. But  
from whence shall help come unto me? Mine help, quoth he, shall come from the Lord, that  
made both heaven and earth. I read the first of these verses in form of interrogation, following St.  
Augustine, who, as I remember, interpreteth it in this wise. If I recite not authorities in all places  
in the most perfect form, I would pray you somewhat to pardon me, for you know that I lack  
books, and have not them lying by me. Notwithstanding, I am certain, I shall not decline much  
from him. The hills toward which David did lift up his eyes, were saints and holy men, by whom  
when he could not have his mind satisfied, he turned another way, saying, From whence shall  
help come unto me? Anon, remembering himself better, he sued unto God himself, of whom  
incontinent he obtained the accomplishment of his wish, and so witnessed the same for our  
instruction, saying, Mine help is of the Lord, or cometh from the Lord, which made heaven and  
earth. This interpretation, as near as I remember, is after the mind of St. Augustine; and I  
suppose verily, that it is not contrary unto the mind of God, nor disagreeing with the sequel of  
Scripture. Also, in this wise it is reported in the New Testament, by authority deduced out of the  
Old, where it is written, Every one that calleth upon the name of the Lord shall be saved. And  
mark how, cum energia, it is said, upon the name of the Lord; without any sending us either to  
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St. Christopher, (though he be painted ever so stout,) or to St. Patrick's purgatory in Ireland, or to  
St. James in Galicia, in the year of grace, or yet to any other saint or place; but he would have us  
that we should call upon Almighty God, and upon his name, for the love that he beareth to  
Christ, who is alway our advocate before our Father, to purchase mercy for our sins; and not for  
our sins only, quoth St. John, (who is the writer of this saying and testimony,) but also for the  
sins of all the world. St. Augustine upon the same, noteth that St. John, in that place, saith, We  
have an advocate, and that Christ is advocate for him, like as he is for all others, to purchase  
mercy for him, like as he doth for all others that shall be saved; and that St. John will not be  
known for our advocate, but that Christ should be taken for advocate of all. St. Bede (as I  
remember) upon the same, maketh as much for this purpose as doth St. Augustine, or well more;  
so that by course of Scripture we are taught to resort for all aid and relief (as I have said) unto the  
head-spring and fountain of all comfort and mercy, as St. Paul calleth him, the Father of mercies  
and of all comfort, who is ready to comfort us in all tribulation: which, as the Psalm reporteth,  
healeth all our infirmities, and taketh mercy upon all our iniquities. For he is sweet, as is said in  
another place, and gentle, and many mercies are laid up for all those that call upon him. Yet he  
showeth us no where, I trow, of benefits that we shall purchase by praying unto saints departed;  
and if any person can or will vouchsafe to teach me that, by some authority of Scripture, I would  
think myself highly beholden to him, whatsoever he were, either great or small, young or old: but  
I ween it cannot be. I have made truly long search, yet could I never find any such substantial  
teaching; howbeit, I offer myself ever to learn, and know that my rude wit, foolish youth,  
inexpert experience, and feeble discretion, had need of good instruction as much as any other.  
Howbeit I see (thanked be God) that sometimes he showeth some sparkle of light and wisdom to  
children, hiding the same from others that are reputed of higher prudence; so that the world  
thereby many times is brought into admiration, seeing such facts done by God before their face,  
and laugh thereat sometimes with indignation, as the Pharisees did at the blind man whom Christ  
had restored to sight, where they said to him, Thou, caitiff! wast born blind for thy sins, and wilt  
thou teach us, that are a great multitude of high officers of the temple, and doctors to teach the  
law? As who would say, It becometh thee full ill. Yet we ought not to marvel greatly at such  
doing, forasmuch as St. Paul, in his First Epistle to the Corinthians, showeth of the like practice  
done in his time, and that he writeth for the instruction of all ages after ensuing; so that it  
pertaineth (like as the Holy Scripture doth) as well to our time, as it did to that it was first written  
in. The doctrine of Christ's cross, that is, to wit, of the New Testament, is to them that perish,  
folly, saith he; but to us that obtain thereby salvation, meaning thereby to such as believe, it is  
the might or power of God; for it is written, saith he, by the prophet Isaiah, that God aforetime  
said, he would destroy the wisdom of the wise, and the understanding or learning of the learned  
would he throw away and despise.  
"This prophecy alleged, Paul thought to be authority sufficient to dissuade the  
Corinthians from the foolish affiance, vain-glory, or opinion, that they had in men, whom they  
peradventure over-highly esteemed for their offices or solemn titles. So that he proceedeth forth  
in the same: Where are ye now, quoth he, the worldly wise, the scribes, that is to say, doctors,  
and such other like officers: Hath not God showed the wisdom of the world to be foolish and  
unsavoury? For after that by the wisdom of God, which is showed in Scripture, I suppose, the  
world hath not studied to know God, by wisdom it hath pleased God now to save them that  
believe through the foolishness of preaching.' He calleth the word of God 'foolish preaching,' not  
because it was foolish, for afore he called it godly wisdom, but he spake after the opinion of  
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them that set a little or nought thereby, esteeming it as Æsop's cock did the precious stone, and as  
swine do pearls.  
"After long process in the same matter, he con- cludeth thus: 'Brethren,' saith he, 'you see  
your calling, how that not many wise men after the flesh are called to the belief of the gospel, nor  
many mighty men, nor many of noble parentage; but those that be fools after the estimation of  
the world, hath God chosen to confound the wise,' &c.  
"Therefore I say, as I said afore, that, thanks be to God, albeit I am, as I showed before,  
void of such great prudency as others be well endued with, yet I see partly how their great  
reasons be not very substantial, whereby they contend by the treaty of reason, when authority  
faileth them, to show that we ought to pray to saints departed, to be mediators for us to Christ.  
And amongst other, this is one that they lean much upon, bringing it forth so usually, that  
common people well nigh altogether harp upon the same; some favouring it, other, contrariwise,  
esteeming it of no value.  
The reason is this: If, when one should desire to come to the speech of our sovereign, to  
obtain some boon of him, need it were, first to purchase the favour of his chamberlains, or some  
other like officers, to bring him to the king's presence, for else he may watch long in vain, until  
he be full cold ere that he shall speak with his Grace, and much less is he like to obtain his  
petition. In like wise it fareth (as they say) betwixt God and us; of whom, if we would purchase  
any benefit, we must first break it unto the saints departed, making them our friends to go  
betwixt God and us, as mediators and intercessors. But such, (with their leave I would speak it,) I  
think, are deceived, in that they resemble God and the king together. For though the king be a  
full gracious prince, (as I hear by common report he is,) yet is he not in graciousness to he  
conferred with God; and though he were as. gracious as might be, yet hath he not the knowledge  
that is in God, for God knew of all things before the beginning of the world, and is every where,  
to see not only our outward dealing, but also all secret thoughts of all men's hearts; so that he  
needeth no mediators to inform him of our desires, as the king doth need. And he is full of  
infinite mercy, that I may as lightly, or as soon, obtain of him that which is for my be-hoof, as I  
should win by praying holy saints to be intercessors to him for me.  
"Therefore, passing such apparent reasons, I take me to the ensample of antiquity, I mean  
of the patriarchs, prophets, and the apostles, and the authority of Scripture, which teach that we  
need not to fear, but may boldly resort unto Chris himself and his holy Father, forasmuch as he  
biddeth us, in these words and others like, so to do, saying, Come unto me, all ye that travail, are  
vexed, and sore charged; and I will refresh and ease you. Mark how he biddeth us to resort unto  
himself, and that without fear. For he and his Father, which are all one, giveth abundantly of all  
goodness unto all men, and upbraideth nobody for his unworthiness. But if we intend to obtain of  
Him, we must, all doubtfulness (as I said before) put apart, with a sure confidence of his mercy,  
ask of him what we would have; so that I leave unto others what they list to do, praying Jesus,  
that we all may lust for that which is most pleasing to him.  
"
But I think, concerning-myself, that according to Christ's own commandment I may,  
without any doubt casting, resort in all encumbrances, to seek ease thereof, even unto himself  
and to his blessed Father. Therefore he biddeth us, when we should pray, to say after this  
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fashion, 'Our Father which art in heaven,' &c. For there is no creature, nor creatures, that ever  
were or be, that have more, or so much, either of might, whereby cometh ability to give help; or  
of mercy and tenderness, which should make them willing in proportion agreeable with ability;  
nor of knowledge, that should teach to minister both the other, as is our Lord God, who not only  
is almighty, all-merciful, and all-wise, but also infinite in all these glorious properties; so that  
undoubtedly he can, will, and best knoweth how, to relieve and succour us in all necessity and  
anguish. To whom be honour without end for ever, Amen.  
"One thing yet I will show you in this case, of which thing I was once advertised by a  
great learned man, who (as I suppose) is now living. I will not name him, lest I should perhaps  
cause any displeasure to be conceived against him through my relation. The thing was this: 'I  
will,' quoth he, 'pray unto saints; but that shall be when I think, that God either cannot or will not  
give me my petition. But that (as I showed in the Convocation house) shall never be, I hope. And  
therefore it is to me needless to seek any further about, standing in such trust and belief as, I  
hope, I have found upon God's sure promise.'  
"To the fifteenth article, where you do demand whether the saints in heaven, as  
mediators, pray for us, I say, that I believe saints in heaven do pray for us; for I suppose they  
know that all men generally living upon earth, be wrapped in manifold miseries, like as they also  
were, their souls being imprisoned within their bodies, being mortal. Albeit I think they know not  
what particular miseries men upon earth be entangled and clogged with, as showeth Augustine,  
or else some other (as I think rather) under his name, in a certain work, saying in this wise: that  
souls departed neither feel, nor know of any particular miseries sustained by men living in this  
world, whereby they should need to take either patience, or else compassion after their decease.  
Yet, forasmuch as they know in general, that all men living are clad with frailty, and that their  
charity is not minished after they be hence departed, but increased; therefore I believe verily, that  
they do pray for us as petitioners; but not as mediators, so far forth as I can see. For Scripture  
useth to speak but of one Mediator, which I think signifieth a maker of peace or atonement  
betwixt God the Father and man. Record I take of Paul, who, in the Epistle to Timothy, saith,  
There is one God, and one mediator, or peacemaker, betwixt God and man, the man called Christ  
Jesus, which gave himself for the redemption of all.  
"Thus, I say, I believe saints in heaven do pray for us as petitioners, but not as mediators.  
Yea, all the saints, I ween, do pray, and long that the day of judgment may soon come, according  
to the saying of St. Paul, The fervent desire of the creature waiteth when the sons of God shall be  
revealed. And again, Every creature groaneth with us, and travaileth in pain together unto this  
present; which shall be for the accomplishment of glory, both to them and all others elect of God  
to be his children, and co-inheritors with Christ.  
"
In the sixteenth article, where you demand, whether I believe that oblations and  
pilgrimages may be devoutly and meritoriously done to the sepulchres and relics of saints, I say,  
that what they may be, I cannot perfectly tell; for God can so work, that unto those whom he hath  
chosen to be inheritors with him, all things shall turn to a good conclusion, as saith St. Paul to the  
Romans, in this wise: Unto those that love God, all things shall well succeed, and work together  
for their furtherance in goodness: of whom it is written in the Psalm, Blessed is that nation that  
hath the Lord for their God, the people whom he hath chosen to be his inheritors; yea, their evil  
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deeds shall not hurt them, but come well to pass for the increase of virtue. For as it is said in the  
Gospel. To whom less is forgiven, he loveth less. And again, it hurted not Onesimus, that he ran  
away from his master Philemon, but God wrought, that by occasion thereof he met with Paul,  
which converted him to the faith of the gospel, who before was without belief. Therefore,  
whether they may be done meritoriously or no, I will not define; God wotteth. But this I say, that  
God did never institute any such thing in the New Testament, which is the verity and rule of all  
Christian people to follow and believe: yea, that only is of perfect surety, and none other, but as  
it is agreeable to, and hath ground of the same. And like as we have no certain doctrine instituted  
by Christ, or his disciples, teaching us thus for to do; no more is there any merit appointed by  
him therefore, as I showed before, where I told my mind of our merits.  
"Moreover, where ye put pie, which I call 'devoutly,' very true devotion (that is called in  
Latin, pietas) is that which hath annexed therewith divine promises for this present life, and for  
that which is to come, as witnesseth Paul, which is nothing else but the observation of Christ's  
law, that, in the Psalm, for the pureness thereof, is called, silver fined often and many times  
through the fire. It hath no chaff in it, as have men's traditions; but is pure and clean wheat, as  
showeth Jeremy, writing in this wise, What is the chaff to the wheat? Therefore behold, I will  
come against the prophets, saith the Lord, that steal my word every one from his neighbour, and  
deceive my people in their lies and in their errors. And this devotion is that which St. James  
calleth the pure religion of Christ, saying, Pure and immaculate religion before God the Father is,  
to visit fatherless children and widows in their vexation; whereby he meaneth all needy people  
that are succourless and helpless, with our counsel and other alms, according to our ability,  
whensoever we see them in need and distress.  
"The other part of this religion showed by St. James, is, That a man should keep himself  
clean from the world; and that do they which be not so affectionate unto any thing therein, but  
that they have the things of the world, or occupy the same by true dealing, so that they can find  
in their heart to depart from them, when God shall please, or charity so requireth.  
"Thus doing, we shall follow the exhortation of blessed Paul, which, writing to the  
Corinthians, saith thus, Brethren, the time is short: this remaineth, that they which have wives,  
should be as they had them not; and those that weep, should be as they wept not; and those that  
buy, as if they were without possession; and they that occupy this world, as though they occupied  
it not: for the fashion of this world passeth away. And this meaneth none other thing, but that we  
should neither love nor dread any worldly thing passing measure, or inordinately, but God above  
all things, and all other things in him or for him; and he that thus doth, fulfilleth the  
commandment of Christ spoken to the rich man in the Gospel, where he saith, Go and sell that  
ever thou hast, and come, follow me. For he hath sold away all that ever he had, that surely  
intendeth for the love of Christ, to help the poor with all that he may. The will is accepted for the  
deed, as is commonly said. And this saying both of James, and also of the evangelist, I think  
verily belongeth to all Christian men that they should perform it, none except, neither lay man  
nor woman, (as we use to say,) but to them, as well as to any whom we call religious.  
"As concerning the relics and tombs of saints, I have said to your Lordship before, what I  
do think of the milk of our Lady, the blood which they say is at Hayles, Norwich, and other  
places, with such others, whereof I trust you do know what ought to be done. And I beseech God  
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you may do therein as your office doth require, so showing example to other prelates to follow  
your Lordship in good doing, as is comely for a primate to do; remembering always, as Paul  
saith, the time is short, and therefore it were good to set to hand in time.  
"Finally, holy Moses, when he died, would be so buried that no man should know which  
was his grave, as it is witnessed in the book of Deuteronomy; and that (as the expositors testify)  
was, because the Jews, who were prone to new-fangled worshipping, should not fall into  
idolatry, worshipping him as God, for the great and manifold miracles that were wrought by him  
while he was alive.  
"To conclude, I say, it is no point of my belief, to think that oblations and pilgrimages at  
saints' graves and relics, are meritorious works, nor yet that there is any devotion in so doing.  
That is godly which is instituted by Scripture. If you think contrary, I would desire to know, for  
mine instruction, what part of Scripture should make therefore against me.  
"
In the seventeenth article, where you do ask, whether the fast in Lent, and others  
appointed by the common law, and received in common usage of Christian people, (unless  
necessity otherwise requireth,) are to be observed, I say that, in mine opinion, they are to be  
observed, and fasting discreetly done is commendable, for so shall a man avoid sloth, and be the  
more ready to serve God, and also his neighbours, and thereby tame the rebellion of carnal  
concupiscence, according to the saying of the poet, 'Without wine and good fare, lust waxeth  
cold.' And as St. Jerome, 'The body inflamed with wine, bursteth out into lust.'  
"Yet shall not the breaking of these fasts make a man to do deadly sin, except in his mind  
be some other malicious affection therewith annexed, as rashness of mind, despite, or such-like;  
forasmuch as no positive law of man, made without foundation of Scripture, may bind any  
person, so that in breaking of such, he shall therefore sin deadly. And of this sort made by man,  
are the fast of Lent and other days ordained in your laws without authority of Scripture, which  
willeth us to fast perpetually, eating and drinking but when need requireth (not for any  
voluptuousness, as many, that recount themselves great fasters, I fear have done); yea, and that  
sparely, foreseeing always that our stomachs be never cloyed with drunkenness or surfeiting (as  
is commanded by our Saviour in Luke); but contrariwise, after the fashion rather of a certain  
prince that is mentioned, I trow, in Valerius Maximus, that never rose from his meal's meat with  
a full stomach, but rather somewhat empty, or hungry; which, as the story testifieth, caused him  
to live so wonderfully a long season, that a man could scarcely think it possible for one's life to  
be so prolonged, had not such a notable author reported it.  
"And, to tell the truth, I suppose the prelates should better have persuaded the people to  
pure fasting by instant preaching of the word of God, and fatherly exhortations, than by  
ordaining of so sore a multitude of laws and constitutions; for the nature of man is well described  
by Horace, saying, 'Look, what is forbid, that we most desire, and always covet the things that be  
denied us.' And in another proverb, 'The rope, by overmuch straining, bursteth asunder.'  
According to this said a good old father in Cambridge. I remember his saying well yet: he was an  
old doctor of divinity. When a legate came into England at a time, and he, with certain bishops,  
had ordained, that the dedication of all churches through England (as I remember) should be kept  
holy and solemnized upon one day, and priests should have their gowns made close before, with  
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such other like ordinances, he resisted, not condescending to have them put in execution, when  
his diocesan required him; declaring how this multitude of laws pleased him not; for we had  
enough and abundantly before. Adding this reason, 'Adam, being in Paradise, had but one law to  
observe, and yet he brake it: What other thing then shall this multitude do,' quoth he, 'but  
multiply transgression? for when a faggot is bound over strait, the bond must break.'  
"God therefore, I beseech him, send us of the sweet dew of his heavenly doctrine, to  
moisten and supple the earthly ground of our hearts, that we may grow like fashioned unto him;  
putting apart our old Adam, with all his dissimulation and painted show, that is much caused by  
human laws and constitutions; and do upon us Christ, that is the very truth, and the way directing  
men to the same, Amen.  
"Unto the eighteenth article, where you ask, whether it be laudable and profitable that  
worshipful images be set in churches for the remembrance of Christ and his saints, I say, that I  
know of no images that ought to be worshipped, specially made by the hand of men: for the  
Psalm saith, Confusion or shame be upon them that worship and make obeisance unto carved  
images, and that glory in their pictures. Moreover St. Augustine, in his book De Vera Religione,  
saith thus: 'Let us not have devotion in worshipping the works of men.' Or else thus: 'Let us not  
be bound to worship the works of men; for the workmen are more excellent than the things  
which they make, whom notwithstanding we ought not to worship.' Lactantius also maketh  
strongly with the same: I cannot without book recite his saying, for he teacheth largely of the  
same matter. Origen also, writing against Celsus, I trow, will likewise testify; where, as I  
remember, he concludeth, saying, that he would have no goldsmiths nor gravers in a  
commonalty; for they do but little profit or none thereto. And St. Gregory, that was chief, either  
inventor that images should be set in churches, or else maintainer thereof, would not, as I have  
read, (I trow, it is in an epistle which he writeth to Servus,) have them worshipped.  
"And as concerning the exciting of men's memory, I would suppose that if Christ's  
doctrine were so showed and opened, that people might clearly understand it, (and that is the  
principal office of prelates and curates to do, by diligent teaching thereof,) I think verily we  
should have little need of any other images than that which should, by wholesome doctrine, be  
showed unto us by word of mouth and writing: 'Nothing is so effectual, to exercise the  
remembrance of disciples, as the lively voice of good teachers;' as it is testified both by common  
report, and also by the sentence of learned men.  
"So that I suppose, if this lively doctrine of God had aforetime been apertly and diligently  
opened unto the people, as curates ought to have done, we should have such profit thereby, that  
we should not need to contend for setting up, or taking down, of other dumb stocks, and lifeless  
stones, carved or made by men; and if prelates would begin to set up Christ's word, which, alas  
for pity! is not looked upon, (but rather trodden down and despised so that many are not ashamed  
to say, 'I will have no more learning in Christ's law than my predecessors, for they that magnify  
it must be sore punished, and taken for heretics,' with such other grievous words,) if this doctrine  
were yet set up in churches, I say, and truly opened, that all men might have their judgment  
thereby reformed and made clear, I think we should not greatly need the profit that cometh by  
images made of men, to excite our remembrance to live Christianly.  
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"For that word which came from the breast of Christ himself, and was written of others  
that wrote and spake by the suggestion of his Spirit, the Holy Ghost, showeth full perfectly his  
blessed will, which is the true and certain image of his mind and device. If this, therefore, were  
diligently inculcated, I think we should be transformed anew, according to the mind of Paul,  
who, writing to the Colossians, saith thus: 'See that you lie not one to another, after that now you  
have put off the old man with his works, and have put upon you the new man, which is  
transformed and renovated after the knowledge and image of Him that made us.' Yea, thus  
should we all be taught of God, as is said in John; and all should know God, both small and  
great, according to the promise recited in the Hebrews: yea, thus should we be restored to  
goodness, that we should have the image of God carved in our hearts full expressly. For every  
man is transformed into the fashion of virtuous things, that he is accustomed to read and hear.  
And, therefore, it were a great grace, if we might have the word of God diligently and often  
spoken and sung unto us in such wise that the people might understand it. Yea, then it should  
come to pass, that craftsmen should sing spiritual psalms sitting at their works, and the  
husbandman at his plough, as wisheth St. Jerome.  
"Yea, this holy image of Christ, I mean his blessed doctrine, doth appoint us also to  
consider the works made by the hands of God, such as no man can make like, whereby, as saith  
St. Paul, writing to the Romans, The invisible power and divinity of God is known and seen by  
the creation of the world, of such as will consider his works that are therein by him made. Look  
in the Psalms, Praise ye the Lord from heaven. The heavens declare the glory of God, with  
others. And these two images, God's works and his doctrine, have, ere any images made by men  
were set up in churches, well and sufficiently instructed the primitive church: and should yet  
instruct us well, if they were well considered, so that we should not need so sorely to contend for  
setting up of others made by men.  
Whereby I have perceived much harm to arise, and no great profit; nor the Scripture  
maketh not for them, but rather contrary; as concerning which matter, I would your Lordship  
would please to read the Epistle of Baruch once again, writing of the same matter.  
"Unto the nineteenth article, where you ask, whether I believe that prayers of men living,  
do profit souls departed and being in purgatory, I made answer in the thirteenth article.  
"Unto the twentieth, where you do ask, whether men merit and deserve both by their  
fasting, and also by other deeds of devotion, I have showed what I do think thereof, in the fifth  
demand.  
"
In the one and twentieth, where you do ask, whether I do believe that men, prohibited by  
bishops to preach, as suspected of heresy, ought to cease from preaching and teaching until they  
have purged themselves of suspicion, before a higher judge? I say that men may be wrongfully  
suspected of heresy, either because they never thought to believe such errors as men, by false  
suspicion, do deem them to favour; or else, when men, as well of high estate as of low, by  
sinister judgment may think that to be error, which is the very truth. And of this speaketh Isaiah,  
Woe be to them, quoth he, that call the light darkness, and the darkness light; the truth falsehood,  
and the falsehood truth. As the bishops and the priests, with their orator Tertullus, called Paul,  
saying thus, before a judge called Felix, unto whose court they brought him to be condemned to  
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death: We have, quoth they, gotten here a pestilent fellow, a sower of sedition or discord among  
all the Jews of the world, and a bringer-up of the sect of the Nazarenes; which was also minded  
to have polluted our temple, &c. This is to call, by perverse judgment, truth falsehood. And thus  
did their predecessors speak of the prophets, yea, and of Christ himself, calling him a seducer  
and preacher of heresy: which is written for our instruction. And men being thus suspected, (as I  
would none were,) ought in no wise, therefore, to cease either from preaching, or teaching.  
"Ensample of this we have in the Acts of the Apostles, where it is showed that when  
Peter and John had done a miracle upon a man that had been lame from his nativity, (whom by  
the power of Christ they healed, and caused to go where he pleased,) the people, hearing of this,  
came running about Peter and John. Peter, seeing this, did exhort the people in a sermon, that  
they should not think him and his fellow St. John to have done this wonderful thing by their own  
power or holiness, but by the virtue of Christ, whom they and their head rulers had slain.  
While they were thus speaking with the people, there came upon them the priests and  
officers of the temple, accompanied with the Sadducees, being sore displeased that they should  
enterprise to teach the people, and preach that men should arise from death by the name of  
Christ, whom they had caused to be crucified; and therewith they laid hands upon them, and put  
them in ward until next day. The next day they sent for the apostles before them, demanding by  
what power, and in whose name, they did this miracle? Peter made answer, If you, quoth he, that  
are head-rulers over the people, lust by examination to know by what means we did it, we would  
you should all know, that we did it through the name of Christ Jesus of Nazareth, whom you did  
crucify: but God did cause him to arise again. In the virtue of his name doth this man, that afore  
was lame, now stand afore you here both whole and sound. For Christ is that head corner-stone,  
whom you cast away, which should have builded the people's faith upon him, neither is there any  
salvation without him.  
"These great men, seeing that Peter spake so freely, and that he, with his fellow John,  
were simple men, without any pompous apparel, or great guard of servants, being like idiots and  
men unlearned, wondered thereat. At last they did command them to depart out of their council-  
house, while they should commune more largely of the matter. Afterwards they called the  
apostles before them again, commanding them that they should no more preach, nor teach in the  
name of Jesus. But the apostles answered, saying, I beseech you, judge better. Ought we to obey  
you more than God, or no? for certainly we must needs testify of those things which we have  
both heard and seen. Then the head priests, threatening them sore, did give them strait charge not  
to break their precept; and so did let them go, not knowing any cause why they might punish  
them; for they feared lest the people would have taken part with the apostles, for the people gave  
glory unto God for the miracle showed by them.  
"Notwithstanding all these great threats, Peter wrought miracles still amongst the people,  
doing them to know that glory therefore ought to be given to Jesus, by whose power and name  
they were done; wherewith the hearts of the people melted for joy, so that they followed after the  
apostles whithersoever they went.  
"The primate of the priests, hearing of this, and all that were about him, replete with  
indignation, laid hands upon the apostles, putting them in the common prison. But the angel of  
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God, in the night, opened the prison-doors, and brought them out, saying, Go you into the  
temple, and stand there preaching unto the people all the words of life; that is to say, Christ's  
doctrine: and so they did early in the morning. Then came forth the chief priest, and they whom  
he used to have about him, and called a council, in which were all the priests of Israel, or  
ancients of Israel. So they sent unto the prison-house to have the apostles brought forth before  
them. When their servants came to the prison-house, and found the apostles gone thence, they  
returned to their masters, saying, We found the prison fast shut round about in every part, and the  
keepers watching at the doors without, full diligently. But when we had opened the prison, we  
could find nobody within.  
"Then, as the high priests and officers of the temple heard this, they were in a great  
perplexity, doubting what would thereof come. Then came one unto them and showed them,  
saying, Behold, the men that ye put in prison are standing in the temple, preaching unto the  
people. Then went they thither, and brought the, apostles with them without any violence; but  
they were afraid lest the people would have beaten them down with stones.  
"Then they caused the apostles to be brought into their council-house, the high priest  
beginning his proposition against the apostles in his form: Have we not straitly commanded you,  
said he, that you should not preach in the name of Christ? and see, you have filled all Jerusalem  
with your doctrine. Will you bring this man's blood upon us, that we should unrighteously have  
caused him to suffer death? Then answered Peter and the other apostles, saying, We ought to  
obey God more than any man. The God of our fathers hath raised Jesu from death, whom you did  
slay, hanging on a tree. Him notwithstanding hath God raised, and by his power advanced to be  
our King and Saviour: by whom shall be given to all Israel, that will take repentance, forgiveness  
of sin.  
"These great rulers hearing this, their hearts were therewith cloven asunder, and they  
consulted together to slay the apostles. But one good man among their multitude advised them  
otherwise, whose advice they did approve. Then they called the apostles again before them,  
causing them to be scourged, and charged them no more to preach in the name of Jesus; and so  
did let them depart.  
"Then went they away out of the council, rejoicing that God had made them worthy to  
suffer such rebukes for his name's sake. But yet they never ceased to teach and preach of Jesus  
Christ every day in the temple, and in all houses that they came into. This is written in the fourth,  
fifth, and sixth of the Acts of the Apostles, and for our instruction, doubt you not: for such  
practice is showed in all ages. So that hereby you may see, when men be wrongfully suspected or  
infamed of heresy, and so prohibited by bishops to preach the word of God, that they ought for  
no man's commandment to leave or stop, though they do never purge themselves before them:  
for such will admit no just purgation many times, but judge in their own causes, and that as they  
lust, which methinketh not at all comely. Therefore in the old law, the priests and other judges do  
sit together, hearing of matters that were in controversy.  
"Yet this I think reasonable, that a man justly and not causelessly suspected, and namely  
if be be so found faulty of heresy, ought to cease from preaching, after he is inhibited, until he  
have made his purgation before some judge. But, in my rude opinion, it were necessary and  
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convenient that our heads should not be over ready of suspicion, and so inhibiting men approved  
from preaching, especially in this session, when the poople do suspect them to do it more for  
love of themselves, and maintaining of their private lucre or honour, than to do it for love of  
God, or maintenance of his honour.  
"
In the two and twentieth article, where you demand whether I believe that it is lawful for  
all priests freely to preach the word of God or no, and that in all places, at all seasons, and to all  
persons to whom they shall please, although they be not sent: I say, that priests are called in  
Scripture by two distinct words, that is to wit, presbyteri, and sacerdotes. The first is to say,  
ancient men, seniors, or elders, and by that word or vocable are the secular judges, or such-like  
head officers, sometimes also signified; as we read in Daniel, that they were so called which  
defamed and wrongfully accused Susanna: that this is seldom, and nothing so customable as for  
those to be called presbyteri, who are set to be prelates in the church, to guide the same by the  
word of God and his blessed doctrine, that is the rod of direction, and the foundation of Christ's  
faith. And priests thus called presbyteri, in the primitive church, (what time there were but few  
traditions and ordinances to let us from the strait trade or institution made by Christ and his  
apostles,) were the very same and none other but bishops; as I showed you in the first part of  
mine answer, by the authority of St. Jerome.  
"Paul, also, recordeth the same right evidently in the First to Titus; in this form: I left thee  
Titus, quoth blessed Paul, behind me in Crete, that thou shouldest set in due order such things as  
lack, or be not else perfectly framed; and that thou shouldest set priests in every town, like as I  
did appoint thee, if any be without reproach or blameless, the husband of one wife, having  
faithful children, not given to riot, or that be not unruly. For so ought a bishop to be, &c. These  
are not my words, but St. Paul's in the Epistle to Titus. Where you may see that a priest, called  
presbyter, should be the same that we call a bishop, whom he requireth a little after, to be able,  
by wholesome doctrine of God's Scripture, to exhort the good to follow the same doctrine; and if  
any shall speak against it, to reprove them thereby. And mark ye how he would have a bishop  
(otherwise called an ancient man or a priest) to make exhortation by Holy Scripture, and thereby  
to reprove them that shall speak against the truth, and not to condemn them by might or authority  
only, or else by traditions of men made in general councils. And as many as are in this wise  
priests. who are commonly called presbyteri, (otherwise bishops,) such as in the church are set to  
take cure of souls, and to be spiritual pastors, ought to preach freely the word of God in all places  
and times convenient, and to whomsoever it shall please them, if they suppose and see that their  
preaching should edify and profit.  
"And whereas you add this particle, 'though they were not sent;' I say, that all such are  
chosen to be preachers, and therefore sent. For of this speaking St. Gregory in his Pastorals, in  
this wise: 'Whosoever taketh priesthood upon him, taketh also upon him the office of preaching.'  
Yea, your law reporteth in like manner, Distinction 43, where it is thus said, 'A priest ought to be  
honest, that he may show honesty both in words and conditions.' Wherefore it is said in the  
Canticles, The cheeks of the spouse, that is, to wit, of preachers, are to be compared to a turtle  
dove. Where is moreover added, he must also have the gift of teaching, because (as saith St.  
Jerome) innocent conversation, without speech or preaching, how much it is available by  
example-giving, so much doth it hurt again by silence-keeping: for wolves must be driven away  
by barking of dogs, and by the shepherd's staff, which (as the Gloss showeth) signifieth  
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preaching, and sharp words of the priest. And this I understand of such as should be priests elect  
both by God and men, in God's church; whose office is to preach.  
"And though many of them who now do minister in the church, and are elected by  
bishops, otherwise than after the manner of Christ's institution, and the form of the primitive  
church, neither do nor can preach; yet ought not the multitude of such to be laid for an authority  
against me or others, that are compelled to show the truth and right ordinances of the apostles,  
that were used aforetime inthe primitive church: God bring it in again! Neither ought we, for the  
negligence of bishops, who have chosen such an ignorant multitude, whereby the principal duty  
of priests is grown out of knowledge, when we do show you thereof, to be so enforced by a  
book-oath, and therefore noted as heretics, imprisoned and burned.  
"Other be called priests in the New Testament, by this word sacerdotes, that is to say, I  
think, sacrificers. And thus as Christ was called king and priest, so be all Christian men in the  
New Testament (as is testified, Apoc. i.) by Christ made kings and priests. The words in the  
Apocalypse be thus: To Jesu Christ, which hath loved us, and washed us from our sins through  
his blood, and made us kings and priests unto God, even his Father, unto him be glory and rule  
for ever and ever. Amen. Thus saith St. John, speaking of all Christian people. In like manner it  
is said, by St. Peter, where he writeth unto all Christian men, You, quoth he, be a chosen  
generation, a regal priesthood, an holy people. St. Bede, expounding the same, (as my  
remembrance doth serve,) shall testify plainly with me. And St. Augustine, I wot well, in divers  
places recordeth that all Christian men be so called, regale sacerdotium; and likewise doth Faber,  
in his Commentaries upon the same place. Whosoever looketh upon the treatise called Unio  
Dissidentium, shall find a multitude of ancient fathers' sayings, declaring the same.  
"
But this may yet seem a strange thing and a new, that all persons should be called  
priests, and that, in Scripture, which cannot lie. Truth it is indeed, it may seem strange to divers,  
as it did to me and many other, when we read it first, because we never read or heard of the same  
before; and so did Christ's doctrine (and his apostles') seem new to his audience, when he himself  
preached. Albeit he yet proved his doings and sayings by authority of the law and prophets, as is  
showed in Romans i., where Paul reporteth, that he was chosen apart, to be a minister of the  
gospel that was promised before by the prophets. And our Saviour testifieth the same in St. John,  
saying to the Jews, Think you not, quoth he, that I shall accuse you before my Father. There is  
one to accuse you, which is Moses, in whom ye do trust. But if you believed Moses, you should  
certainly believe me, for he writeth of me, &c. Likewise a little above, he biddeth them search  
the Scriptures, for they make report of him.  
"
But although these sayings do seem new, for lack that we have not had old familiarity  
with Scripture, and usage in reading the same, (God amend and help it, when it shall please him  
I) yet truly so standeth it written as I have said, and so it is interpreted by the doctors above  
named; and so was it preached of a certain doctor also of divinity in London, the second day of  
Advent last past, in this sentence. I wot not whether these were the self words or no: 'The  
church,' quoth the doctor, 'is nothing else but the congregation of faithful people: and you all,'  
quoth he to the people, 'are of the church, as well as I, or any others, if you be of God. And  
likewise we and all men are priests, but yet are not all alike ordained ministers,' said he, 'for to  
consecrate the body of Christ in the church.' Thus said the preacher; whom, when I see  
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opportunity, I dare be bold to name. And these, I say, ought not all to preach openly in general  
conventions or assemblies, neither can they, but they rather should come to learn: yet privately  
are they bound, for instruction of their servants, children, kinsfolk, and such-like, to speak what  
should be for the destruction of vice, and for the increase or upholding of virtue, whensoever  
time and place so behoveth; as showeth St. Paul, saying in this wise: You that are fathers,  
provoke not your children to wrath or anger; but bring them up in the doctrine and discipline of  
the Lord.  
"
In the three and twentieth article, where you do ask, whether I believe that it is lawful  
for lay people of both kinds (that is to wit, both men and women) to sacrifice and preach the  
word of God: I say, that it is meet for none, in mine opinion, to preach openly the word of God,  
except they be chosen and elected to the same, either by God or solemnly by men, or else by  
both; and therefore St. Paul calleth himself, in all his epistles, an apostle of God, that is to wit, a  
messenger of God. And to the Galatians he writeth thus, Paul an apostle; not sent of men, nor by  
man, but by Jesus Christ. Also to the Romans, How shall men preach truly, quoth he, except they  
be sent?  
"Notwithstanding, I say this, both by supportation of God's law, and also of laws written  
in the Decrees, that in time of great necessity lay people may preach; and that of both kinds, both  
men and women; as you may see in the Epistle to the Corinthians, where he saith that it is a  
shame for a woman to speak in a multitude or congregation. Yet in another place he saith that  
every woman praying or prophesying, having nothing upon her head, doth dishonour her head.  
"To this accordeth the prophecy of Joel, recited in the Acts, where, in the person of God,  
it is said thus, I shall pour out of my Spirit upon all flesh, and both your sons and your daughters  
shall prophesy. Thus did Anna the prophetess, daughter of Phanuel, give praise unto Christ in the  
temple, and spake ofhim to all men of Jerusalem, that looked after the redemption of Israel.  
"This also doth the Virgin Mary yet speak unto us in the Scripture, by the song which she  
made, that is daily recited in the church, called Magnificat. Yea, Stephen also, being no priest;  
but a deacon, made a wonderful good sermon. This also willeth your Decrees, Dist. 9, De  
Consecratione, where it is thus said: 'A woman, although she is learned and holy, may not  
presume to teach men in the congregation, nor baptize, except necessity requireth.' So that, where  
need is, I shall add this, but not without the mind of him that wrote the law, like as a woman may  
baptize, so may she teach the word of God, or preach, as is declared more plainly, Cap. 16.  
Quest. 1. et in Glossa. 11. Cap. Adjicimus. Dist. 18. And I beseech God, that, for lack of true and  
well learned officers, such necessity do not now come upon us, that such shall need to take upon  
them to preach.  
"There is a learned man, which, in a dialogue that he maketh betwixt a rude abbot and a  
gentlewoman having skill in learning, jesteth, but with pretty earnest, (as his manner is;) and  
giveth a watch-word touching somewhat my purpose. It is in the end of the dialogue. The  
gentlewoman answering the abbot, for that he had partly checked her because she was quick in  
utterance of learning, 'Sir,' quoth she, 'if you continue therein so dull as you have done, and daily  
do, the world perceiving it, (as they begin fast to grow quick in sight,) it is to be feared lest they  
will set you beside the saddle, and put us in your room.'  
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"As concerning sacrifice-doing, (so do I understand by the word which you do use,  
libare, not knowing else what it should mean,) I say that it is lawful for all men and women to do  
sacrifice, of what sort soever they be: but I mean not by sacrifice-doing, to say mass as priests  
used to do, thereunto appointed; but like as Christian people be sacerdotes, that is to say,  
sacrificers, as is showed before, so ought they to offer, and do offer, spiritual sacrifices, as  
writeth St. Paul to the Romans, saying, I beseech you, brethren, for the love of God's mercy, that  
you will give your body a living sacrifice, holy and acceptable to God, being a reasonable  
worshipping. In that he saith our body should be a sacrifice, he would have it slain: for that was  
the manner, that all beasts that were wont to be sacrificed should be first slain. But he joineth  
therewith, living; saying, Give your body to be a living. sacrifice. So that he would we should  
continue to live in this body to God's pleasure, but fleeing the evil lusts and appetites thereof, and  
so shall our worshipping be reasonable, if we do not give unto our reason overmuch of the bridle  
whereby it may run at riot, in following fleshly concupiscence, and wicked vanity or arrogancy:  
as when men will take in hand to devise by their own wit, a more godly way of living than is  
instituted by Christ, (which is the wisdom of his heavenly Father,) saying that his is not sufficient  
enough for us to follow; of whom it is said by the prophet Isaiah in these words: This people  
approach near unto me, and honour me with their lips, but their heart is far from me: but they do  
worship me in vain, teaching doctrines that are laws or precepts of men.  
"Then Paul proceedeth, showing of this Christian sacrifice, saying, And apply not  
yourselves unto the fashion of this world, but be you transformed, by renovation of your mind;  
that you may know what is the will of God, what is good, acceptable, and rightful before him.  
See how he would have us do this sacrifice, and mortify our lusts, in refusing the corrupt fashion  
and behaviour of the world, altering our minds by a new way, by knowing the will of God, and  
following after the same.  
"Another manner of sacrifice which he requireth is, that we should alway offer unto God  
the sacrifice of praise, that is, to wit, the fruits of our lips, that Hosea calleth vitulos labiorum,  
giving laud unto his name; and that we should not forget to do good, and to be beneficial to our  
neighbours: For in such sacrifice, saith he, God hath delight.  
"Thus I say that by plain suffrage of your law in the Decrees, and also of Scripture, lay  
persons, in necessity and in time of need, may lawfully preach or show the word of God, and  
also do sacrifice: but I think, except great need require, they ought not so to do.  
"Thus have you herein my mind, which if it be not firm and substantial, I will yet reform  
it when any better is showed; as I will also do in all other things; for I am not in this yet fully  
certified. Albeit methinketh the decrees do pass evidently with me.  
"
In the twenty-fourth article, where you do ask, whether excommunication, denounced by  
the pope against all heretics, do oblige and bind them before God: I say, that it bindeth them  
before God, if it be lawfully denounced, that is, if they be in very deed, as they be named; and if  
he denounceth them so to be, not of his own proper head or affection only, but with the consent  
of others gathered with him in Christ's name, for the behoof of Christ's church: for so used St.  
Paul, when he did excommunicate the man of Corinth, which had full horribly defiled his  
mother-in-law, as appeareth in 1 Cor. v.  
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"And the same form declareth the Gospel, in these words: If thy brother hath trespassed  
against thee, go and reprove him betwixt thee and him alone. If he will hear thee, thou hast so  
won thy brother. If he will not hear thee, take one or two with thee, that in the report of two or  
three, every thing may be assured. If he will not hear them, show it unto the congregation. If he  
will not follow the mind of the congregation, let him be unto thee as a paynim, or a notable  
sinner. For verily I say unto you, whatsoever you shall bind upon earth, shall be bound in  
heaven. So that such excommunication ought to be done (as methinketh) by the congregation  
assembled together with their pastor, whose advice they ought principally to esteem and follow,  
if it be virtuous and godly.  
"And thus is it convenient to be done: for the pope is made of flesh, as well as other men;  
and therefore he may sometimes judge awry, cursing the blessed, and blessing the cursed. And  
likewise many other prelates, judging the Christian to be heretics, and heretics Christian: of  
whom it is also written in the prophecy of Ezekiel, They slew the souls of them that should not  
die, and gave life to the souls that should not live; as did the Pharisees when they did cast Christ  
out of the vineyard, which signifieth the church; and as our Saviour prophesied, saying unto his  
disciples, There shall be, quoth he, some that shall excommunicate you: yea, and the time shall  
come, that whosoever shall slay you, shall think to do honour to God. And this shall they do unto  
you, because they do neither know my Father nor me. These words be written in the Gospel of  
John; whereby you see, that for lack of knowledge of God, which is taught and seen by the light  
of Scripture, Christ prophesied how lewd men should lewdly excommunicate the good, yea, and  
slay his true servants, thinking, through such facts, to please God, and to do him good service.  
"
Wherefore send, O Lord! I beseech thee, the knowledge of thee to be dilated upon earth,  
which Hosea bewaileth sore, seeing it absent,) whereby men's judgments may be rectified; and  
so do accordingly to the leading of the same!  
(
"
In the twenty-fifth article, where you do ask, whether every priest is bound to say daily  
his matins and even-song, according as it is ordained by the church, or whether he may leave  
them unsaid, without offence or deadly sin. I say that prayer in Scripture is much commended,  
and many great and immeasurable benefits are showed to ensue thereupon, that men should the  
more lustily give themselves thereto. With prayer doth St. Paul bid us to fight in divers places,  
continuing in the same against our ghostly enemies. A figure of this is read in Exodus, when the  
Israelites fought in battle against a nation of infidels: I trow their captain was called Amalek.  
Moses stood upon a mountain to behold what should be the conclusion, and lifting up his hands,  
prayed that it might well succeed with the Israelites: but in long holding them up, at last his  
fervour began to grow cold and faint, and his hands sagged downwards. And ever as his hands  
grew heavy, (which signifieth that his affection in praying abated and waxed cold,) the infidels  
prevailed; but as he kept them heaved upward, (whereby was meant intentive prayer of a devout  
mind,) he purchased victory to the Israelites. Aaron and Hur, which indited the law to the people,  
and were thereof the interpreters, stood with Moses; who always, as they did see his arms to  
faint, did uphold them, so that finally the victory came unto Israel.  
"
By 'Moses' is signified, as show great clerks, devotion; by 'Aaron and Hur,' the  
knowledge of God's doctrine: which two things (devotion, I mean, and knowledge) all men had  
need to have present with them: for devotion doth elevate the mind to God, but knowledge doth  
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sustain or uphold the same, that it may with courage continue, not falling down; but so alway  
doth it incense and kindle it, that it mounteth up into the presence of our heavenly Father; where  
they savour together far more sweetly than any fumigation either of juniper, incense, or  
whatsoever else, be they ever so pleasant, do savour in any man's nose.  
"Therefore St. Paul, seeing how necessary the knot of these two, devotion and knowledge  
of God's will, was (which is showed in Scripture, as teacheth St. Cyprian in these words: 'The  
will of God,' saith he, 'is that which Christ hath taught and wrought'): Paul, I say, seeing this,  
wished to be excommunicated and separated from God, for to have the Jews come to the  
knowledge of Christ's church, which is the only right way to salvation; for whom he prayed right  
studiously, as appeareth a little after, saying, I bear them record, that they have a zeal and  
devotion to God, but not according to the knowledge of Christ's doctrine, &c. Where you may  
clearly see how the Jews (as St. Paul, which is no liar, recordeth here) had a zeal and devotion to  
God, but they lacked knowledge therewith. 'Moses' was amongst them, but 'Aaron' was away;  
whose absence pained Paul so sore, that he, ravished with exceeding charity, wished no small  
harm unto himself, upon condition that the multitude of them might be holpen, and have better  
judgment, even to be separated from God. It must needs be then greatly hurtful, albeit men have  
devotion, to be without the knowledge of God and his law, signified by 'Aaron.'  
"St. Paul also, before that he came to knowledge, had such-like devotion himself, as he  
reporteth in these words: All the Jews, quoth he, have known my living, that I have led since I  
entered into man's age, (which time, as I remember, is accounted from the sixteenth or eighteenth  
year of a man's life; in Latin he calleth it adolescentia,) which, from the beginning thereof, was,  
saith he, at Jerusalem, among mine own nation, that did know me afore also from the beginning,  
if they would say the truth, and that I lived after the most strait order or sect of our religion,  
being a Pharisee. And I, quoth Paul a little after, thought to do many things in fighting against  
the name of Jesus Christ, yea, and did also, being at Jerusalem; and I thrust many saints or holy  
men into prison, having power given me thereto of the high priests; and, when they should be put  
to death, I gave sentence: and I, quoth he, was commonly in all synagogues, punish, ing them,  
and compelling them to blaspheme (as men are fain now-a-days, when the bishops make them to  
abjure and to deny the truth of the gospel); yea, moreover did I, quoth Paul, rage against them,  
pursuing after them into strange lands.  
"See what zeal Paul had to God before he was instructed in the doctrine of Christ. He  
thought to have pleased God highly in persecuting his servants, of whom one was St. Stephen.  
He was then sore blinded, through ignorance, and wanted the assistance of 'Aaron:' but anon, as  
Christ, which is the true Aaron, had appeared unto him, asking him, and saying, in a lamentable  
form, O Saul! Saul! why dost thou persecute me, in troubling and striking my servants, the  
members of mine own body? of whom it is said, He that smiteth you, shall smite the tender ball  
of mine eye: his heart fell, I dare say, as low as his body, that is, even down to the earth,  
repenting himself full sore, being ready to amend and follow after a new way; as appeareth by  
his answer, where he saith, O Lord! what wilt thou have me to do? As though one would say,  
Now I see all that I thought to have done before of good intention, and good purpose or devotion,  
hath deceived me. I find it otherwise. That which I esteemed good, in very deed is and was  
naught. Teach me therefore, good Lord! quoth he, a better way, and amend my judgment, that,  
mine own will or intention forsaken, I may now follow thine to please thee, and to do thy will.  
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And so, as he came to Ananias, by the assignment of Christ, the thick filthiness of his old  
wayward judgment fell away, as appeareth by the dross or rubbish that came from his eyes, even  
like scales, as the Scripture maketh relation, and he put upon him a new judgment, which is  
directed after the straight rule of the gospel: whereby you may see that men's devotion may oft  
beguile and seduce them, except knowledge do assist the same, for to sustain and direct it;  
which, knit together, shall much strengthen men in all trouble and temptations. So that it is much  
expedient for all men, as nigh as they may, to have prayer annexed with knowledge: and that  
showeth full notably Erasmus, in the second passage of Enchiridion, where he testifieth but of  
easy liking that he hath, in saying of matins, yea, rather contrariwise he showeth disliking; and so  
he doth also in his exposition of the first Psalm, Beatus vir, where the text maketh agreeably for  
the same. It is written in this wise: Blessed is the man that hath not gone after the counsel of the  
wicked, and hath not stood in the way of sinners, nor sat in the chair of pestilence; but hath his  
will in the law of God, and shall muse or be occupied in it both day and night.  
"See how the prophet (which, I doubt not but he knew as perfectly that will and pleasure  
of God, as ever did any pope or general council, or whatsoever they were besides, that ordained  
long service to be said of priests) testifieth them to be blessed, that study and are exercised in the  
law of God both day and night; . that is, to wit, always. A great promise put of God to such  
blessed exercise, which we may call right devotion, or true godliness. For Paul, defining  
godliness, saith thus: Godliness is profitable unto all things; for that hath annexed thereto  
promises of this life present, and of the life to cone.  
"
But no such promise is made of God, I am certain, to them that say daily matins; neither  
are we certain by the word of God, that we shall therefore be blessed of him, no more than we  
are certain, that for saying over the fifteen Aves, every day once through a whole year, we shall  
apertly see our Lady to aid us before our death, as it is testified in the scripture of the Primer, but  
not by scripture of the Bible; or that we shall have a like benefit for saying of her Psalter upon  
the ten beads that come from the crossed friars, or upon the five beads hallowed at the Charter-  
house, or for fasting 'the Lady's fast,' as men call it; nor for fasting on the Wednesday, as is  
showed by a book that is allowed to be printed and read of all men that lust; for it is neither the  
New Testament nor the Old.  
"They are condemned, you wot well (and I perhaps shall have a little less favour because  
I tell the truth freely, for such things are called offensive). But would God, that all persons, so  
thinking, would remember what answer Christ made unto his disciples, when 'they came to him,  
and warned him to beware, saying, 'You know that the Pharisees are offended, hearing such  
words spoken. I will leave out Christ's answer, lest I should be thought over free and plain in  
tarrying or uttering of abusions, and speak no further.  
"A like demand, with answer thereunto annexed, shall you find in Luke, where Christ  
would not refrain to speak any deal more easily. Therefore I beseech them that deem me (God  
wotteth whether righteously or no) slanderously, to revise the said places, and then counsel me to  
do what shall be most expedient to follow, if their charity will so require. Yet would I that all  
people should know that I do not reprove that saying of the fifteen Ooes, which (so far forth as  
my remembrance doth serve is a very good prayer, or such-like prayers; nor would I that any  
person should think me to disallow any secret fastings; for such, not only present with you, but  
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even from hence absent, have I commended in earnest speaking, and so intend to do, by the  
assistance of God's grace. Nevertheless such vain promises I do abhor, as be with them annexed,  
with the upholders of the same: for such do cause vain confidence in the people, withdrawing  
and seducing them from the right belief of the gospel, (which Christian men ought only to build  
their faith upon,) unto new inventions of vanity. St. Paul calleth such, old women's tales, where  
he writeth unto Timothy, bidding him to beware of them, and to throw them away.  
"The prophet David, likewise, doth accord thereunto, saying, Blessed is the man that hath  
in the name of God his affiance or hope; and hath not looked back to vanities and false dotages  
or madness. And this I say again, that the matins-saying hath no more promise of God made to  
the sayers, than hath the other above named; for they were instituted by the fantasy or mind of  
men, and not by the rule of Scripture. Neither do I think that the priests who will truly follow the  
rule of God written in the Bible, ought so to be charged or encumbered with saying of them, that  
they thereby should be hindered from the study of that, which to know, belongeth principally  
both to their own soul's salvation, and also to thedischarge of their duty, and which God most  
highly of priests doth require, (I mean the study of his gospel,) whereby they themselves should  
be spiritually nourished, and thereafter should feed Christ's flock, the congregation of his people,  
according to the saying of our Saviour: I am the door, quoth he; whosoever shall come in by me,  
shall both come in and go out, and find good pasture or feeding that is to say, whosoever shall  
enter to be a pastor or minister in Christ's church' or congregation by Christ, shall both enter into  
contemplation of God's glory, declared abundantly in Scripture, and after go forth and show the  
same abroad to others, for their wealth and edifying.  
"To this accordeth what is written in Luke, where our Saviour speaketh to all his church  
signified in the person of St. Peter. Peter! quoth he, I have prayed that thy faith should not fail;  
and thou, being converted, go then about to confirm thy brethren. So that he would have Peter  
established first in the faith of his sure doctrine, and then to go forth as he did, to teach others to  
be grounded in the same likewise. And thus ought all priests to be called presbyteri, which will  
be ministers in the church; for so biddeth St. Peter, saying thus: I beseech the priests, quoth he,  
that are among you, I myself being a priest and a witness-bearer of Christ's afflictions, and also a  
partaker of the glory which shall be revealed; see that you with all diligence do feed the flock of  
Christ, taking care of the same, not as enforced thereto, but willingly, not desiring filthy lucre,  
but with a loving mind; neither as men exercising dominion over the children or inheritors of  
God, but so that you be patterns, or ensample-givers to the flock, 1 Pet. v. See how he requireth  
of priests, that they should spend all their diligence to feed Christ's flock, and to show good  
ensample of living, making no mention of long matins-saying, which then was not mentioned nor  
spoken of.  
According to this, it is written in your Decrees after this form: Ignorance, saith the law,  
mark it well I beseech you all, is the mother of all errors; which ought to be eschewed especially  
of priests, who, among the people of God, have taken upon them the office of preaching. Priests  
are commanded to read the Holy Scriptures, as saith Paul the apostle to Timothy: Give heed to  
reading, exhortation, and teaching; and continue always in the same. Let priests therefore know  
Holy Scripture, and let all their labour be in preaching and teaching, and let them edify all men  
both in knowledge of faith, and in discipline of good works. These be the words of the law in the  
Decrees, dist. 38; wherefore you see how the law lamenteth ignorance in all persons; for it is the  
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original of all errors. God send us therefore the knowledge of his true' gospel! It biddeth that  
ignorance should be utterly eschewed, and principally by priests, whose labour and diligence  
should all be bestowed in reading of Scripture, and preaching the same; bringing in for the same  
purpose the saying of the apostle, which willeth it in like manner.  
"Moreover, it requireth that priests should give all their study to edify others in faith and  
virtuous living; whereof I do gather both by the saying of the prophet, that willeth us to be  
studious in the law of God day and night; and by the saying of the apostle, who would have  
Timothy to be occupied ever in reading and teaching; and by the report of your own law, which  
likewise saith, that a priest ought to bestow all his labour in reading and preaching: so that a  
priest, set thus truly to study, that he may establish himself in the faith of Christ's doctrine,  
intending afterwards to help others with true preaching of the same, or doing other like deeds of  
charity assigned in the law of God, shall not offend deadly, if, so spending his time, he omitteth  
to say matins, which is an ordinance of men.  
"Nevertheless, concerning the huge multitude of such as be now made priests by  
negligent admission of bishops, and their own presumption, that labour to be made priests before  
they be any clerks, and, ere ever they know what is the very office of a priest, do not fear to take  
upon them, if they may attain thereto, to be curates, they reck not of how many, so they may get  
a good lump of money, never minding, after that, the study of Scripture, after they are come to  
Dominus vobiscum: for such I do think long matins to be needful, to restrain them from other  
enormities that they should else run into; of which you may be weary to see the experience  
thereof daily arising. Yea, and if such would be. content to admit it, I would every one matin  
were as long to them as five, except they could bestow their time better.  
In the six and twentieth article, where you do ask, whether I believe that the heads or  
rulers, by necessity of salvation, are bound to give unto the people Holy Scripture in their mother  
language: I say that I think they are bound to see that the people may truly know Holy Scripture,  
and I do not know how that may be done so well, as by giving it to them truly translated in the  
mother tongue, that they may have it by them at all times, to pass the time godly, whensoever  
they have leisure thereto, like as they have in France under the French king's privilege, and also  
the privilege of the emperor; and so do I know that they have had it these fifty-four years in  
France at least, and it was translated at the request of a king called, I trow, Louis, as appeareth by  
the privilege put in the beginning of the book.  
"
In like manner have they it in Flanders, printed with the privilege of the emperor: in  
Almain also, and Italy, and I suppose through all the nations of Christendom. Likewise hath it  
been in England, as you . may find it in the English story called Polychronicon. There it is  
showed, how when the Saxons did inhabit the land the king at that time, who was a Saxon, did  
himself translate the Psalter into the language that then was generall used. Yea, I have seen a  
book at Crowland Abbey, which is kept there for a relic; the book is called St. Guthlake's Psalter;  
and I ween verily it is a copy of the same that the king did translate, for it is neither English,  
Latin, Greek, Hebrew, nor Dutch, but somewhat sounding to our English; and, as I have  
perceived since the time I was last there, being at Antwerp, the Saxon tongue doth sound  
likewise after ours, and it is to ours partly agreeable. In the same story of Polychronicon is also  
showed, how that St. Bede did translate the Gospel of St. John into English, and the author of the  
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same book promised that he would translate into English all the Bible; yea and perhaps he did so,  
but (I wot not how it cometh to pass) all such things be kept away; they may not come to light:  
for there are some walking privily in darkness, that will not have their doings known. It is no lie  
that is spoken in the Gospel of John, All that do naughtily, hate the light, and will not have their  
doings known. And therefore they keep down the light strongly; for that opened and generally  
known, all wrongful conveyance should anon be disclosed and reproved, yea, and all men should  
see anon, whether those that hold against unrighteousness, being there-for sometimes horribly  
infamed and slandered, named heretics and schismatics, were indeed as they be called, or no.  
"Yea moreover, I did once see a book of the New Testament, which was not unwritten by  
my estimation this hundred years, and in my mind right well translated after the example of that  
which is read in the church in Latin. But he that showed it me said, he durst not be known to  
have it by him, for many had been punished aforetime for keeping of such, and were convicted  
therefore of heresy.  
"Moreover I was at Paul's Cross, when the New Testament, imprinted of late beyond the  
sea, was first forefended; and truly my heart lamented greatly to hear a great man preaching  
against it, who showed forth certain things that he noted for hideous errors to be in it, that I, yea,  
and not only I, but likewise did many others, think verily to be none. But, (alack for pity!) malice  
cannot say well. God help us all, and amend it.  
"So that to conclude, I think verily it were profitable and expedient, that the Holy  
Scriptures were delivered, by authority of the head-rulers, unto the people, truly translated in the  
vulgar tongue, in like manner as it is in all other countries. And whereas you add, whether they  
be bound by necessity of salvation to deliver it to the people: I will not so narrowly touch that  
point now; but I say, that they are bound by right and equity to cause it to be delivered unto the  
people in the vulgar tongue, for their edifying, and the consolation which the people, by God's  
grace, should gather thereof; which now it is like they want, and are destitute of.  
"
In the twenty-seventh article, where you do demand, whether it be lawful for the rulers,  
for some cause, upon their reasonable advisement, to ordain that the Scripture should not be  
delivered unto the people in the vulgar language: all men may here see, that whosoever devised  
these questions, thought not contrary (whatsoever they will yet say) but that it is good for the  
people to have the Scripture in the vulgar tongue, and that they thought that I, so saying, could  
not be well reproved; and therefore are laid out all these additions, as it were to snare and trap me  
in: Whether the heads be bound, and that by necessity of salvation, to deliver it to the people: and  
whether, for opportunity of time, they may ordain to restrain it for some cause, and by some  
reasonable advisement of them taken: But without cause you spread the net before the eyes of the  
birds or fowls. I show you plainly, that notwithstanding all these things, in mine opinion it was  
not well done to inhibit it, and worse, that the bishops have not since amended it, if so be they  
could, that the people might have it to use and occupy virtuously.  
"And here I will add one reason: The Scripture is the spiritual food and sustenance of  
man's soul. This is showed to be true in many places of Scripture; like as other corporal meat is  
food of the body. Then if he be an unkind father, that keepeth bodily meat away the space of a  
week or a month from his children; it should seem that our bishops be no gentle pastors or  
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fathers, that keep away the food of men's souls from them (specially when others do offer the  
same) both months, years, and ages; neither do I see any opportunity of time, or reasonable  
advisement, that should cause it to be withdrawn and taken away; but the contrary rather, for it is  
reason, convenient and needful for men, to eat their meat ever when they are right hungry; and  
blessed are they that hunger and thirst after the word of God, which teacheth to know him and to  
do his pleasure at all times; for that we do crave every day in our Pater-noster, saying, Give us,  
Lord, our heavenly bread.  
"
In the twenty-eighth article, where you do ask, whether I believe that consecrations,  
hallowings, and blessings used in the church are to be praised? I say that I know not of all, and  
therefore I will not dispraise them; neither can I therefore overmuch speak of them all, seeing I  
know them not: such as are the hallowing of bells, the hallowing of pilgrims when they should  
go to Rome, the hallowing of beads, and such-like. But those which I am advised of, and do  
remember, be in mine opinion good; such as is this: when the priest hath consecrated holy bread,  
he saith, 'Lord, bless this creature of bread, as thou didst bless the five loaves in the desert, that  
all persons tasting thereof may receive health,' &c.: which I would every man might say in  
English, when he should go to meat, I like it so well.  
"Also this is a right good one, that is said over him that shall read the gospel: 'The Lord  
be in your heart, and in your mind and mouth, to pronounce and show forth his blessed gospel;'  
which is also spoken over a preacher taking benediction when he shall go into a pulpit. All such  
good things I like very well, and think them commendable, wishing therefore that all people  
might know what they mean, that they with rejoicing of heart might pray joyfully with us, and  
delight in all goodness; which should be, if they were uttered in English, according to the mind  
of St. Paul, where he wisheth, rather to speak five words in the church heartily with  
understanding, whereby others might have instruction, than ten thousand words in a tongue  
unknown: yea, to say truth, (and truth it is indeed that I shall say,) a good thing, the further and  
the more largely or apertly it is known, the further the virtue thereof spreadeth, and rooteth in  
men's hearts and remembrance. God send therefore the blind to see, and the ignorant to have  
knowledge of all good things!  
"Thus I conclude, that consecrations, hallowings, and blessings used in the church (so far  
forth as I remember and know) be commendable. Of others I can give no sentence, wishing, even  
as I trust men shall once see it come to pass, that all good things may be sung and spoken in our  
vulgar tongue.  
"
In the twenty-ninth article, where you do ask, whether I believe that the pope may make  
laws and statutes to bind all Christian men to the observance of the same, under the pain of  
deadly sin, so that such laws and statutes be not contrary to the law of God: I say, that if that be  
true which is written in the Decrees, that is to wit, that laws be never confirmed, until they be  
approved by common manners of them that shall use them, then cannot the pope's laws bind all  
Christian men; for the Greeks and the Bohemians will (as you do know full well) never admit  
them, but do refuse them utterly, so that I do not find that his laws may bind all Christian men.  
"Finally, I cannot see that he hath authority to make laws, binding men to the observance  
of them under pain of deadly sin, more than hath the king, or the emperor. And, to say sooth, I  
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say, (as have said before,) I think verily that the church was more full of virtue before the decrees  
or decretals were made, (which is not very long ago, but in the time of Constantine, if that be true  
which is reported in the Decrees,) than it hath been since. God repair it, and restore it again to the  
ancient purity and perfection!  
"
In the thirtieth article, where you do ask, whether I believe that the pope and other  
prelates, and their deputies in spiritual things, have power to excommunicate priests and lay  
people, that are inobedient and sturdy, from entering into the church, and to suspend or let them  
from ministration of the sacraments of the same: I think that the pope and other prelates have  
power to excommunicate both priests and laymen, such as be rebellious against the ordinance of  
God, and disobedient to his law: for such are sundered from God, before the prelates do give  
sentence, by reason of their sin and contumacy, according as it is said in Isaiah by Almighty  
God: Your sins, quoth he, do make division betwixt you and me. And the prelates, by right  
judgment, should pronounce of sinners as they do find them, and that is to pronounce such to be  
excommunicated of God, and unworthy to minister any sacraments, or to be conversant with  
Christian folk, that will not amend. For thus biddeth Paul, If any amongst you, called a brother,  
shall be a whoremonger, a covetous person, or a worshipper of images or idols, or a railer, or a  
drunkard, or an extortioner, see that with such you eat no meat. Such ought to be put out of the  
church, and not be suffered to come within it.  
"
I am not certain that prelates have any such power: and though they had, I doubt whether  
charity would permit them to show it forth and execute it without singular discretion. For in  
churches ought the word of God to be declared and preached, through which the sturdy, coming  
thither and hearing it, might soon be smitten with compunction and repentance, and thereupon  
come to amendment. This confirmeth well a law made in the council of Carthage, which is this:  
'A bishop ought to prohibit no person to come into the church, and to hear the word of God,  
whether he be Gentile, or Jew, or heretic, until the mass time of them that are called  
Catechumeni.'  
"Moreover, where you speak of prelates' deputies, I think such be but little behovable to  
Christ's flock. It were necessary and right, that as the prelates themselves will have the revenues,  
tithes, and oblations of their benefices, they themselves should labour and teach diligently the  
word of God therefore, and not to shift the labour from one unto another till all be left (pity it is!)  
undone. Such doth St. John call thieves and murderers, although they make ever so goodly a  
worldly show outward, and bear a stout port.  
"This I say, that the pope and other prelates have power to excommunicate rebels against  
God's ordinances, and to suspend them from receiving or ministering the sacrament: but I am not  
sure, that they have power to forefend them from out of churches, especially when God's word is  
there preached, unless the sinners be so sore desperate that they scorn the same. And I would that  
every prelate, receiving his living of benefices, should himself work in the same, especially in  
true preaching of Christ's doctrine, without winding his own neck out of the yoke, and charging  
therewith others, called deputies or vicars, curates, and such-like. For God would have every  
man to get his living by the sweat of his own face; that is to say, by his labour, according to his  
estate and calling. And like as every workman is worthy his meat, so contrariwise, they that  
labour not, unless they be let by impotency, are worthy to have no meat, and much less to take of  
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those, to whom they do no service, fifty or forty pounds a year, for waiting after none other thing  
than the moon shining in the water. The canon law maketh clearly with the same. Look in the  
Decrees, and you shall find plainly as I say.  
"
In the thirty-first article, where you ask, whether faith only, without good works, may  
suffice unto a man fallen into sin after his baptism, for his salvation and justifying? I say, that it  
is the usage of Scripture to say, faith only doth justify, and work salvation, before a man do any  
other good works; and that is showed by many authorities, both of Scripture and, also of many  
holy fathers, in a treatise called Unio Dissidentium, which I would to Christ, as it is in French,  
and other languages, we had it truly translated into English. And truly I do think in this matter,  
(like as is here showed by many authorities of holy fathers,) that a man fallen into sin after  
baptism, shall be saved through faith, and have forgiveness by Christ's passion, although he doth  
no more good deeds thereafter: as when a man, having short life, lacketh leisure to exercise other  
deeds of mercy. Notwithstanding, true faith is of such virtue and nature, that when opportunity  
cometh, it cannot but work plenteously deeds of charity, which are a testimony and witness-  
bearer of man's true faith This declareth St. Augustine upon John; I trove it is where he  
expoundeth this text: If ye love me, keep my commandments: where, within a little after, he  
speaketh in this wise: 'Good works make not a just or a righteous man; but a man once justified,  
doeth good works.'  
"
In the thirty-second article, where you ask,whether a priest marrying a wife, and that  
without the dispensation of the pope, begetting also children of her without slander-giving, do sin  
deadly; I say, that he doth not so much offend as those which in Wales, (as I have heard say,) and  
also in many parts beyond the sea, or rather in all places, do give openly, for money,  
dispensations to priests to take concubines: neither doth he offend so much as the purchasers of  
such dispensations; for they, on every hand, do clearly commit fornication and adultery, utterly  
forbidden by God's law; and the priest, of whom speaketh your demand, offendeth but man's law,  
if he do that. For in the Decrees it is written; I ween it be in a gloss, and certainly I wot not  
whether it be in the text or no, I can lightly turn to it having a book: the sentence is thus: A priest  
doing fornication, ought to be punished more than one who hath married a wife. Finally, I think  
such a priest as before is named in your demand, sinneth not deadly.  
"
In the thirty-third article, where you ask, whether a Latin priest, after he hath taken the  
order of priesthood, being sore and oft troubled and stirred with prickings of lust or lechery, and  
therefore marrying a wife for a remedy of the same, do sin deadly: I say, that a Latin priest and a  
Greek priest are all one before God, if they follow both one rule of Christ, left to us in Holy  
Scripture; neither doth Christ put any such difference, but the one hath by that rule the same  
liberty as another, and no more nor less; for there is the same God in Greece that is here, and  
hath left one way for us to live after, both here and there. And, therefore, I cannot see by his law,  
but that a Latin priest may marry, as well as they do. And if the Greeks should not follow Christ's  
law in believing the same, and living thereafter, you would call them heretics. But that will not  
the pope have done. Wherefore, seeing they do let priests marry, affirming it may so be done by  
the law of God, and yet are not reputed heretics, why should other men, that say the same, be  
called heretics, or be therefore burned? Therefore, following the law of God, I make the same  
answer of a Latin priest, that I made before of all priests: that a priest, not having the gift of  
chastity, is bound to marry, for avoiding fornication.  
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"
In the thirty-fourth article, where you ask, whether I ever prayed for John Wickliff, John  
Huss, and for Jerome of Prague, condemned of heresy in the council of Constance, or for any one  
of them, since they died, and whether I have openly or secretly done any deeds of charity for  
them, affirming them to be in bliss and saved: I say, that I never prayed for any of them, so far  
forth as I can remember: and though I had, it followeth not, that in so doing I should be a heretic.  
For you wot well, that there is a mighty great country, called Bohemia, which yet doth follow (as  
men say) that same doctrine, which John Huss and Jerome of Prague taught their ancestors,  
whom (as I trow) neither the pope nor you do account heretics and infidels.  
"
In the thirty-fifth article, where you ask, whether I have recounted and said them or any  
of them to be saints, and worshipped them as saints: I say that in such secret and hid things  
which I do not perfectly know, I follow the counsel of St. Paul, which biddeth that we should not  
judge over soon, but abide (unless the things which we should pass upon be the more evident)  
until the coming of the Lord, who shall illumine, and show forth clearly, things that now lie hid  
in darkness. Therefore hitherto have I neither judged with them, nor against them, but have  
resigned such sentence to the knowledge and determination of God, whose judgment I wot is  
infallible.  
"And whereas you say, they were condemned of heresy in the council of Constance: if so  
the council did right, God shall allow it, I doubt not; and that shall suffice to have commendation  
of him: so that it is not need to ask of me whether the acts of the same are commendable or no;  
neither can I give any direct answer thereto; for I do not verily know them. And though I did, yet  
am not I verily persuaded that I, because the council hath condemned them, must therefore  
believe them to be damned. For a council, as I ween, may sometimes slip beside the right truth:  
but what that council did in condemning them, I cannot precisely say; God wotteth. Yea, and that  
one singular person may judge more rightly, than a great multitude assembled in a council,  
appeareth by God's law, and by the law of man. Experience hereof may you see by the council  
that is spoken of in the Gospel, where it is showed, that after our Saviour had restored Lazarus to  
life, the bishops and Pharisees then were gathered together in a council, saying, What shall we  
do? Truth it is that this man Jesus doth many miracles, and if we suffer him thus, all the world  
will believe him; whereupon the Romans will come, and put us out of Jerusalem, our dwelling-  
place, and destroy our nation. At which time Caiaphas did arise, showing forth his sentence,  
which the whole council did admit.  
"
In like wise is showed in the Acts, where, in a council of bishops and priests assembled  
to know what punishment should be done unto Christ's apostles, because they preached in the  
name of Christ, contrary to the precept of them, (for they before had commanded the apostles no  
more to speak in Christ's name,) there, among a shrewd multitude of them gathered together, did  
arise a certain man,called Gamaliel; (a pitiful thing verily, to see but one good man in such a  
great convocation or council of priests, that should he the lights of virtue to all the people;)  
which Gamaliel was a doctor of the law, and had in good reputation among the people: much like  
he was, as seemed to me, to Dr. Colet, sometime dean of Paul's in London, while he lived. I may  
come no nearer, to name some other of our time, lest I should be thought offensive. This  
Gamaliel did bid the apostles go aside for a while out of the council, or convocation-house; and  
so he spake unto the other priests or bishops in the council thus: You men of Israel, quoth he,  
take heed to yourselves what ye shall do unto these men the apostles: for afore this time hath  
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risen one called Theudas, and afterwards another named Judas of Galilee, which have turned the  
people after them, and in conclusion they perished, and all they that followed after them  
vanished away. And now, quoth he, I say unto you, refrain from hurting these men the apostles,  
and let them alone, or suffer them. For if this enterprise and work that they have made be of men,  
undoubtedly it shall perish, and be fore-done: but if, quoth he, it be of God, you cannot foredo it.  
And this I tell you, said Gamaliel, lest you should be found to strive and fight against God.  
"Unto this sentence of Gamaliel, did all the others of the convocation or parliament agree;  
and so they called in the apostles of Christ before them, causing them to be scourged, and  
charging them, no more afterwards to preach of Christ's name; and so did let them depart. This  
was undoubtedly done in the time of our Saviour and of his apostles, and caused to be written for  
our comfort and learning; for the Holy Ghost knew before, that like practice should come in the  
latter time of the world, which we are in. Whereby you may clearly see, that councils do not  
always discern with Christ, but sometimes they may do against him. And therefore said David, I  
did not sit with the assembly or council of vain doers, or liars, and I will not go in amongst them  
that work iniquity: for I have hated the convocation of them that are malicious or maligners, and  
amongst the wicked will not I sit: but I will wash my hands among innocents, &c. Also in  
another psalm he writeth thus; The Lord doth destroy or annihilate the counsels of the Gentiles;  
he reproveth the counsels of the people and of rulers. But the counsel or device of the Lord  
endureth ever; and the purpose of his mind abideth unto the world of worlds. For that purpose  
doth St. Peter, in the Acts of the Apostles, allege this verse out of the psalm, Why did the  
Gentiles rage, and the people imagine vain things, &c. Like unto this it is written, in Isaiah i.  
Also you may see in the councils of the Pharisees above showed, that one singular person may  
sometimes perceive a thing more than a generality or a multitude: for Gamaliel only did see  
better what was behoveable, than could all the others there congregated.  
"Agreeable unto this we find in the Decrees, where it is written that the council of Nice,  
willing to correct or amend the life of men of the church, ordained laws, called canons or rules.  
And as they treated upon such ordinances, some thought it expedient to bring in a law that  
bishops, priests, deacons, and subdeacons, should not lie with their wives whom they had  
married before they were consecrated into the order. With that arose Paphnutius, a confessor of  
Christ, and gainsayed it, testifying that marriage was an honourable thing; saying also, that it is  
chastity for a man to lie with his own proper wife. And so he persuaded the council, that they  
should constitute no such law; affirming, that it was a sore matter that they were minded to do,  
which should be either to the priests, or else to their wives, an occasion of fornication: and this  
was Paphnutius's reason. The words of the canon proceed thus: 'This declared Paphnutius, he  
never being married, nor having experience of marriage; and the council commended his  
sentence, making no statute in this matter, but put it to every man's free-will and liberty, without  
any enforcement or necessity.' These words stand, as I have recited them unto you, written in the  
Decrees, albeit they are somewhat otherwise rehearsed in Historia Tripartita, as I have showed  
before in the fourth article. Upon this, that Paphnutius did thus resist and prevail against all the  
other council, doth the Gloss note in the same law, that one singular person may gainsay or speak  
against a universal generality, having a reasonable cause on his side. Suffrage also of the same  
have we in Abbot Panormitane, where he saith thus: 'I would,' quoth he, 'rather believe one lay  
person, bringing for him authority of Scripture, than a universal council, that ordaineth or  
defineth a thing without Scripture.'  
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"Finally, I say, that I never accounted them either saints or devils, but resigned the  
judgment thereof to God; neither have I in earnest reported them the one, or the other; neither  
have done unto them particular worship, so far forth as I can remember.  
"
In the thirty-sixth article, where you do ask, whether I believe, hold, and affirm that  
every general council, and the council of Constance also, do represent the universal congregation  
or church: I say, that what such councils do represent I cannot certainly tell, and therefore believe  
neither yea nor nay; neither can I therefore make any affirmation, pro or contra, with this  
demand or against it: and no marvel; for I know of no Scripture to certify me of the same, nor yet  
any sufficient reason. And methinketh this, (under correction I speak,) that councils might  
represent (albeit I know not whether they do or no) the universal church, not being yet the same  
as I wot well they neither are nor were. For the church I do take to be all those that God hath  
chosen or predestinated to be inheritors of eternal bliss and salvation, whether they be temporal  
or spiritual, king or subject, bishop or deacon, father or child, Grecian or Roman. And this  
church spreadeth through the universal world, where any do call for help truly upon the name of  
Christ; and there do they ever most grow and assemble commonly, where his blessed word is  
purely and openly preached and declared: for that is the relief of man's soul, whereunto all men,  
loving their soul's health, lust to resort and seek (as all things do naturally seek after that which  
should nourish and prolong their life); for in it is showed that righteousness, which whosoever  
doth thirst after, and is an hungered for, shall come into the kingdom of heaven. Of this the  
proverb in the Gospel (although it be applied to the judgment of God when he shall appear in the  
general doom) may well be verified, Wheresoever is a dead carrion, thither will soon be  
assembled eagles. That is to wit, wheresoever is declared, by the course of Scripture, the benefits  
and commodities granted to us by Christ's death, thither will men seek and fly, to know how they  
may enjoy and attain them; which I beseech him to grant us. Amen.  
"
In the thirty-seventh article, where you do ask, whether I believe that the same thing  
which the council of Constance, representing the universal church, hath approved, and doth  
approve, for the maintenance of faith and soul's health, is to be approved and holden of all  
Christian people; and that which the same council hath condemned, and doth condemn, to be  
contrary to faith and good manners, ought of the same Christian people to be believed and  
affirmed for a thing condemned: I say that whatsoever the same council or any other hath  
approved, being approbation or allowance worthy, is of all Christian people to be likewise  
approved, holden, and allowed. And again, whatsoever the same or any other hath condemned,  
being reproof and condemnation worthy, because it is hurtful to faith or good living, I say that  
the same ought of all Christian people to be condemned and reproved. But this surmounteth my  
knowledge, to discern in what wise their judgment passed; whether with right or unright; because  
I did never look upon their acts, neither do I greatly covet for to do wherefore I refer the  
determination to them that have better advised their doings, and thereby have some more skill in  
them than I.  
"
In the thirty-eighth you demand, whether the condemnations of John Wickliff, John  
Huss, and Jerome of Prague, done upon their persons, books, and documents, by the holy general  
council of Constance, were duly and rightfully done, and so for such, of every catholic person,  
whether they are to be holden and surely to be affirmed: I answer, that it passeth my knowledge,  
and I cannot tell; thinking surely, that though I am ignorant of the same, so that I cannot discuss  
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the thing determinately, yet my Christendom shall be therefore nevertheless; and that I and all  
Christian men may well suspend our sentence, being thereof ignorant, affirming neither the one  
nor the other, neither yea nor nay.  
"
In the thirty-ninth you ask, whether I believe, hold, and affirm, that John Wickliff of  
England, John Huss of Bohemia, and Jerome of Prague, were heretics, and for heretics to be  
named, and their books and doctrines to have been, and now be, perverse; for the which books,  
and pertinacity of their persons, they are condemned by the holy council of Constance for  
heretics: I say that I know not determinately whether they be heretics or no, nor whether their  
books be erroneous or no, nor whether they ought to be called heretics or no.  
"
In the fortieth article, where you ask whether I believe and affirm, that it is not lawful in  
any case to swear: I say, that I neither so do believe, nor affirm, nor ever did.  
"
In the forty-first, where you ask, whether I believe that it is lawful, at the commandment  
of a judge, to make an oath to say the truth, or any other oath in a case convenient, and that also  
for purgation of infamy: I answer, that I never said the contrary, but that I think and have thought  
it lawful to give an oath before a judge, to say the truth, if the judge so require, and that by  
request lawful and convenient. As when a thing is in controversy betwixt two persons, and  
thereupon they sue unto a judge for sentence; when the judge can none otherwise bolt out the  
truth, he may require an oath. As when the two women who contended before Solomon to avoid  
the crime of murder, which the one had committed in oppressing her child to death, and would  
have put the same upon the other, if Solomon could not by his wisdom otherwise have  
investigated the truth, he might, I suppose, for to come by the more certain information of the  
thing, have caused one of them, or both, seeing it expedient for him, to swear; wherein the  
woman had been bound to obey him; but judges had need to be spare in requiring of oaths; for in  
customable, or oft juries, creepeth in always, betwixt times, some perjury, as showeth  
Chrysostom in words semblable to these: and things precious, through oft haunt or occupying,  
lose their estimation; and so reverent oaths, unadvisedly required for every trifle, usually do  
cause men to regard little for making of them, yea, and I fear, to break them.  
"Therefore in Almain, they have made of late (as I have heard say by credible persons,  
who have come from thence) many notable ordinances for the commonwealth within a while,  
and amongst others this is one: If a man be set for to enter plea against another in any town, the  
peers thereof before whom all actions are used to be debated, hearing such a plea entered, shall  
call the parties privately together, before they come into an open court. And the matter examined,  
they shall exhort them to let the plea cease without further process, showing them the great  
damage, both godly and worldly, coming of waging the law, and the great ease and commodity  
that is in agreement and concord.: which exhortation they use to show with so great gravity and  
fatherly love, (such wonders are wrought where the gospel hath free passage,) that very few will  
commence plea. And though any plea be commenced, through such sage admonition it falleth  
lightly to sequestration and arbitrement of neighbours, who do set the suitors at unity, ere the  
matter do come to discussion in open court.  
"Notwithstanding, if some be so waywardly minded, (as in a multitude all are not one  
man's children, and therefore unlike of intent,) that they will needs proceed and follow the law,  
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they shall be heard to speak their matters in open court, and taught how the matter is most like to  
succeed, and counselled with new exhortation to stop their process. If they will not be persuaded,  
and then the judges, seeing the matter so ambiguous that they cannot give perfect sentence  
therein, except, by virtue of an oath made by one of the parties, they be first better certified; then  
will they show the same before the suitors, declaring what a chargeful thing it is to give a solemn  
oath for love of winning some worldly profit: and how, unless such as shall make it be the better  
aware to eschew the same, they shall, beside an evil example given to a multitude, work  
themselves, haply, shame, or dishonesty.  
"Upon this, they shall give respite until a certain day appointed; so that in the mean while  
the suitors may take deliberation thereof, what is best to be done. If after this they will not thus  
rest, at the day appointed shall they come forth into a common place, and the great bell of the  
city he caused to be rung, whereby the people shall be warned, what they are about to do: and the  
people assembled, the judges shall, in full chargeable and lamentable wise, charge the parties,  
under virtue of their oath, to make true relation of what shall be demanded. So that by reason of  
soberly and fatherly exhortations made by the judges or peers of the town, and persuasion of  
neighbours, and for avoiding of God's displeasure and shame of men, there is little suit in courts;  
and if at any time any be made, they be lightly stopped; so that jury and swearing be well  
excluded, and need not much to be required.  
"This I have showed, because it pitieth me to hear and see the contrary used in some of  
our nation, and such also as name themselves spiritual men, and should be head ministers of the  
church; who, incontinent as any man cometh before them, anon they call for a book, and do  
move him to swear, without any longer respite; yea, and they will charge him by virtue of the  
contents in the Evangely, to make true relation of all that shall demand him, he not knowing  
what they will demand, neither whether it be lawful to show them the truth of their demands, or  
no: for such things there be that are not lawful to be showed. As if I were accused of fornication,  
and none could be found in me; or if they should require me to swear to bewray any other that I  
have known to offend in that vice, I suppose it were expedient to hold me still, and not to follow  
their will: for it should be contrary to charity, if I should so assent to bewray them that I need  
not, and to whom, perhaps, though I have known them to offend, yet, trusting to their  
amendment, I have promised before to keep their fault secret without any disclosing of the same.  
Yea, moreover, if such judges sometimes, not knowing by any due proof that such as have to do  
before them are culpable, will enforce them, by an oath, to detect themselves, in opening before  
them their hearts; in this so doing, I cannot see that men need to condescend to their requests. For  
it is in the law (but I wot not certainly the place) thus: 'No man is bound to bewray himself.' Also  
in another place of the law it is written, 'No man should suffer punishment of men for his  
thought.' To this agreeth the common proverb, that is thus 'Thoughts be free, and need to pay no  
toll.' So that, to conclude, I think it lawful, at the command-merit of a judge, to make an oath to  
say the truth, especially if a judge requireth an oath duly, and in lawful wise; or to make an oath  
in any other case convenient; and that also for purgation of infamy, when any infamy is lawfully  
laid against a man.  
"
In the forty-second, where you ask, whether a Christian person, despising the receipt of  
the sacraments of confirmation, extreme unction, or solemnizing of matrimony, doth sin deadly;  
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I say the like of the receipt of them, as I have said before of the self-same things, and none  
otherwise.  
"
In the forty-third, where you ask, whether I believe that St. Peter was Christ's vicar,  
having power on earth to bind and loose: I say, that I do not perceive clearly what you mean by  
this term vicar; for Christ never called Peter nor any other so, in Scripture. If you mean thereby  
that, after the departing hence of Christ, when he was risen from death in his immortal body, and  
so hied into heaven, where he remaineth sitting upon the right hand of his Father, that he so  
being away from hence, St. Peter occupied his room: then, I say, it is not untrue that Peter, in a  
manner, (which I shall show hereunder,) was his vicar: and like as Peter was his vicar, even so  
were Paul and the other apostles, and the one no less than the others, if it be true that St. Cyprian  
doth write, which is also consenting to Scripture. He saith thus: that Christ spake unto Peter,  
saying; I say, quoth our Saviour, that thou art Peter, and upon this rock of stone shall I build my  
congregation, and the gates of hell shall not overcome it. To thee will I give the keys of heaven,  
and what things thou shalt bind upon earth, the same shall be bound also in heaven: and  
whatsoever thou shall loose upon earth, shall be loosed also in heaven. And to him, after his  
resurrection, doth Christ say, Feed my sheep.  
"And albeit that he gave equal power unto all his apostles after his resurrection, and saith,  
Like as my Father sent me, do I also send you. Take you the Holy Ghost. If you shall retain to  
any man his sins, they shall be retained. If you shall remit to any man his sins, to him they shall  
be remitted. Nevertheless, because he would declare unity, he ordained, by his authority, the  
original of the same unity beginning of one. The other apostles were the same that Peter was,  
endued with equal partaking both of honour, and authority or power; but the beginning cometh of  
one, that the congregation should be showed to be one. Those are the words of St. Cyprian, in a  
treatise that is called, De Simplicitate Prælatorum; wherein you may see that Christ made all the  
apostles of equal honour and like authority. Notwithstanding, because he would testify the unity  
of his church or congregation, he spake, as it were, only unto Peter, when he said, Feed my  
sheep; and, I shall give thee, Peter, the keys of heaven. But in so saying, though the words seem  
spoken to Peter only, yet they were spoken unto him, in that he sustained the general person of  
all the church, being, as it were, a common speaker for the same. So that in speaking to him,  
Christ spake unto all other the apostles, unto whom also he gave all the same authority that he  
gave unto Peter; as you may see both in these words of Cyprian, and also the same is clearly  
showed out of St. Augustine in divers places; but no where more plainly in a few words, than in  
a treatise called De Agone Christiano.  
"To this accordeth well that which was written by Paul. Of those apostles, quoth Paul,  
which seemed to be of authority, I was not taught; (what they were in time past it skilleth me  
nothing; God regardeth not the exterior appearance of man;) nevertheless, they which appeared  
to be of price, showed me no learning, nor gave me any counsel. But contrary, when they had  
seen that the gospel of uncircumcision was committed unto me, like as the evangely of  
circumcision was unto Peter, (for He that was mighty in Peter concerning the apostleship toward  
the Jews, was mighty also in me toward the Gentiles,) therefore, when James, Peter, and John,  
which appeared to be as pillars, knew the grace given me, they gave unto me and Barnabas their  
right hands in sign of fellowship, to be their partners, so that we should exercise the office of  
apostles among the Gentiles, as they did among the Jews. Wherein you may clearly see, that Paul  
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took no instruction of those who seemed to be in high authority, and that Peter, James, and John,  
who were noted principals, took Paul and Barnabas to be their mates and fellows; which they  
would not have done, as I suppose, if they had known that God had granted unto them a  
prerogative singular, to excel Paul, and to be his sovereign. But, according to the prerogative of  
God granted, they might have safely showed it, and enjoyed the same; like as they did rejoice in  
other benefits granted to them of God, to be ministers in his church for the edifying of the same;  
and as St. John calleth himself the disciple loved of his master Jesus, and testifieth, how that unto  
him, Christ, hanging upon the cross, did commit his blessed mother.  
"Moreover, if these three apostles, James, Peter, and John, should by humility have left  
out to make mention of their prerogative, when they took Paul and Barnabas into their  
fellowship, yet it is to be thought that Paul, who never useth any inordinate arrogancy, writing  
the words above said for the magnifying of his own privilege and authority given him of God,  
would not have suppressed and passed over their primacy unspoken of, with whom he maketh  
here comparison: for then it might be thought he were envious, to pick away authority from  
others to himself unlawful; which cannot so be. Moreover he saith a little after the words before  
rehearsed, that he reproved St. Peter, even before his face. Whereupon St. Jerome, expounding  
the same Epistle, saith, (as I remember,) that Paul would not have been bold so to do, except he  
had known himself equal to Peter.  
"
In the words also of Paul above written this might be noted, as serving to my purpose,  
that Peter had no pre-eminence or primacy above the others, for James is named before him;  
which Paul would not have done, I think, knowing Peter to be James's superior. Therefore he,  
making no such variety in order, put James before, saying, And James, Peter, and John, that  
appeared the principals, quoth he, gave unto me, and to Barnabas, their right hands in sign of  
fellowship. Yet, notwithstanding, Paul loved good order, I suppose, as well as any that now are,  
who contend so sore for superior rooms and pre-eminency, claiming to be the apostles'  
successors. I would it were so much for the commonwealth of Christian people, as it is suspected  
that they do it for vain-glory and worldly lucre. According to this you shall find in Acts xi.,  
where is showed that after Peter, by instinct of the Holy Ghost, had gone unto one of the  
Gentiles, called Cornelius, a petty captain, having the governance of a hundred men, teaching  
him the ways and doctrine of Christ, and baptizing him and others with him assembled, being,  
like as he before was, pagans; the apostles, and other Christian brethren that were in Jewry,  
hearing thereof, when Peter came to Jerusalem, they which held upon circumcision made none  
obeisance unto him, (albeit I think verily he had more holiness than ever had any pope,) as the  
emperor is fain to do to the pope at his coronation, falling down to kiss the pope's feet, or to hold  
the pope's stirrup while he mounteth upon his horse's back; according to the form of law written,  
I am not certain, whether in the Decrees, or else the Decretals, or in both rather, (for such  
ordinances are inviolable, and worthy to be principally recorded,) but they reasoned sore, and  
disputed both against St. Peter, and also his doings, saying, You have gone amongst them that  
you ought not have had to do with, nor to have meddled among them that are men unclean,  
because they are uncircumcised; yea, and what is more, you have eaten and drunk with them.  
Peter, mildly and coldly, made answer again, rehearsing all the manner of his doing in order,  
showing that he was so instructed to do, by mighty and clear revelations of God, and not by his  
own fantasy and pleasure. Which answer being heard, the others that before had made sore  
objections against him, (which were both of the apostles, and other Christian brethren,) were  
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content, holding their peace without any more complaining, and gave glory therefore to God,  
saying, Then God hath granted also unto the Gentiles to take repentance, and so to come to  
eternal life.  
Wherein you may see, that the other apostles were as bold with Peter, as before is showed  
of Paul, to dispute against him; neither were they therefore by Peter reproved of inobedience. He  
did not allege any pre-eminency or authority to rebuke them for their complaining: as one would  
say, Why should you that are my sheep control me, that am the head of the church and your  
pastor, or Christ's general vicar, having both jurisdiction temporal and spiritual? with such other  
like: but showed them it was the will of God that he had done, going to the Gentiles to tell them  
of eternal life, which God pleased to give to them, as well as to the Jews; in token whereof the  
Holy Ghost did sensibly come among them, and so were they baptized.  
"Thus may you see, that if Peter were the vicar of Christ, even so likewise were Paul and  
all the other apostles. And I do not think contrary but that Peter, and all other of the apostles,  
were Christ's vicars, if you mean by this word 'vicar,' a deputy, or such like, for to preach his  
evangely, (which is an office of all others most sovereign,) to minister sacraments, and to do  
other such divine service in God's church. And thus were they worthy to be called (as the  
Scripture nameth them) Christ's true apostles, bishops, priests, legates, or any such like; which  
authority was given them by Christ after his resurrection, when he said unto them these words,  
Peace be amongst you. Like as my Father hath sent me, so do I send you. Take you the Holy  
Ghost: whose sins soever you shall forgive, are forgiven them: and whose sins you shall retain,  
they are retained. And the same authority did they receive, when Christ spake unto all the  
church, after the mind of St. Augustine and others, in Peter, saying, Peter, feed my sheep.  
"
In the forty-fourth article, where you ask, whether I believe, that the pope ordinately  
chosen for a time (his proper name being expressed) be the successor of Peter: I say, that it  
seemeth to me a thing of no great value, whether a man believe so or no; I cannot see that it  
should be numbered amongst the articles of our faith: notwithstanding I will show my rude  
thought in it, which is this:  
"The pope may succeed in St. Peter's stead or office, and do the same, duly and diligently  
feeding Christ's flock, and showing virtuous example of living to the same: and, so doing, he  
may and ought to be thought and named a true successor of St. Peter. And thus is your Lordship  
St. Peter's successor, performing the conditions aforesaid, with other like properties requisite to  
your order and duty; yea, and as many others as do truly their duty, and duly the office of a  
bishop: and otherwise may not the pope be called the successor of Peter, because he is entered  
into St. Peter's office, not regarding to do what is requisite for the same, nor following the trace  
of virtue; but the contrary. And then he is wrongfully named, if at any time such be, which is not  
impossible. For what should men call those Peter's successors, that play the pageants, and follow  
with the conditions of Caiaphas, Simon Magus, or Judas? Such verily, if any be, cannot rightly  
claim to be Peter's successors, no more than the night may claim to be successor of the day; for  
Peter was never so minded, nor taught them so. Yea, they ought rather to be called Peter's  
adversaries, forasmuch as they do not his will which is showed by his own acts and writing, but  
work against the same. Of such may be said, 'They are not all saints' children that occupy the  
room of saints, but they are their children that exercise their works.' Yea, of such may be said  
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that which is written of St. Jerome: 'All bishops,' quoth he, 'are not bishops. Mark you well Peter,  
but mark also Judas: behold Stephen, but behold Nicholas. Ecclesiastical dignity maketh not a  
Christian man. Cornelius the centurion, being yet a pagan, was made clean through the benefit of  
the Holy Ghost: contrariwise, Daniel, being a child, condemneth priests, or ancient men.' 'It is no  
easy thing,' saith he, 'to stand in the room of Peter and Paul, and to keep the seat of them now  
reigning with Christ: for unsavoury salt is nought worth else, but to be thrown out of the doors,  
and trodden down of hogs.' This saith St. Jerome. Whereunto agreeth well St. Augustine: 'Every  
one,' quoth he, 'that saith unto you, Pax vobis, ought not to be heard, or to be believed as a dove.  
Crows be fed of dead carrion; and so is not a dove, but she liveth by the fruits of the earth: her  
living is pure, innocent, and hurtless. Whereby you may see, that ill bishops are no bishops, and  
that they that follow not saints in virtuous living, are not the successors of saints, but unsavoury  
salt; that is, neither of the church, nor shall come into heaven, to reign there with Peter and Paul,  
but be thrown out with great contempt: for God knoweth a dove from a crow, and an innocent  
liver from a devourer of carrion; but such as declare and show good deeds, as the saints did, be  
their children and successors, and shall with them reign in heaven.  
"So that, to conclude, I say, that the pope, ordinately chosen, is the successor of St. Peter,  
following St. Peter's godly living. And else, except he study to do diligently, that he may be so  
called worthily, it shall be but a vain name: for rather may he else be reputed an image of a pope,  
or of a bishop, according as such be called of the prophet, O idol shepherds!  
"
In the five and fortieth article, where you ask, whether ever I have promised at any time  
by my oath, or made any confederacy or league with any person or persons, that I would alway  
hold and defend certain conclusions or articles seeming to me and to my complices right and  
consonant unto the faith; and will that I should certify you of the course and form of the said  
opinions and conclusions by row, and of the names and surnames of them that were to me  
adherent, and promised to be adherent in this behalf: I say, that I do not remember that ever I  
made pact or confederacy with any person or persons, nor made any promise by oath, that I  
would always hold and defend any conclusions or articles, seeming to me and others right and  
consonant to the faith, unless it hath chanced me to say in this form: That I would never, with the  
aid of God, forsake, nor decline from, the truth, neither for fear, nor yet for love of man or men.'  
"Thus I have, perhaps, said in some time, or some place, because I have indeed so  
intended, and do intend, God's grace assisting me. But I cannot yet tell you, whether I have so  
said or no, or to what persons, or at what time, either in what place; neither do I reckon me to  
have any complices, but such as do love me, and I them, for God, and in God: and those do I  
reckon all them that are or will be truly Christian, in calling upon Christ's name. And concerning  
opinions or conclusions, I can tell you of none others than I have showed; the sum whereof I  
reckon and think utterly to be concluded in two propositions, which both are written in the New  
Testament.  
"The first is in the Acts of Apostles, in this wise: Christ is the head corner-stone of our  
faith, whereupon it should be set and grounded, neither is salvation in any other: for there is none  
other name under heaven given amongst men, wherein we may be saved. This is one of the  
propositions, wherein is engrossed or comprehended my saying, which St. Paul doth thus  
otherwise explicate; Christ is made of God our wisdom, our righteousness, our pureness, our  
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satisfaction, and our redemption. And in another place: There is none other foundation that any  
man may put, except that which is already put, that is, Christ Jesus.  
"The other proposition is written by the prophet Isaiah, and recited by our Saviour, in the  
Evangely of Matthew, in these words: Men do worship me in vain, teaching doctrines and  
precepts, or laws human. Of this writeth Paul very largely in divers places, and every where well  
nigh: amongst others, in the second chapter of Colossians, where he warneth the Colossians to  
take heed that no man do spoil them, or to steal them away by philosophy or vain deception,  
according to the constitutions of men, and ordinances of this world.  
"Thus I do certify you of all the opinions and conclusions which I intend or have intended  
to sustain, being contained in the two propositions above written. Others hold I none, but such as  
are mentioned in the Creed, both that which is sung at mass, and also in the other Creed that all  
people say every day.  
"Finally, in that you require to know of the names and surnames, in order of them  
particularly, that be to me adherents, or that have promised me to be adherent in this part: I say,  
that I know of none particular that I remember, without I should note unto you a great multitude,  
which you may know and hear of, I suppose, through all regions and realms of Christendom, that  
do think in like wise as I have showed. I ween the multitude mounteth nigh unto the one half of  
Christendom; and more should do likewise, by a great sort, within a while, I doubt not, but that  
our ghostly enemy laboureth amain to have the knowledge of the truth suppressed, and letteth  
that it cannot come abroad to be seen. I say therefore again, I know of no particular adherents,  
nor of any that have so promised me to be. in these matters: and though I did, I would not (except  
I knew that charity so required, which I do not find yet hitherto) detect or bewray any one of  
them, for any man's pleasure: for I am bound to obey God above men: who be with us, and grant  
the truth to be known! Amen."  
These answers of John Lambert to the five and forty articles above expressed, were  
directed and delivered to Dr. Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, as it appeareth, about A.D.  
1
532, at which time the said Lambert was in custody in the archbishop's house at Otford, being  
there destitute of all help and furniture of books, as by his own words is to be gathered. But, so  
the providence of God wrought for Lambert, that within short space after, A.D. 1533, the said  
Archbishop Warham died; whereby it seemeth that Lambert, for that time, was delivered. In this  
mean while Dr. Cranmer was sent over in embassage, with the earl of Wiltshire, Dr. Stokesley,  
Dr. Kern, Dr. Benet, and other learned men, to the bishop of Rome lying then at Bologna, to  
dispute the matter of the king's marriage openly, first in the court of Rome, then in the court of  
the emperor; where, after sundry promises, and appointments made, yet, when the time came, no  
man there appeared to dispute with them, in these two propositions: first, that no man, jure  
Divine, could or ought to marry his brother's wife: secondly, that the bishop of Rome by no  
means ought to dispense to the contrary. But of this more copiously we will treat, (the Lord's  
grace permitting,) in the sequel of our story, coming to Dr. Cranmer's life.  
After the death of William Warham, succeeded in that see the said Dr. Cranmer. Lambert,  
in the mean season, being delivered, partly by the death of this archbishop, partly by the coming  
in of Queen Anne, returned unto London, and there exercised himself about the Stocks, in  
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teaching children both in the Greek and Latin tongue. And forasmuch as priests, in those days,  
could not be permitted to have wives, he left his priesthood, and applied himself to the function  
of teaching, intending shortly after also to be free of the Grocers, and to be married. But God,  
who disposeth all men's purposes after the secret pleasure of his own will, did both intercept his  
marriage, and also his freedom, and married him to his Son Christ Jesus, (as now consequently  
followeth to be declared,) bringing him into the freedom of his spiritual kingdom, to reign with  
him.  
And thus much, briefly, touching the first education and bringing up of John Lambert;  
hereafter it followeth more at large to discourse and declare the whole process and order of his  
doings and disputations, with the order and manner of his death and condemnation. This death  
and punishment of his happened in this year; being so much the more lamentable, in that it was  
first occasioned, and afterwards brought to pass, by no others than by such, whom, for the  
common society of the profession of the gospel, it had been more meet to have been authors of  
his safeguard, rather than the causers of his destruction. But this is the accustomed craft and  
malice of that ancient serpent, which intermeddleth himself in all congregations, envying all  
men's felicity and welfare, rejoicing in nothing but in the death and blood of innocents; seeking  
occasions of sedition, not only amongst the wicked, but the good also; stirring brethren  
oftentimes to contention amongst themselves; and that so craftily, that his policies can never be  
perceived until the mischief be done. I would to God that as this is a common complaint to all  
countries, so this our region of England, amongst others, were free from it, and not more infected  
herewith than the rest. Where now, in a manner, shall a man find more slaughter of the  
commons, subversion of the nobles, burning of good men, and most cruel contentions, which are  
never, in a manner, ended but with bloodshed? that mischievous disturber of human concord and  
quietness doth so incessantly rage!  
But as I am here forced to speak against my will, so would to God that, even with my  
own contumely and hatred, I might engrave more meekness in the hearts of our men; which,  
notwithstanding, I doubt not but will shortly come to pass, by the most prosperous success of  
learning, which daily flourisheth more and more in England: and as it is to be hoped, foreign  
examples, and greater experience of things, will bring a more civility to this, which is already  
obtained by learning. But, because we will not pass our bounds too far, we will return again to  
the matter as touching John Lambert, intending to make declaration of his cause even from the  
first beginning, so far forth as we could attain unto the knowledge thereof.  
So soon as the dark clouds of ignorance were driven away, and that the brightness of the  
gospel began to shine in England, there was at the same time, although not of the number of  
those who sustained the first assaults of the adversaries, the aforenamed John Lambert; who,  
partly for the cruelty of the time, and partly for the desire of learning, which he was always  
inclined unto, departed into foreign lands, being but a young man, where he understood that  
learning did most flourish. From thence, after a few years, he returned again, hoping that the time  
had been amended, for that, by the means of Queen Anne and Cromwell, and the abolishing of  
the pope, all things seemed more prosperous and quiet in England; and began to set his mind to  
the setting forth of the gospel.  
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Thus then, after that John Lambert now had continued in this vocation of teaching, with  
great commendation, and no less commodity to the youth, it happened this present year (1538)  
he was present at a sermon in St. Peter's church at London. He that preached was named Dr.  
Taylor, a man in those days not far disagreeing from the gospel, and who afterwards, in the time  
of King Edward, was made bishop of Lincoln, and, at last, in the time of Queen Mary, was  
deprived from the same; and so ended his life among the confessors of Jesus Christ.  
When the sermon was done, Lambert, having gotten opportunity, went gently unto the  
preacher to talk with him, and uttered divers arguments wherein he desired to be satisfied. All the  
whole matter or controversy was concerning the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ.  
Taylor, excusing himself at that present for other business, willed him to write his mind, and to  
come again at more leisure. Lambert was contented, and so departed; who, within a while after,  
when he had written his mind, came again unto him. The sum of his arguments were ten, which  
he comprehended in writing, proving the truth of the cause, partly by the Scriptures, and partly  
by good reason and by the doctors: the which arguments, although they came not all unto our  
hands, yet such men as were present at those affairs, reported them to be of great force and  
authority; and of a few, which were borne away in memory, the first reason was this, gathered  
upon Christ's words, where it is said in the Gospel, This cup is the new testament.  
"And if," saith he, "these words do not change either the cup, or the wine, corporally into  
the new testament, by like reason it is not agreeable that the words spoken of the bread, should  
turn the bread corporally into the body of Christ."  
Another reason was this: "That it is not agreeable to a natural body to be in two places or  
more at one time: wherefore it must follow of necessity, that either Christ had not a natural body,  
or else, truly, according to the common nature of a body, it cannot be present in two places at  
once, and much less in many, that is to say, in heaven and in earth; on the right hand of his  
Father, and in the sacrament.  
"Moreover, a natural body cannot be without its form and shape, conditions and  
accidents; like as the accidents and conditions also cannot be without their subject or substance.  
Then, forasmuch as in the sacrament there is no quality, quantity, or condition of the body of  
Christ, and finally no appearance at all of flesh; who doth not plainly perceive, that there is no  
transubstantiated body of his in the sacrament? And, to reason by the contrary, all the proper  
conditions, signs, and accidents, whatsoever they be, pertaining to bread, we do see to be present  
in the sacrament, which cannot be there without the subject; therefore we must of necessity  
confess the bread to be there."  
He added also many other allegations out of the doctors. But to be short, this Taylor the  
preacher, whom I spake of before, willing and desiring, as is supposed, of a good mind to satisfy  
Lambert in this matter, amongst others whom he took to counsel, he also conferred with Dr.  
Barnes; which Barnes, although he did otherwise favour the gospel, and was an earnest preacher,  
notwithstanding seemed not greatly to favour this cause; fearing, peradventure, that it would  
breed among the people some let or hinderance to the preaching of the gospel, (which was now  
in a good forwardness,) if such sacramentaries should be suffered. He persuaded Taylor, by and  
by, to put up the matter to Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury. And hereby we may see  
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it truly verified, which William Tyndale before, writing to John Frith, did note in Dr. Barnes,  
saying, "That Dr. Barnes will be hot against you," &c.  
Upon these originals Lambert's quarrel first began, and was brought unto this point, that,  
through the sinister doings of many, it began of a private talk to be a public and common matter:  
for he was sent for by the archbishop, and brought into the open court, and forced to defend his  
cause openly. For the archbishop had not yet favoured the doctrine of the sacrament, whereof  
afterwards be was an earnest professor. In that disputation, it is said that Lambert did appeal  
from the bishops to the king's Majesty. But howsoever the matter was, the rumour of that  
disputation was, by and by, spread throughout the whole court.  
I told you before, how that King Henry for two years past, showing the part of a hard  
husband, had beheaded Queen Anne his wife; which deed did not only greatly displease the  
German princes, (who for that only cause had broken off the league with him, A.D. 1536,) but  
also many other good men in England. Moreover, how that, within a while after, abbeys began to  
be subverted, and all their goods to be confiscated and given abroad: for which causes, but  
especially for the late abolishing of the bishop of Rome, the commons had conceived a very evil  
opinion of him, insomuch that the seditious sort rebelled against him.  
At that time Stephen Gardiner, then bishop of Winchester, was in authority amongst the  
king's councillors, who, as he was of a cruel nature, so was he no less of a subtle and crafty wit,  
ever gaping for some occasion how to let and hinder the gospel: albeit a long time he was not so  
greatly esteemed with the king, that he could much prevail to achieve his conceived purpose.  
But, at length, upon this matter advising himself, he thought he had apt occasion and opportunity  
to accomplish his desire: neither did he foreslack the occasion ministered, but went straight unto  
the king, privily admonishing him, and with fair flattering words giving him most pernicious  
counsel, declaring how great hatred and suspicion was raised upon him in almost all places; first,  
for abolishing the bishop of Rome's authority; then for subversion of the monasteries; and also  
for that the divorce of Queen Katharine was yet fresh in men's minds; and now the time served, if  
he would take it, easily to remedy all these matters, and pacify the minds of them that were  
displeased and offended with him, if only in this matter of John Lambert he would manifest unto  
the people how stoutly he would resist heretics; and by this new rumour he would bring to pass,  
not only to extinguish all other former rumours, and as it were with one nail to drive out another,  
but also should discharge himself of all suspicion, in that he now began to be reported to be a  
favourer of new sects and opinions.  
The king, giving ear more willingly than prudently or godlily to this siren, immediately  
received the wicked counsel of the bishop, and by and by sent out a general commission,  
commanding all the nobles and bishops of this realm to come with all speed to London, to assist  
the king against heretics and heresies, which commission the king himself would sit in judgment  
upon.  
These preparations made, a day was set for Lambert, where a great assembly of the  
nobles was gathered from all parts of the realm, not without much wonder and expectation in this  
so strange a case. All the seats and places were full of men round about the scaffold.  
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By and by the godly servant of Christ, John Lambert, was brought from the prison with a  
guard of armed men, (even as a lamb to fight with many lions,) and placed right over against  
where the king's royal seat was, so that now they tarried but for the king's coming to that place.  
At last the king himself did come as judge of that great controversy, with a great guard,  
clothed all in white, as covering, by that colour and dissembling, severity of all bloody judgment.  
On his right hand sat the bishops, and behind them the famous lawyers, clothed all in purple,  
according to the manner. On the left hand sat the peers of the realm, justices, and other nobles in  
their order; behind whom sat the gentlemen of the king's privy chamber. And this was the  
manner and form of the judgment, which, albeit it was terrible enough of itself to abash any  
innocent, yet the king's look, his cruel countenance, and his brows bent unto severity, did not a  
little augment this terror; plainly declaring a mind full of indignation far unworthy such a prince,  
especially in such a matter, and against so humble and obedient a subject.  
When the king was set in his throne, he beheld Lambert with a stern countenance; and  
then, turning himself unto his councillors, he called forth Dr. Day, bishop of Chichester,  
commanding him to declare unto the people the causes of this present assembly and judgment.  
The whole effect of his oration tended in a manner to this point:  
"That the king in this session would have all states, degrees, bishops, and all others to be  
admonished, of his will and pleasure, that no man should conceive any sinister opinion of him,  
that now, the authority and name of the bishop of Rome being utterly abolished, he would also  
extinguish all religion, or give liberty unto heretics to perturb and trouble the churches of  
England, without punishment, whereof he is the head. And moreover, that they should not think  
that they were assembled at that present, to make any disputation upon the heretical doctrine; but  
only for this purpose, that by the industry of him and other bishops, the heresies of this man here  
present, (meaning Lambert,) and the heresies of all such like, should be refuted or openly  
condemned in the presence of them all."  
When he had made an end of his oration, the king, standing up upon his feet, leaning  
upon a cushion of white cloth of tissue, turning himself toward Lambert with his brows bent, as  
it were threatening some grievous thing to him, said these words: "Ho! good fellow; what is thy  
name?" Then the humble lamb of Christ, humbly kneeling down upon his knee, said, "My name  
is John Nicholson, although of many I be called Lambert." "What," said the king, "have you two  
names? I would not trust you, having two names, although you were my brother."  
Lambert. "O most noble prince! your bishops forced me of necessity to change my  
name." And after divers prefaces and much talk had in this manner, the king commanded him to  
go unto the matter, and to declare his mind and opinion, what he thought as touching the  
sacrament of the altar.  
Then Lambert, beginning to speak for himself, gave God thanks, who had so inclined the  
heart of the king, that he himself would not disdain to hear and understand the controversies of  
religion: for that it happeneth oftentimes, through the cruelty of the bishops, that many good and  
innocent men, in many places, are privily murdered and put to death, without the king's  
knowledge. But now, forasmuch as that high and eternal King of kings, in whose hands are the  
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hearts of all princes, hath inspired and stirred up the king's mind, that he himself will be present  
to understand the causes of his subjects, specially whom God of his divine goodness hath so  
abundantly endued with so great gifts of judgment and knowledge, he doth not mistrust but that  
God will bring some great thing to pass through him, to the setting forth of the glory of his name.  
Then the king, with an angry voice, interrupting his oration: "I came not hither," said he,  
"to hear mine own praises thus painted out in my presence; but briefly go to the matter, without  
any more circumstance." Thus he spake in Latin. But Lambert, being abashed at the king's angry  
words, contrary to all men's expectation, stayed a while, considering whither he might turn  
himself in these great straits and extremities. But the king, being hasty, with anger and  
vehemency said, "Why standest thou still? Answer as touching the sacrament of the altar,  
whether dost thou say, that it is the body of Christ, or wilt deny it?" And with that word the king  
lifted up his cap.  
Lambert. "I answer, with St. Augustine, that it is the body of Christ, after a certain  
manner." The king. "Answer me neither out of St. Augustine, nor by the authority of any other;  
but tell me plainly, whether thou sayest it is the body of Christ, or no." These words the king  
spake again in Latin.  
Lambert. "Then I deny it to be the body of Christ."  
The king. "Mark well! for now thou shalt be condemned even by Christ's own words, Hoc  
est corpus meum."  
Then he commanded Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, to refute his assertion;  
who, first making a short preface unto the hearers, began his disputation with Lambert very  
modestly, saying, "Brother Lambert! let this matter be handled between us indifferently, that if I  
do convince this your argument to be false by the Scriptures, you will willingly refuse the same;  
but if you shall prove it true by the manifest testimonies of the Scripture, I do promise, I will  
willingly embrace the same."  
The argument was this, taken out of that place of the Acts of the Apostles, where Christ  
appeared unto St. Paul by the way: disputing out of that place, that is not disagreeable to the  
word of God, that the body of Christ may be in two places at once, which being in heaven was  
seen of St. Paul the same time upon earth; and if it may be in two places, why, by the like reason,  
may it not be in many places?  
In this manner the archbishop began to refute the second argument of Lambert, which, as  
we have before said, was written and delivered by the said Lambert unto the.preacher; for the  
king had first disputed against his first reason.  
Lambert answered unto this argument, saying, that the minor was not thereby proved, that  
Christ's body was dispersed in two places or more, but remained rather still in one place, as  
touching the manner of his body. For the Scripture doth not say that Christ, being upon earth, did  
speak unto Paul; but that suddenly a light from heaven did shine round about him, and he, falling  
to the ground, heard a voice, saying unto him, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? I am Jesus  
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whom thou persecutest, &c. Here this place doth nothing let, but that Christ, sitting in heaven,  
might speak unto Paul, and be heard upon earth: for they that were with Paul verily heard the  
voice, but did see no body.  
The archbishop, on the contrary part, said, "Paul himself doth witness that Christ did  
appear unto him in the same vision."  
But Lambert again said, that Christ did witness in the same place, that he would again  
appear unto him, and deliver him out of the hands of the Gentiles: notwithstanding, we read in no  
place that Christ did corporally appear unto him.  
Thus when they had contended about the conversion of St. Paul, and Lambert so  
answering for himself that the king seemed greatly to be moved therewith, and the bishop  
himself that disputed to be entangled, and all the audience amazed, then the bishop of  
Winchester, who was appointed the sixth place of the disputation, fearing lest the argument  
would be taken out of his mouth, or rather being drowned with malice against the poor man,  
without the king's commandment, observing no order, before the archbishop had made an end,  
unshamefacedly kneeling down to take in hand the disputation, alleged a place out of 1  
Corinthians ix., where St. Paul saith, Have I not seen Jesus? And again in the fifteenth chapter:  
He appeared unto Cephas, and afterwards unto James, then to all the apostles; but, last of all, he  
appeared unto me, as one born out of due time.  
Hereunto Lambert answered, he did nothing doubt but that Christ was seen, and did  
appear; but he did deny that he was in two or in divers places, according to the manner of his  
body.  
Then Winchester again, abusing the authority of Paul, repeated the place out of 2 Cor. v.,  
And if so be we have known Christ after the flesh, now, henceforth, know we him so no more,  
&c.  
Lambert answered, that this knowledge is not to be understood according to the sense of  
the body, and that it so appeared sufficiently by St. Paul, who; speaking of his own revelation,  
saith thus I know one, whether in the body, or without the body, God knoweth, who was rapt into  
the third heaven; and I know not whether in the body or without, God knoweth: whereby, even  
by the testimony of St. Paul, a man shall easily gather, that in this revelation he was taken up in  
spirit into the heavens, and did see those things; rather than that Christ came down corporally  
from heaven, to show them unto him: especially for that it was said by the angel, that even as he  
ascended into heaven, so he should come again. And St. Peter saith, whom it behoveth to dwell  
in the heavens. And moreover, appointing the measure of time, he addeth, even until all things be  
restored, &c. Here again, Lambert, being taunted and rebuked, could not be suffered to prosecute  
his purpose.  
After the bishop of Winchester had done, Tonstal, bishop of Durham, took his course,  
and after a long preface, wherein he spake much of God's omnipotency, at the last he came to  
this point, saying, that if Christ could perform that which he spake, touching the converting of  
his body into bread, without doubt he would speak nothing but what he would perform.  
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Lambert answered, that there was no evident place of Scripture, wherein Christ doth at  
any time say, that he would change the bread into his body: and moreover that there is no  
necessity why he should do so. But this is a figurative speech, every where used in Scripture,  
when the name and appellation of the thing signified is attributed unto the sign; by which figure  
of speech, circumcision is called the covenant, the lamb the passover; besides six hundred such  
other. Now it remaineth to be marked, whether we shall judge all these, after the words  
pronounced, to be straightway changed into another nature.  
Then again began they to rage afresh against Lambert, so that if he could not be  
overcome with arguments, he should be vanquished with rebukes and taunts. What should he do?  
He might well hold his peace like a lamb, but bite or bark again he could not.  
Next orderly stepped forth the valiant champion Stokesley, bishop of London, who  
afterwards, lying at the point of death, rejoiced, boasting that in his lifetime he had burned fifty  
heretics. This man, amongst the residue, intending to fight for his belly, with a long protestation  
promised to prove, that it was not only a work of a divine miracle, but also that it did nothing  
abhor nature. "For it is nothing dissonant from nature, the substances of like things," saith he, "to  
be oftentimes changed one into another, so that nevertheless the accidents do remain; albeit the  
substance itself, and the matter subject, be changed." Then he declared it by the example of water  
boiling so long upon the fire, until all the substance thereof be evaporated. "Now," saith he, "it is  
the doctrine of the philosophers, that a substance cannot be changed but into a substance:  
wherefore we do affirm the substance of the water to pass into the substance of the air;  
notwithstanding the quality of the water, which is moistness, remaineth after the substance is  
changed; for the air is moist even as the water is."  
When this argument was heard, the bishops greatly rejoiced, and suddenly their  
countenance changed, as it were assuring themselves of a certain triumph and victory by this  
philosophical transmutation of elements, and like as it had been of more force than Chrisippus's  
argument, which passed all manner of solution.  
Lambert's answer was long looked for here of all men; who, as soon as he had obtained  
silence, and liberty to speak, first of all denied the bishop's assumpt, that the moisture of the  
water did remain after the substance was altered. "For albeit," saith he, "that we do grant, with  
the philosophers, the air to be naturally moist; notwithstanding ithath one proper and a diverse  
degree of moisture, and the water another. Wherefore, when the water is converted into the air,  
there remaineth moisture, as you do say; but that is not the moisture of water, but the proper and  
natural moisture of the air. Whereupon there is another doctrine amongst the philosophers, as a  
perpetual rule, that it can by no means be, that the qualities and accidents in natural things should  
remain in their own proper nature, without their proper subject."  
Then again the king and the bishops raged against Lambert, insomuch that he was not  
only forced to silence, buf also might have been driven into a rage, if his ears had not been  
acquainted with such taunts before. After this the other bishops, every one in his order, as they  
were appointed, supplied their places of disputation.  
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There were appointed ten in number, for the performing of this tragedy; for his ten  
arguments, which (as before we have declared) were delivered unto Taylor the preacher. It were  
too long in this place to repeat the reasons and arguments of every bishop; and no less  
superfluous were it so to do, especially forasmuch as they were all but common reasons, and  
nothing forcible, and such as by the long use of disputation have been beaten, and had little in  
them either worthy the hearer or the reader.  
Lambert, in the mean time, being compassed in with so many and great perplexities,  
vexed on the one side with checks and taunts, and pressed on the other side with the authority  
and threats of the personages; and partly being amazed with the majesty of the place in the  
presence of the king, and especially being wearied with long standing, which continued no less  
than five hours, from twelve of the clock, until five at night; being brought in despair, that he  
should nothing profit in this purpose, and seeing no hope at all in speaking, was at this point, that  
he chose rather to hold his peace. Hereby it came to pass, that those bishops which last of all  
disputed with him, spake what they listed without interruption, save only that Lambert now and  
then would allege somewhat out of St. Augustine for the defence of his cause; in which author he  
seemed to be very prompt and ready. But, for the most part, (as I said,) being overcome with  
weariness and other griefs, he held his peace; defending himself rather with silence, than with  
arguments, which, he saw, would nothing at all prevail.  
At the last, when the day was passed, and that torches began to be lighted, the king,  
minding to brake up this pretended disputation, said unto Lambert in this wise: "What sagest  
thou now," said he, "after all these great labours which thou hast taken upon thee, and all the  
reasons and instructions of these learned men? art thou not yet satisfied? Wilt thou live or die?  
what sayest thou? thou hast yet free choice."  
Lambert answered, "I yield and submit myself wholly unto the will of your Majesty."  
Then said the king, "Commit thyself unto the hands of God, and not unto mine."  
Lambert. "I commend my soul unto the hands of God, but my body I wholly yield and  
submit unto your clemency." Then said the king, "If you do commit yourself onto my judgment,  
you must die, for I will not be a patron unto heretics." And, by and by, turning himself unto  
Cromwell, he said, "Cromwell! read the sentence of condemnation against him." This Cromwell  
was at that time the chief friend of the gospellers. And here it is much to be marvelled at, to see  
how unfortunately it came to pass in this matter, that through the pestiferous and crafty counsel  
of this one bishop of Winchester, Satan (which oftentimes doth raise up one brother to the  
destruction of another) did here perform the condemnation of this Lambert by no other ministers  
than gospellers themselves, Taylor, Barnes, Cranmer, and Cromwell; who, afterwards, in a  
manner, all suffered the like for the gospel's sake; of whom (God willing) we will speak more  
hereafter.  
This, undoubtedly, was the malicious and crafty subtlety of the bishop of Winchester,  
which desired rather that the sentence might be read by Cromwell, than by any other; so that if  
he refused to do it, he should likewise have incurred the like danger. But, to be short, Cromwell,  
at the king's commandment, taking the schedule of condemnation in hand, read the same;  
wherein was contained the burning of heretics, which either spake or wrote any thing, or had any  
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books by them, repugnant or disagreeing from their papistical church and tradition touching the  
sacrament of the altar: also a decree that the same should be set upon the church porches, and be  
read four times every year in every church throughout the realm, whereby the worshipping of the  
bread should be the more firmly fixed in the hearts of the people. And in this manner was the  
condemnation of John Lambert; wherein great pity it was, and much to be lamented, to see the  
king's Highness that day so to oppose, and set his power and strength so fiercely and vehemently,  
in assisting so many proud and furious adversaries against that one poor silly soul, to be  
devoured, whom his Majesty, with more honour, might rather have aided and supported, being so  
on every side oppressed and compassed about without help or refuge, among so many wolves  
and vultures; especially in such a cause, tending to no derogation to him nor his realm,but rather  
to the necessary reformation of sincere truth and doctrine decayed. For therein, especially,  
consisteth the honour of princes, to pity the miserable, to relieve the oppressed, to rescue the  
wrongs of the poor, and to tender and respect the weaker part, especially where right and truth  
stand with him: which if the king had done that day, it had been, in my mind, not so much for the  
comfort of that poor persecuted creature, as it would have redounded to the immortal renown of  
his princely estate to all posterity.  
But how much more commendable for thee, O King Henry! (if that I may a little talk with  
thee, wheresoever thou art,) if thou hadst aided and holpen the poor little sheep, being in so great  
perils and dangers, requiring thy aid and help against so many vultures and leopards; and hadst  
granted him thy authority, to use the same for his safeguard, rather than unto the others, to abuse  
it unto slaughter. For they, even of themselves, were cruel enough, that thou shouldst not have  
needed to have given thy sword of authority unto those mad-men, whose force and violence if  
you had that day broken, believe me! you should have committed a worthy spectacle unto all  
men, and have done a most commendable and praiseworthy thing for yourself. For what hath that  
poor man Lambert offended against you, who never so much as once willed you evil, neither  
could resist against you!  
But, peradventure, you thought him to be a heretic! At the least his reasons and  
allegations should have been moderately heard; which if they had seemed more sound, you  
should have given place unto the truth; if not, notwithstanding, he should have been convinced,  
either with the like or more strong arguments, and have been reclaimed by all manner of means  
again into the way; for an error is not overcome with violence, but with truth. Truly it was not  
meet that you should have refused him, who so obediently yielded and submitted himself unto  
you. But, O King Henry! I know you did not follow your own nature therein, but the pernicious  
counsels of the bishop of Winchester: notwithstanding, your wisdom should not have been  
ignorant of this, (which all other kings also ought to consider, who, at this present, through the  
wicked insinuations of the bishops and cardinals, do so rage against the simple servants of  
Christ,) that the time shall once come, when ye shall give account for all the offences which you  
have either committed by your own fault, or by the counsel or advice of others, what shall then  
happen, if these miserable heretics, which you here in this world do so afflict and torment, shall  
come with Christ, and his apostles and martyrs, to judge the twelve tribes of Israel, sitting upon  
their seats? if they, with like severity, shall execute their power upon you; what then, I say, shall  
become of you? With what face will ye behold their majesty, who here in this world have  
showed no countenances of pity upon them? With what heart will ye implore their mercy, who  
so unmercifully rejected and cast them off, when they fled unto your pity and mercy? Wherefore,  
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if that the ears of princes be so prompt and ready to hearken unto the counsels of others, being  
void of counsel themselves, why do they not rather set apart these flatterers, backbiters, and  
greedy blood-suckers, and hearken unto the wholesome counsel of the prophetical king? who,  
crying out in the Psalms, sayeth, "Now, ye kings, understand, and ye which judge the earth, be  
wise and learned, serve the Lord in fear, and rejoice in him with trembling. Embrace his Son, lest  
that ye err and perish from the just way; for, when his wrath shall suddenly kindle, blessed are all  
they which trust inhim."  
But thus was John Lambert, in this bloody session, by the king judged and condemned to  
death; whose judgment now remaineth with the Lord against that day, when before the tribunal  
seat of that great Judge both princes and subjects shall stand and appear, not to judge, but to be  
judged, according as they have done and deserved.  
And thus much, hitherto, of Lambert's articles, answers, disputations, and his  
condemnation also. Now to proceed further to the story of his death.  
Lambert burned at the stake  
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Upon the day that was appointed for this holy martyr of God to suffer, he was brought out  
of the prison at eight o'clock in the morning unto the house of the Lord Cromwell, and so carried  
into his inward chamber, where, it is reported of many, that Cromwell desired of him forgiveness  
for what he had done. There, at the last, Lambert, being admonished that the hour of his death  
was at hand, was greatly comforted and cheered; and, being brought out of the chamber into the  
hall, he saluted the gentlemen, and sat down to breakfast with them, showing no manner of  
sadness or fear. When the breakfast was ended, he was carried straightway to the place of  
execution, where he should offer himself unto the Lord, a sacrifice of sweet savour, who is  
blessed in his saints, for ever and ever. Amen.  
As touching the terrible manner and fashion of the burning of this blessed martyr, here is  
to be noted, that of all others which have been burned and offered up at Smithfield, there was yet  
none so cruelly and piteously handled as he. For, after that his legs were consumed and burned  
up to the stumps, and that the wretched tormentors and enemies of God had withdrawn the lire  
from him, so that but a small fire and coals were left under him, then two that stood on each side  
of him, with their halberts pitched him upon their pikes, as far as the chain would reach, after the  
manner and form that is described in the picture adjoined. Then he, lifting up such hands as he  
had, and his fingers' ends flaming with fire, cried unto the people in these words, "None but  
Christ, None but Christ;" and so, being let down again from their halberts, fell into the fire, and  
there ended his life.  
Thus ye have heard by what craft and subtlety this good man was entrapped, and with  
what cruelty he was oppressed; so that now remaineth nothing but only his punishment and  
death, which the drunken rage of the bishops thought should not be long protracted.  
During the time that he was in the archbishop's ward at Lambeth, which was a little  
before his disputation before the king, he wrote an excellent confession or defence of his cause to  
King Henry, wherein, first mollifying the king's mind and ears with a modest and sober preface,  
he declared how he had a double hope of solace laid up, the one in the most high and mighty  
Prince of princes, God; the other next unto God, in his Majesty, which should represent the  
office and ministry of that most high Prince in governing here upon earth. After that, proceeding  
in gentle words, he declared the cause which moved him to that which he had done. And, albeit  
he was not ignorant how odious this doctrine would be unto the people, yet, notwithstanding,  
because he was not also ignorant how desirous the king's mind was to search out the truth, he  
thought no time unmeet to perform his duty, especially forasmuch as he would not utter those  
things unto the ignorant multitude, for avoiding of offence; but only unto the prince himself, unto  
whom he might safely declare his mind.  
After this preface made, he, entering into the book, confirmed his doctrine touching the  
sacrament by divers testimonies of the Scriptures by the which Scriptures he proved the body of  
Christ, whether it riseth, or ascendeth, or sitteth, or be conversant here, to be always in one place.  
Then, gathering together the minds of the ancient doctors, he did prove and declare, by  
sufficient demonstration, the sacrament to be a mystical matter: albeit he so ruled himself, in  
such temperance and moderation, that he did not deny but that the holy sacrament was the very  
natural body of our Saviour, and the wine his natural blood: and that, moreover, his natural body  
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and blood were in those mysteries; but after a certain manner, as all the ancient doctors in a  
manner do interpret it.  
After this protestation thus made, he inferreth the sentence of his confession, as here  
followeth.  
A treatise by John Lambert upon the sacrament; addressed to the king.  
"Christ is so ascended bodily into heaven, and his holy manhood thither so assumpt,  
where it doth sit upon the right hand of the Father, (that is to say, is with the Father there  
remanent and resident in glory,) that, by the infallible promise of God, it shall not, or cannot,  
from thence return before the general doom, which shall be in the end of the world. And as he is  
no more corporally in the world, so can I not see how he can be corporally in the sacrament, or  
his holy supper. And yet, notwithstanding, do I acknowledge and confess, that the holy  
sacrament of Christ's body and blood is the very body and blood in a certain manner, which shall  
be showed hereafter, with your Grace's favour and permission, according to the words of our  
Saviour, instituting the same holy sacrament, and saying, This is my body, which is given for  
you: and again, This is my blood which is of the new testament, which is shed for many, for the  
remission of sins.  
"
But now, for approving of the first part, that Christ is so bodily ascended into heaven,  
and his holy manhood so thither assumpt, &c., that by the infallible promise of God he shall not,  
or cannot, any more from thence bodily return before the general doom, I shall for this allege  
first the Scriptures, following the authorities of old holy doctors, with one consent testifying with  
me. Besides this, I need not to tell, that the same is no other thing but that we have taught to us in  
these three articles of our Creed, 'He ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of God  
the Father Almighty; from thence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead.' For Christ did  
ascend bodily; the Godhead, which is infinite, uncircumscriptible, replenishing both heaven and  
earth, being immutable, and unmovable, so that properly it can neither ascend nor descend."  
Scriptures affirming the same.  
"The Scriptures which I promised to allege for the confirmation of my said sentence, be  
these: He was lifted up into heaven in their sight, and a cloud received him from their eyes. And  
when they were looking up into heaven, they saw two men, &c. Here it is evidently showed, that  
Christ departed and ascended in a visible and circumscript body. That this departing was visible  
and in a visible body, these words do testify: And when they were looking up; Why stand you  
here looking up into heaven? and, Even as ye have seen him, &c. That, secondly, it was in body,  
I have before proved: and moreover the Deity is not seen, but is invisible, as appeareth thus; To  
God only invisible, &c.; and, He dwelleth in the inaccessible light which no man seeth, nor may  
see, &c.: therefore the manhood and natural body was assumpt, or did ascend. That, thirdly, it  
was in a circumscript body, appeareth manifestly in this: first, that his ascension and bodily  
departing caused them to look up and, secondly, that he was lifted up; that is to wit, from beneath  
or, from below: and, thirdly, that a cloud received him; whereas no cloud nor clouds can receive  
or embrace the Deity, &c.  
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"
I am fain to leave out other evident arguments for the same purpose, lest I should be  
over prolix and tedious. It doth there also follow, in like form, how the angels made answer to  
the disciples, saying, Ye men of Galilee! why stand ye gazing into heaven? This Jesus, which is  
taken up from you into heaven, shall so come again, as you have seen him going up into heaven.  
Here we see again, that Jesus is assumpt, or taken away into heaven. And then it must be from  
out of the world, according to that we read, I went forth from the Father, and I came into the  
world: I leave the world again, and I go unto the Father. That is, not else but as he came from the  
Father of heaven into this world, in that he was incarnate and made man, (for his Godhead was  
never absent, either from heaven, or yet from earth,) even so should his manhood leave the world  
again, to go to heaven. Moreover, in that it is said, So shall he come, is plainly testified, that he is  
away, and now corporally absent.  
"Finally, it is showed, further, after what manner he shall come again, by these words,  
Even as you have seen him going up into heaven; which is not else but as you did visibly see him  
ascend or go away to heaven, a cloud embracing him, and taking him from among you; even so  
shall you visibly see him to come again in the clouds, as we read in Matthew, You shall see the  
Son of man to come in the clouds of heaven: and again, And they shall see the Son of man. Such  
other texts have we full many, declaring my sentence to be catholic and true; of which I here  
shall briefly note some places, and pass over them, knowing that a little rehearsal is sufficient to  
your noble wisdom. The places be, Mark xvi.; Luke xxiv.; John xiii., xiv., xvi., and xvii.; Rom.  
viii.; Ephes. i. and ii.; and 2 Cor. vi.; Heb. viii., ix., x., and xii.; and 1 Thess. iv.; and 1 Pet. ii.;  
which all do testify, that Christ hath bodily forsaken the world, and, departing from it unto his  
Father, ascended into heaven; sitting still upon the right hand of the Father, above all dominion,  
power, and principality; where he is present Advocate and Intercessor before his Father; and that  
he shall so bodily come again, like as he was seen to depart from hence.  
"Nothing can better, or more clearly, testify and declare, what is contained in the  
sacrament of Christ's holy body and blood, than do the words of Scripture, whereby it was  
instituted. Mark doth agree with Matthew, so that in a manner he reciteth his very words. And no  
marvel it is; for, as the doctors do say, The Gospel of Mark is a very epitome or abridgement of  
Matthew. I shall therefore write the relations of them, touching the institution of this sacrament,  
together. The relation or testimony of Matthew is this: As they were eating, Jesus took bread; and  
when he had given thanks, he brake and gave to his disciples, and said, Take, eat; this is my  
body. And taking the cup, and giving thanks, he gave it to them, saying, Drink ye all of this; for  
this is my blood of the new testament, which is shed for many, for the remission of sins. And I  
say unto you, I will not drink henceforth of this fruit of the vine, until that day, that I drink it new  
with you in the kingdom of my Father.  
"The testimony or relation of Mark, is this: And as they did eat, Jesus took the bread, and  
when he had given thanks, he brake it, and gave it to them, and said, Take, eat; this is my body.  
And he took the cup, and when he had given thanks, he gave it to them, and they all drank of it,  
and he said unto them, This is my blood of the new testament, which is shed for many. Verily, I  
say unto you, I will drink no more of the fruit of the vine, unto that day that I drink it new in the  
kingdom of God. Luke, being the companion of Paul, as appeareth in the Acts, and 2 Tim. iv.,  
doth so next agree with him in making relation of this supper, and holy institution of the  
sacrament. His relation or report is this: When he had taken bread, and given thanks, he brake it,  
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and gave to them, saying, This is my body, which is given for you; do this in remembrance of  
me. Likewise also, after supper, he took the cup, saying, This cup is the new testament in my  
blood, which is shed for you.  
"Paul's testimony doth follow next, agreeably to Luke, and it is thus: For I have received  
of the Lord that which I also have delivered to you; that our Lord Jesus Christ, in the same night  
in which he was betrayed, took bread; and when he had given thanks he brake it, and said, Take,  
eat; this is my body which is broken for you: this do ye in remembrance of me. After the same  
manner he also took the cup when he had supped, saying, This cup is the new testament in my  
blood: this do, as oft as ye drink it, in the remembrance of me; for as often as ye shall eat this  
bread, and drink this cup, ye shall show the Lord's death till he come. By these testimonies shall I  
declare my sentence to your Grace, which I conceive of the holy sacrament of Christ's blessed  
body and blood, and in all points of difficulty shall I annex the very interpretation of the old holy  
doctors and fathers, to show that I do not ground any thing upon myself. Thereafter shall I add  
certain arguments, which, I trust, shall clearly prove and justify my sentence to be true, catholic,  
and according both with God and his laws, and also with the mind of holy doctors.  
"My sentence is this: That Christ ascended into heaven, and so hath forsaken the world,  
and thereshall abide, sitting on the right hand of his Father, without returning hither again, until  
the general doom; at which time he shall come from thence, to judge the dead and the living.  
This all do I believe done in his natural body, which he took of the blessed Virgin Mary his  
mother, in which he also suffered passion for our safety and redemption upon a cross; who died  
for us, and was buried: in which he also did rise again to life immortal. That Christ is thus  
ascended in his manhood and natural body, and so assumpt into heaven, we may soon prove;  
forasmuch as the Godhead of him is never out of heaven, but ever replenishing both heaven and  
earth, and all that is besides, being infinite and interminable or uncircumscriptible, so that it  
cannot properly either ascend or descend, being without all alterations, and immutable or  
unmovable. So that now his natural body, being assumpt from among us, and departed out of the  
world, the same can no more return from thence unto the end of the world. For as Peter  
witnesseth, Whom the heavens must contain, until the time that all things be restored which God  
had spoken by the mouth of all his holy prophets since the world began. And the same doth the  
article of our Creed teach us, which is, From thence [i. e. from heaven] shall he come, to judge  
the quick and the dead;' which time Paul calleth the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ.  
"Seeing then this natural body of our Saviour, that was born of his mother Mary being a  
virgin, is all whole assumpt into heaven, and departed out of this world, and, so as saith St. Peter,  
He must remain in heaven until the end of the world, which he calleth, the time when all things  
must be restored; this, I say, seen and believed according to our Creed and the Scriptures, I  
cannot perceive how the natural body of him can, contrariwise, be in the world, and so in the  
sacrament. And yet, notwithstanding, is this true, that the holy sacrament is Christ's body and  
blood, as after shall be declared."  
Doctors affirming the same.  
"
But first, for the establishing of my former purpose, that the natural body of our Saviour  
is so absent from this world, and ascended into heaven, that it can be here no more present until  
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the general doom; I would beseech your Grace to consider the mind and sentence of the old holy  
doctors in this purpose or matter, how agreeably they testify with that which is before showed.  
Amongst whom we have first St. Augustine, writing thus to Dardanus.  
"Therefore as concerning the Word, Christ is the Creator, all things are made by him. But  
as touching man, Christ is a creature made of the seed of David, according to the flesh, and  
ordained according to the similitude of men. Also, because man consisteth of two things, the soul  
and the flesh, in that he had a soul, he was pensive and sorrowful unto death; in that he had flesh,  
he suffered death. Neither when we call the Son of God Christ, we do separate his manhood; nor,  
when we call the same Christ the Son of man, we do separate his Godhead from him. In that he  
was man, he was conversant upon the earth (and not in heaven, where he now is) when he said,  
No man ascendeth up into heaven, but he which descended from heaven, the Son of man, which  
is in heaven: although in that respect that he was the Son of God, he was in heaven; and in that  
he was the Son of man, he was yet in the earth, and as yet was not ascended into heaven.  
Likewise, in that respect that he is the Son of God, he is the Lord of glory; and in that he is the  
Son of man, he was crucified: and yet, notwithstanding, the apostle saith, And if they had known  
the Lord of glory, they would never have crucified him. And by this, both the Son of man was in  
heaven; and the Son of God, in that he was man, was crucified upon earth. Therefore, as he  
might well be called the Lord of glory, being crucified, when as yet that suffering did only  
pertain unto the flesh; so it might well be said, This day thou shalt be with me in paradise, when,  
according to the humility of his manhood in his flesh, he lay in the grave; and according to his  
soul, he was in the bottom of hell that same day. According to his divine immutability, he never  
departed from paradise, because, by his Godhead, he is always every where. Doubt you not,  
therefore, that there is Christ Jesus according to his manhood, from whence he shall come.  
Remember it well, and keep faithfully thy Christian confession; for he rose from the dead, he  
ascended into heaven, and sitteth at the right hand of the Father: neither will he come from any  
other place than from thence, to judge the quick and the dead. And he shall come, as the voice of  
the angel beareth witness, as he was seen to go into heaven; that is to say, in the selfsame form  
and substance of flesh, whereunto, undoubtedly, he gave immortality, but he did not take away  
the nature thereof: according to this form of his flesh, he is not to be thought to be everywhere.  
And we must take heed that we do not affirm the Divinity of his manhood, that we thereby take  
away the truth of his body: for it is not a good consequent, that that thing which is in God should  
so be in every place as God. For the Scripture saith very truly of us, that in Him we live, move  
and have our being: and yet, notwithstanding, we are not in every place as he is; but that man is  
otherwise in God, because God is otherwise in man, by a certain proper and singular manner of  
being; for God and man is one person, and only Jesus Christ is both. In that he is God, he is in  
every place; but in that he is man, he is in heaven.'  
"
By these words of holy Augustine, your Grace may evidently see, that he testifieth and  
teacheth the blessed body or flesh of Christ to be no where else than in heaven. For to it being  
assumpt or ascended into heaven, God, as he saith, hath given immortality, but not taken away  
nature: so that by the nature of that holy flesh or body, it must occupy one place. Wherefore it  
followeth, 'According to this form,' that is to wit, of his flesh, 'Christ is not to be thought to be in  
every place;' for if Christ should, in his humanity, be every where diffused or spread abroad, so  
should his bodily nature, or natural body, be taken from him. And therefore he saith, 'For we  
must beware that we do not so affirm the divinity of man, that we do take away the humanity of  
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his body.' But in that he is God, so is he every where, according to my words before written; and  
in that he is man, so is he in heaven. And, therefore, it is said, For God and man is one person,  
and only Jesus Christ is both. He, in that he is every where, is God: but in that he is man, he is in  
heaven.  
"And yet do we read, agreeably to the same matter, more largely in the same epistle, by  
these words: 'Thou shalt not doubt Christ our Lord, the only Son of God, equal with his Father;  
and the same being the Son of man, whereby the Father is greater, is present every where as God,  
and is in one and the same temple of God as God, and also in some place of heaven, as  
concerning the true shape of body.'  
"Thus find we clearly, that for the measure of his very body he must be in one place, and  
that in heaven, as concerning his manhood; and yet every where present in that he is the eternal  
Son of God, and equal to his Father. Like testimony doth he give in the thirtieth treatise that he  
maketh upon the Evangely of John. These be his words there written: Until the world be at an  
end, the Lord is above, but here is the truth of the Lord also; for the body of our Lord in which he  
rose must be in one place, but his truth is abroad in every place. The first parcel, that is, Until the  
world's end, is so put, that it may join to the sentence going before, or else to these words  
following, The Lord is above, &c.; and so should well accord to my sentence before showed,  
which is, The Lord is so bodily ascended, that in his natural body he cannot again return from  
heaven until the general doom.  
"
But howsoever the said clause or parcel be applied, it shall not greatly skill, for my  
sentence notwithstanding remaineth full stedfast; insomuch as the Scripture doth mention but  
two advents or comings of Christ, of which the first is performed in his blessed incarnation, and  
the second is the coming at the general doom. And furthermore, in this article of our Creed,  
'
From thence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead,' is not only showed wherefore he  
shall come again, but also when he shall come again; so that in the mean while, as the other  
article of our Creed witnesseth, 'He sitteth at the right hand of God his Father,' which is nothing  
else than to say, he remaineth in glory with the Father. Furthermore, even as I have before  
rehearsed the aforesaid authority of Augustine, so have I read in his Quinquagenes, upon a  
psalm, of which I cannot now precisely note or name the number. And the same words doth he  
also write in the epistle to St. Jerome; so that we may know he had good liking in it, that he so  
commonly doth use it as his usual proverb, or by-word.  
"
In the same is also testified, that his blessed body can be but in one place, so that it being  
now, according to the Scripture and article of our belief or Creed, in heaven, it cannot be in  
earth; and much less can it be in so innumerable places of the earth, as we may perceive that the  
sacrament is. Thus, although the body of our Saviour must be in one place, as he writeth  
agreeably to the saying of Peter, Whom the heavens must receive until the time of the restitution  
of all things; yet, as the words following make mention, But his verity is scattered every where.  
This verity of Christ, or of his body, I do take to be what he in other places doth call the virtue of  
the sacrament. As in the twenty-fifth treatise upon John we find thus written: 'The sacrament is  
one thing, and the virtue of the sacrament is another thing.' And again, 'If any man eat of him, he  
dieth not; but he meaneth of him that doth appertain to the virtue of the sacrament, and not of  
him that pertaineth to the visible sacrament.' And to declare what is the virtue of the sacrament,  
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'which I count to be the truth of the Lord or of his body,' he saith, 'He who eateth inwardly in  
spirit, not outwardly; he that eateth in heart, and not he who cheweth with teeth.'  
"So that finally, this 'truth of the Lord or his body,' which is dispersed every where  
abroad, is the spiritual profit, fruit, and comfort, that is opened to be received every where of all  
men, by faith in the verity of the Lord, that is to wit, in the very and true promise or testament  
made to us in the Lord's body that was crucified and suffered death for us, and rose again,  
ascending immortal into heaven, where he sitteth, that is, abideth, on the right hand of his Father,  
from thence not to return until thegeneral doom or judgment. This bodily absence of our Saviour  
is likewise clearly showed in the fiftieth treatise that he maketh upon John, where he doth  
expound this text, Ye have the poor always with you, but ye shall not always have me with you,  
to my purpose, that thereby I count and hold mine opinion to be rather catholic, than theirs that  
hold the contrary. Finally, the same doth he confirm in his sermons of the second and third Feries  
of Easter; and in so many places besides, as here cannot be recited, the number of them is so  
passing great.  
"With him consenteth full plainly Fulgentius, in his second book to Thrasimundus,  
writing in this wise: "'One and the same man, being local in that he is man, who is God Almighty  
of the Father. One and the same, according to human substance, being absent from heaven when  
he was in the earth, and leaving the earth when he ascended up into heaven; but, according to his  
Divine and almighty substance, neither departing from heaven when he descended from heaven,  
neither leaving the earth when he ascended into heaven. The which may well be known by the  
undoubtful saying of our Lord himself; which, that he might the better show his humanity  
occupying a place, said unto his disciples, I ascend up unto my Father and your Father, unto my  
God and your God. Also when he had said of Lazarus, Lazarus is dead, he adjoined, saying, And  
I am glad for your sakes, that you may believe, because I was not there. But, showing the  
greatness of his Divinity, he said to his Disciples, Behold, I am with you unto the end of the  
world. For how did he ascend into heaven, but because he is local and true man? and how is he  
present to his faithful, but because he is Almighty and true God?' &c.  
"
In this manner doth Fulgentius proceed forth, speaking much full agreeably to my  
sentence, which is now over-long here to write. But what can be said more plainly in so few  
words making for me?  
"First he saith, that Christ being a man, is, as concerning his manhood, local, that is to  
say, contained in one place. And to express that more clearly, he addeth to it, saying, 'He is one  
and the same, according to his human substance; absent from heaven when he was in earth, and  
leaving the earth when he ascended into heaven;' whereas he hath a contrary antithesis for the  
godly nature, to show forth the first point the more effectually. The antithesis is thus: 'But  
according to his Divine and incomparable substance, neither leaving heaven when he descended  
from heaven, neither forsaking the earth when he ascended into heaven.' Whereby that is also  
confirmed which I said: Christ did descend and ascend, as touching his humanity, but not in his  
Deity, which is immutable and unmovable; as we may perceive by that he here doth call it  
'almighty substance.' Furthermore, to show that Christ (as touching his human and natural body)  
is local, and in one place, he allegeth, and that right justly, two texts of Scripture: the first is, I  
ascend to my Father, &c.; and the second is of Lazarus, I am glad for your sakes, &c.  
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"Finally, he maketh this demand: 'But how did he ascend into heaven, but because he is a  
local and very man?' whereby we may see, that by this sentence Christ could not ascend, except  
he had been local, that is, contained in one place, and so very man. And that is according to St.  
Augustine, writing as is above showed: 'And he shall so come (as the angel witnesseth) even as  
you have seen him go up into heaven; that is to say, in the same form and substance of his flesh.  
According to this form he is not spread abroad in every place: for we must beware that we do not  
so esteem his Divinity, that we thereby do take away the verity of his body. So that they both do  
testify, and that very plainly, that Christ could not have ascended, except he had been local, that  
is to wit, contained in one place, and very man; and that if he were not local, he could not be a  
man. Wherefore St. Augustine saith further, to Dardanus, 'Take away locality, or occupying of  
place from bodies, and they shall be no where: and because they shall be no where, they shall  
have no being at all.'  
"We, therefore, coveting to find Christ or his natural body, should seek for him in heaven,  
where his natural manhood is sitting on the right hand of his Father. So willeth us St. Ambrose,  
in the tenth book which he writeth upon Luke, speaking of Christ's humanity assumpt, in this  
wise: 'Therefore we ought not to seek thee upon the earth, nor in the earth, neither according to  
the flesh, if we will find thee: for now, according to the flesh, we do not know Christ.  
Furthermore, Stephen did not seek thee upon the earth, when that he did see thee standing on the  
right hand of God the Father: but Mary, which sought thee upon the earth, could not touch thee.  
Stephen touched thee, because he sought thee in heaven: Stephen amongst the Jews saw thee  
being absent,' &c.  
"Thus we must seek for the natural body of Christ, not upon the earth, but in heaven, if  
we will not be deceived. And that doth he more largely show in the same treatise, speaking thus  
of the verity of Christ's body: 'How could it come to pass that the body could not rest in the  
sepulchre, in which the tokens of the wounds and scars did appear, which the Lord himself did  
offer to be touched (in which doing he did not only establish the faith, but also augmented  
devotion)? Because he would rather carry up into heaven the wounds received for us, and would  
not put them away, that he might present to God the Father the price of our liberty: such a one  
the Father doth place at his right hand, embracing the triumph and victory of our salvation,' &c.  
"Gregory also, in a homily of Pentecost, saith agreeably to the others, in these words:  
'When was it that he did not tarry with them, which, ascending up into heaven, promiseth,  
saying, Behold, I am here with you continually until the end of the world? But the Word  
Incarnate tarrieth, and also goeth away. It departeth in body, and tarrieth in Divinity. And  
therefore he saith, that he tarried with them: even he which was ever present with them by his  
invisible power, and now departed by his corporal vision.' In like wise doth he testify in the  
homily of Easter-day.  
"With these doth Bede accord in a homily of Easter, in which he declareth this text, A  
little while, and ye shall not see me: and again, a little while, and ye shall see me: and also in a  
homily of the Vigil of Pentecost. And who can otherwise say or think, knowing the Scripture and  
our belief, but that the natural body of Christ is so assumpt into heaven all whole, that it must  
there abide without returning, until the general judgment? Notwithstanding, seeing this is the  
chief point whereupon I seek to establish my sentence in this matter of the holy sacrament, that  
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Christ's holy and natural body is so assumpt into heaven, that there it must remain all whole  
without returning until the general doom, I will yet, with the permission of your Grace, add one  
or two arguments deduced out of the Scriptures, to declare further my sentence to be faithful and  
catholic."  
Arguments out of Scripture.  
"First, as Christ was enclosed, and so borne about, in the womb of his mother, being a  
virgin undefiled, and afterwards was born into this world, and put in a manger, and so he,  
growing in age, did abide in divers places, but in one after another, some time in Galilee, some  
time in Samaria, some time in Jewry, some time beyond and some time on this side of Jordan,  
and consequently he was crucified at Jerusalem, there being enclosed and buried in a grave, from  
whence he did arise, so that the angels testified of him, He is risen, and is not here; and as at the  
time appointed, after his resurrection, he was assumpt, or lifted up into heaven from the top of  
the mount of Olivet, in the sight of his disciples, a cloud compassing him about; even so shall he  
come from the same celestial place corporally, as they did see him to depart out of the one place  
corporally, according to the testimony of the angels. So that in this we may undoubtedly find that  
Christ, as touching his manhood, cannot be corporally in many and divers places at once; and so  
to be corporally in his natural body in heaven, and also in the earth; and that it is, moreover, in so  
many parts of the world, as men have affirmed.  
"Neither doth the Scripture require that we should spoil Christ of the property of man's  
nature, which is, to be in one place, whom the same Scripture doth perpetually witness and teach  
to be man, and so to confound the condition of his bodily nature with the nature divine. Paul doth  
teach, that Christ, in his manhood, was made in all points like unto his brethren, sin excepted:  
how then can his body be in more places at once, unlike unto the natural property of the bodies  
of us his brethren? But here do some witty philosophers, yea, rather sophisters than divines,  
bring in, to the annulling of Christ's humanity, a similitude of man's soul, which, being one, is  
yet so all whole in all our whole body, that it is said to be all whole in every part of the body. But  
such should remember, that it is no convenient similitude which is made of things different and  
diverse in nature, such as be the soul and body of man, to prove them to have like properties.  
This is as if they would prove Christ's body to be of one nature and property with his soul, and  
that things naturally corporal were not most diverse from creatures naturally spiritual.  
"Furthermore, if so it might be, that the body or flesh of Christ were merely spiritual, and  
full like unto the substance of angels, yet it could not in this wise follow, that his body could be  
every where, or in divers places at once. Wherefore such subtleties are to be omitted, and the  
trade of Scripture should well like us, by which the old doctors do define that the body of Jesus,  
exalted or assumpt into heaven, must be local, circumscript, and in one place, notwithstanding  
that the verity, spiritual grace, and fruit that cometh of it, is diffused and spread abroad in all  
places, or every where. How could Christ corporally depart out of this world, and leave the earth,  
if he in the kinds of bread and wine be not only corporally contained and received, but also there  
reserved, kept, and enclosed? What other thing else do these words testify, But Jesus knowing  
that his hour was come, that he should pass out of this world to his Father, &c.; and in like form,  
And it came to pass that as he blessed them, he departed from them, and was carried up into  
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heaven? what do they signify, if Christ went not verily out of this world, his natural body being  
surely assumpt into heaven?  
"They do therefore undoubtedly declare that Christ, being very God and very man, did  
verily depart out of this world in his natural body, his humanity being assumpt into heaven,  
where he remaineth sitting in glory with the Father: whereas yet his Deity did not leave the  
world, nor depart out from the earth. Paul doth say, that of two things he wist not which he might  
rather choose, that is to wit, to abide in the flesh, for preaching the gospel; or else to be dissolved  
from the flesh, seeing that to abide with Christ is much and far better. By which Paul doth  
manifestly prove, that they be not presently with Christ, who yet do abide mortal in the flesh. Yet  
they be with Christ in such wise as the Scripture doth say, that the believing be the temple of  
Christ; and as Paul doth say, Do you not know yourselves that Jesus Christ is in you? in which  
sense he also promised to be with us unto the end of the world. Christ, therefore, must be  
otherwise in that place in which the apostle desired to be with him, being dissolved, and departed  
from his body, than he doth abide either in the supper, or else in any other places of the churches.  
He therefore doth undoubtedly mean heaven, which is the paradise of perfect bliss and glory;  
where Christ, being a victor, triumpher, and conqueror over death, sin, and hell, and over all  
creatures, doth reign and remain corporally. Thus do I trust that your Grace doth see my  
sentence, so far forth, to be right catholic, Christian, and faithful; according to Holy Scripture, to  
holy fathers, and the articles of our Christian belief. Which sentence is this: Christ's natural body  
is so assumpt into heaven, where it sitteth or remaineth in glory of the Father, that it can no more  
come from thence, that is to wit, return from heaven, until the end of the world: and therefore  
cannot the same natural body naturally be here in the world, or in the sacrament, for then should  
it be departed or gone out of the world, and yet be still remaining in the world. It should then be  
both to come, and already come; which is a contradiction, and variant from the nature of his  
manhood."  
The second part of this matter.  
"Now my sentence in the second part of this matter is this (if so be your Grace shall  
please to know it, as I, your poor and unworthy, but full true subject, would with all submission  
and instance beseech you to know it): I grant the holy sacrament to be the very and natural body  
of our Saviour, and his very natural blood, and that the natural body and blood of our Saviour is  
in the sacrament after a certain wise, as after shall appear: for so do the words of the supper  
testify, Take, eat; this is my body which is given for you: and again, Drink ye all of this; this is  
my blood which is of the new testament, which is shed for many for the remission of sins. Of  
which words, seeing on them depend a great trial and proof of this matter, and that for the  
interpretation of them is, and hath been, all the controversy of this matter, I, therefore, shall show  
the interpretation that holy doctors have made of them, that, as to me seemeth, be full worthy of  
credit.  
"First, We find in the second book of Tertullian, which he writeth against Marcion,  
'Christ did not reprove the bread, because it doth represent his body.' This Marcion, against  
whom Tertullian doth thus write, did erroneously reprove all creatures as evil. Which thing  
Tertullian doth improve by the sacrament, saying as is above written, 'Christ did not reprove the  
bread, which representeth his body.' As who would say, If Christ had judged the bread evil, then  
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would he not have left it for a sign or sacrament to represent his blessed body. Agreeably to the  
same doth he also say in the fourth book made against the said Marcion in these words 'Christ  
made the same bread, which he took and distributed to his disciples, his body, saying, This is my  
body; that is to say, the figure of my body. But it could not have been a figure, unless it were the  
body of a very true thing indeed. Furthermore, a void thing, which is a fantasy, could not receive  
a figure or a form.' This Marcion had an erroneous opinion, that Christ had no natural body, but a  
body fantastical; which error or heresy, this famous doctor Tertullian doth improve by the holy  
sacrament, saying, as before is written, that the sacrament is a figure of Christ's body: ergo,  
Christ had a very and true body; for a thing which is vain and fantastical can receive no figure.  
So that in both places we may clearly perceive his interpretation of these words, This is my body:  
which interpretation is not new, but authentic, or full ancient, like as is the writer. And this  
interpretation do I the rather allow, because none of the older doctors which followed him did  
ever reprove him there-for, but rather have followed it; as appeareth by holy Augustine. In the  
preface upon the third Psalm, doth the said Augustine highly commend the wonderful sufferance  
of Christ, which so long did suffer and forbear Judas, as if he had been a good and an honest  
man: whereas, notwithstanding, he did know his traitorous thoughts, when he received him to the  
feast or supper in which he did commend and deliver to his disciples the figure of his body and  
blood. The words of Augustine be these: 'In the history of the New Testament, the patience of  
our Lord was so great, and so to be marvelled at, because he suffered Judas so long as a good  
man, when be knew his thoughts when be received him to the feast in which he did commend  
and deliver the figure of his body and blood to his disciples.'  
"The same holy doctor also, writing against Adamantius, saith thus: 'For the Lord did not  
doubt to say, This is my body, when he gave a sign of his body.' And for a further declaration, in  
the same chapter, he saith, 'For so the blood is the soul, as the rock was Christ.' Notwithstanding  
he doth not say, that the rock did signify Christ: but he doth say, that the rock was Christ.  
"Expressly doth Augustine here call the sign of Christ's body, his body; plainly  
interpreting these words, This is my body, as both he and Tertullian did before.  
"Moreover, he taketh these three sentences, This is my body, The soul is the blood, and  
Christ was the stone, to be of one phrase, and to be like speeches, or to be expounded after one  
fashion. And this text, The rock was Christ, doth he commonly thus expound, 'The rock did  
signify Christ;' as appeareth, lib. xviii. De Civitate Dei, cap. 48. Also in the Book of Questions  
upon Genesis, and in the Book of Questions upon Leviticus, handling John xviii.; and in his  
sermon of the Annunciation of our Lady.  
"
In like manner also St. Jerome expoundeth it in the small Scholies, written upon 1 Cor.  
i., and all other writers with one consent, so far as I can read; and so doth the text require it to be  
expounded. For Christ was not a natural stone, as all men may well perceive, and yet was he the  
very true stone figuratively, as Lyra saith, 'The thing which signifieth, is wont to be called by the  
name of the thing which it doth signify.' And so is the stone signifying Christ, called Christ,  
which thereby is signified. And as he doth approve this text, The stone was Christ, likewise doth  
he expound The blood is the soul, with which he doth knit this text, This is my body, to be  
figuratively expounded, as they be. According to this doth the holy doctor write, 'Unless a man  
do eat my flesh, he shall not see eternal life. They understood that very foolishly, and conceived  
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the same carnally; and thought that our Lord would cut away lumps or pieces of his body, and  
give to them. And they said, This is a hard saying. But they were hard of belief, and not the  
saying hard. For if they had not been hard, but meek, they would have said to themselves, He  
speaketh not this without a cause, but because there is some hid sacrament or mystery therein.  
They should have aboden with him, easy of belief, and not hard; and then should they have  
learned of him that which other learned, that tarried after they were gone away.'  
"
In this may we see, that our Saviour willeth his precious flesh to be eaten. But for the  
manner of eating, there is, and hath been, much controversy. The Jews of Capernaum were  
offended with Christ when he said, he would have his flesh eaten, and, except a man should eat  
his flesh, he could not come to life eternal. They supposed grossly, and understood him (if a man  
might so plainly speak it) butcherly, that he would cut out lumps and pieces out of his body, as  
the butcher doth out of dead beasts, and so give it them to eat of, as Augustine doth here say.  
And upon this gross, or (as holy Augustine doth here call it) foolish and fleshly understanding,  
they were offended, and said to him, This a sore or hard saying. They did shoot forth their bolt  
and unwise saying over soon, and were offended before they had cause. They took that for hard  
and sore, which should have been passing pleasant and profitable to them, if they would have  
heard the thing declared throughly to the end.  
"And even so now, that which in this matter may appear at the first blush a sore, strange,  
and intolerable sentence, forasmuch as we have not heard of it before, but the contrary hath of a  
long time been beaten into our heads, and persuaded to our minds, yet, by deliberation and  
indifferent hearing, and abiding a trial of that which at the first may appear sore and intolerable,  
shall (I trust) be found a sweet truth, to such specially as your Grace is, loving to hear and to  
know all truth. But the Capernaites were hard, as here saith Augustine, and not the word. For if  
they had not been hard, but soft and patient to hear, they would have said in themselves, Christ  
saith not this without a cause, and there is some hidden mystery therein: and so, by patient  
tarriance, they should have known the truth, that they could not attain to for perverse hastiness or  
haste, which is a great stop and let of true judgment. But the disciples tarried patiently to hear  
further, and so did they know this speech of Christ to be the words of life, that to the other, over  
readily departing from Christ, were words of death; for they took them literally and grossly: and  
the letter (as Paul saith) slayeth.  
"
But, to show what the disciples remaining with Christ did learn, St. Augustine doth  
consequently show, by the words of the Gospel, saying thus: 'But he instructed them, and said  
unto them, The spirit is that which giveth life, the flesh profiteth nothing. The words that I have  
spoken unto you are spirit and life. Understand you that which I have spoken, spiritually. You  
shall not eat this body which you see, neither shall you drink that same blood which they shall  
shed forth which shall crucify me. I have set forth to you a certain sacrament or mystery, which,  
being spiritually understood, shall give you life. And although it be requisite that this be  
celebrated visibly, yet it ought to be understood invisibly.' In this do we see, that both Christ and  
Augustine would have Christ's words to be understood spiritually, and not carnally; figuratively,  
and not literally: and therefore doth he say, You shall not eat this body which you see, neither  
shall you drink that same blood which they shall shed forth that shall crucify me. And what else  
is this, but that Christ would his body to be eaten, and his blood to be drunken? But he would not  
his body to be carnally eaten, which was materially seen of them to whom he spake; nor his  
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material or natural blood to be carnally drunken, which his crucifiers should cause to issue from  
his natural body crucified, as saith Augustine: but he ordained and willed his body and blood to  
be spiritually eaten and drunken, in faith and belief that his body was crucified for us, and that  
his blood was shed for remission of our sins.  
"This eating and drinking is nothing but such true faith and belief as is showed.  
Wherefore, as Christ saith, He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, hath life everlasting,  
even so doth he say, He that believeth in me hath life everlasting. And St. Augustine, agreeable  
to the same, treating upon John, doth say, Why dost thou prepare thy teeth and belly? believe,  
and thou hast eaten. I do know that Christ ordaineth his sacrament to be received and eaten,  
which is in a certain wise called his body, as after shall be more largely opened: but the same  
doth not feed the mind of men, except it be taken spiritually, and not corporally. It is good to  
establish the heart with grace, and not with meat.  
"And St. Augustine, assenting to the same, doth say in a sermon that he maketh upon  
these words in the Gospel of St. Luke, Lord, teach us to pray: He said bread, but supersubstantial  
bread. This is not the bread which goeth into the body; but that bread which doth satisfy the  
substance of our soul.' Our souls therefore, into whom nothing corporal can corporally enter, do  
not carnally receive the body and blood of our Saviour, neither did he ordain his blessed body  
and blood so to be eaten and drunken; although our souls cannot live except they be spiritually  
fed with the blessed body and blood of him, spiritually eating and drinking them, in taking also  
at times convenient the blessed sacrament, which is truly called his body and blood. Not that it is  
so really, but as is showed by the interpretation both of Tertullian and Augustine, because it is a  
sign or figure of Christ's body and blood. And the signs or sacraments do commonly, as saith St.  
Augustine, both Ad Bonifacium, and in his work De Civitate Dei, take their denomination of the  
things by them represented and signified.  
"
But forasmuch as some will object that Augustine, in the words before rehearsed, doth  
not speak of eating the sacrament; for the text of the Scripture, upon the which he doth ground, is  
not spoken by eating the sacrament, which text is this, Unless a man may eat my flesh, &c.; I  
answer, that true it is, he began of spiritual eating, and thereto serveth the text recited.  
Nevertheless, he meaneth that Christ is not ordained to be eaten either without the sacrament or  
in the sacrament, but spiritually of the faithful; as more evidently doth appear by these words  
there following: 'I have commended unto you a sacrament, which, being understood of you  
spiritually, shall quicken you. Although it were necessary that the same should be celebrated  
visibly, yet notwithstanding it ought to be understood invisibly.'  
"Here doth he show that he meaneth of eating, not without the sacrament only, but also in  
the sacrament, and therefore he doth not only say, 'I have commended unto you a certain  
sacrament,' &c.; but he addeth moreover, 'Although it is requisite the same to be celebrated  
visibly.' How, therefore, can the eating of Christ and the sacrament thereof be visibly celebrated,  
but in the Maundy, or in his supper; which is celebrated visibly in visible things of bread and  
wine, which cannot quicken or relieve us and our souls, except they be understood and so  
received spiritually?  
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"Furthermore, as concerning the exposition of these words of the supper, This is my  
body, &c., St. Augustine, writing to Boniface, saith thus:  
"
'We use oftentimes this manner of phrase, that when Easter doth approach, we name the  
day that cometh after, or the next day after that, the Passion of the Lord, whereas he,  
notwithstanding, had suffered before that many years; neither that passion was done but once for  
all. So truly do we say, upon the Lord's day, This day the Lord hath risen: whereas so many years  
are passed since he rose. Wherefore no man is so fond, that he will reprove us as liars for this  
manner of speaking, because we call these days according to the similitude of those in which  
these things were done: so that it is called the same day which is not the same, but which, by  
course of time of the year coming about, is like unto it; and also because that thing is said to be  
done that day, through the celebration of the sacrament, which was not done that day, but long  
before that time. Was not Christ once offered up in himself? and yet, notwithstanding, he is not  
only offered up in the sacrament in the solemn feasts of Easter, but every day mystically for the  
people. Neither doth he make a lie, which being demanded, answereth, that Christ is offered up:  
for, if the sacraments had not a certain similitude of those things whereof they are sacraments,  
then should they be no sacraments at all. By reason of this similitude or likeness, sacraments  
oftentimes do receive the names of the selfsame things whereof they are sacraments.  
"
'Therefore as, after a certain manner, the sacrament of Christ's body is the body of  
Christ, and the sacrament of Christ's blood is the blood of Christ; even likewise, the sacrament of  
faith is faith: for to believe, is none other thing than to have faith. And by this it is answered, that  
the very infants have faith, because of the sacrament of faith, and convert themselves unto God,  
because of the sacrament of conversion: for the very answer itself doth appertain unto the  
celebration of the sacrament. As the apostle speaketh of baptism; for he saith, We are buried by  
baptism into death. He did not say, We have signified a burying, but he plainly saith, We are  
buried. Therefore he named the sacrament of so weighty a matter or thing by no other name, but  
by the very name of the thing itself.'  
"Nothing can be more plainly spoken, or more agreeable to the natural understanding of  
the texts of the supper, and to the exposition before showed of Tertullian and of himself. For  
seeing that Christ is bodily in heaven, and so absent from the earth, it is needful to know how the  
holy sacrament, which he doth call his body and blood, should be his body and blood.  
"This holy doctor Augustine, therefore, doth this matter manifestly and sincerely declare  
by other like speeches; and first by common speeches, and secondly by speeches of Scripture.  
The first common speech is, 'We do,' saith he, 'use often to say, that when Easter doth approach  
or draw nigh, tomorrow, or the next day, is the Lord's passion: whereas he did suffer before  
many years past, and that passion was never but once done.'  
"The second common speech is, 'And of that Sunday we say, that this day the Lord did  
rise from death; whereas so many years be yet past since the time he arose.' Wherefore to  
conclude, he saith, 'No man is so foolish, that he will reprove us for so saying, or to say that we  
have lied, because we do call these days after the similitude of those in which these things were  
done. So that it is called the same day, not for that it is the selfsame, but by revolution of time  
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FOXE'S BOOK OF MARTYRS  
like unto it. And the resurrection is said to be done in the same day, through the celebrating of  
the sacrament of that which is not done that day, but long time before past.'  
"The third speech, 'Was not Christ offered up once for all in his own person? yet is he  
nevertheless offered in the sacrament mystically for the people, not only every year at the feast  
of Easter, but also every day: neither doth he lie, which, when he is demanded, shall answer, that  
he is offered up or sacrificed. For if the sacraments had not a certain similitude of those things of  
which they be sacraments, then should they be no sacraments at all: by reason of which  
similitude they do for the most part receive the denomination or name of those things signified.  
And, therefore, after a certain manner, the sacrament of Christ's body is the body of Christ, and  
the sacrament of Christ's blood is the blood of Christ, and so also be the sacraments of faith  
called faith.' This doth he yet prove by another example of speech, which is this: It is none other  
thing to believe, than to have faith. And therefore, when answer is made that the infants have  
faith, who indeed have it not in full working, it is answered that such have faith for the sacrament  
of faith, and that they do convert themselves unto faith for the sacrament of conversion. For the  
very answer itself doth pertain to the celebration of the sacrament, &c. Thus doth it sufficiently  
appear, that as we use truly to call that Good Friday, or the day of Christ's passion, which is not  
indeed the day of Christ's passion, but only a memorial thereof once done for ever; and as we use  
to call the next Easter-day, the day of Christ's resurrection, not because that Christ in the same  
day shall arise, but only for a memorial of his resurrection once done for ever, and that of long  
time past; and as Christ, being offered up once for all in his own proper person, is yet said to be  
offered up not only every year at Easter, but also every day in the celebration of the sacrament,  
because his oblation, once for ever made, is thereby represented: even so, saith Augustine, is the  
sacrament of Christ's body the body of Christ, and the sacrament of Christ's blood the blood of  
Christ, in a certain wise or fashion. Not that the sacrament is his natural body or blood indeed,  
but that it is a memorial or representation thereof, as the days before showed be of his very and  
natural body crucified for us, and of his precious blood shed for the remission of our sins. And  
thus be the holy signs or sacraments truly called by the names of the very things in them  
signified. But why so? for they, saith Augustine, have a certain similitude of those things  
whereof they be signs or sacraments; for else they should be no sacraments at all: and therefore  
do they commonly, and for the most part, receive the denomination of the things whereof they be  
sacraments.  
"So that we may manifestly perceive that he calleth not the sacrament of Christ's body  
and blood the very body and blood of Christ, but as he saidbefore. But yet he saith, in a certain  
manner or wise. Not that the sacrament absolutely and plainly is his natural body and blood; for  
this is a false argument of sophistry, which they call Secundum quid ad simpliciter; that is to say,  
that the sacrament of Christ's body is in a certain wise the body of Christ: ergo, it is also plainly  
and expressly the natural body of Christ. For such another reason might this be also: Christ is  
after a certain manner a lion, a lamb, and a door: ergo, Christ is a natural lion, and a lamb, or a  
material door. But the sacrament of Christ's body and blood is therefore called his body and  
blood, because it is thereof a memorial, sign, sacrament, token, and representation, spent once for  
our redemption: which thing is further expounded by another speech that he doth here  
consequently allege of baptism: Sicut de ipso baptismo apostolus dicit, &c. 'The apostle,' quoth  
Augustine, 'saith not, We have signified burying, but he saith utterly, We be buried with Christ.  
For else should all false Christians be buried with Christ from sin, who yet do live in all sin.' And  
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431 -  
VOLUME 6  
therefore saith Augustine immediately thereupon, He called therefore the sacrament of so great a  
thing, by none other name than of the thing itself.'  
"Thus, O most gracious and godly prince! do I confess and acknowledge, that the bread  
of the sacrament is truly Christ's body, and the wine to be truly his blood, according to the words  
of the institution of the same sacrament: but in a certain wise, that is to wit, figuratively,  
sacramentally, or significatively, according to the exposition of the doctors before recited, and  
hereafter following. And to this exposition of the old doctors am I enforced both by the articles  
of my creed, and also by the circumstances of the said Scripture, as after shall more largely  
appear. But by the same can I not find the natural body of our Saviour to be there naturally, but  
rather absent both from the sacrament, and from all the world, collocate and remaining in  
heaven, where he, by promise, must abide corporally, unto the end of the world.  
"The same holy doctor, writing against one Faustus, saith in like manner, 'If we do prefer  
with great admiration the Maccabees, because they would not once touch the meats which  
Christian men now lawfully use to eat of, for that it was not lawful for that time, being then  
prophetical, that is, in the time of the Old Testament; how much rather now ought a Christian to  
be more ready to suffer all things for the baptism of Christ, and for the sacrament of  
thanksgiving, and for the sign of Christ, seeing that those of the Old Testament were the  
promises of the things to be complete and fulfilled, and these sacraments in the New Testament  
are the tokens of things complete and finished?' In this do I note, that according to the  
expositions before showed, he calleth the sacrament of baptism, and the sacrament of Christ's  
body and blood, otherwise properly named Eucharistia, signum Christi, that is, a sign of Christ;  
and that, in the singular number, forasmuch as they both do signify well-nigh one thing. In both  
them is testified the death of our Saviour. And moreover, he called them indicia rerum  
completarum; that is tò wit, the tokens or benefits that we shall receive by the belief of Christ for  
us crucified. And them he doth usually call both the sacraments, signum Christi, in the singular  
number. And as the same St. Augustine in his fiftieth treatise upon the Gospel of St. John  
teacheth, where he saith thus: 'If thou be good, if thou pertain to the body of Christ, (which this  
word Petrus doth signify,) then hast thou Christ both here present, and in time to come: here  
present through faith; here present by the figure and sign of Christ; here present by the sacrament  
of baptism; here present by the meat and drink of the altar,' &c."  
More there was that John Lambert wrote to the king, but thus much only came to our  
hands.  
END OF VOLUME 6  
-432-  

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